The future of the European Semester in the context of the Recovery and Resilience Facility - Council conclusions

 

Tuesday 9 November 2021

● Council of the EU   09/11/2021 15:54 | Press release | The future of the European Semester in the context of the Recovery and Resilience Facility - Council conclusions   The Council of the European Union: NOTES that in 2020, the framework for the annual coordination of economic, fiscal and employment policies across the European Union known as the European Semester was temporarily adjusted due to the COVID-19 pandemic towards addressing the negative health and socio-economic consequences. New economic circumstances and the European response to the COVID-19 crisis caused a temporary adjustment of the European Semester also in 2021 with policy guidance focusing solely on fiscal policies, as the attention was put on the preparation, adoption and implementation of the Recovery and Resilience Plans. WELCOMES that the adjustment of the European Semester in 2020 and 2021 including on fiscal guidance contributed to the coordination of policy actions to effectively address the pandemic, sustain the economy and support a sustainable recovery. AGREES that also during this exceptional period, the European Semester proved to be a credible and flexible framework for the EU economic, fiscal and employment policy coordination. UNDERLINES that the European Semester and the Recovery and Resilience Facility should continue, without duplications, to tackle the crisis’ impact and to contribute to strengthening economic resilience and sustainable, dynamic and inclusive long-term growth, thus enhancing convergence among the EU economies. STRESSES that the European Semester should continue to ensure comprehensive surveillance of fiscal, financial, economic and employment policies, and it should closely monitor remaining and evolving risks and challenges, detect policy gaps, and ensure their follow-up. The European Semester should pay particular attention to the green and digital transition, which must be a key driver in the recovery; it should promote sustainable economic growth, well-functioning labour markets and social inclusion. CALLS for a swift return to the core elements of the European Semester in the 2022 cycle, especially reinstating country reports and country-specific recommendations. UNDERLINES the need to take into account the ongoing recovery process, the related uncertainties and the implementation of the Recovery and Resilience Facility. STRESSES that country-specific recommendations should focus on a comprehensive range of challenges concerning economic, fiscal and employment policies, including those with large spillovers. STRESSES the need for ensuring the complementarity and exploring synergies between the European Semester and the implementation of the Recovery and Resilience Facility, including streamlining of reporting requirements, wherever possible, to avoid excessive administrative burden and overlaps. LOOKS FORWARD to the Commission’s early guidance on national reporting and monitoring requirements, especially regarding the minimum requirements for the annual national reform programmes. UNDERLINES the importance of an open dialogue with the Commission services on national economic, fiscal and employment policies throughout the European Semester cycle. Broad-based mutual understanding of national policy needs can increase national ownership in the European Semester and contribute to the improved implementation of relevant policy reforms. HIGHLIGHTS that, together with national ownership, transparency of the process must be ensured. RECALLS that multilateral surveillance and the related peer reviews remain central in the EU economic policy coordination under the European Semester. UNDERLINES that high-quality Commission analysis and policy recommendations are key for efficient multilateral reviews and subsequent national policy action. ACKNOWLEDGES the expectation of the deactivation of the general escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact as of 2023. STRESSES the need to safeguard the economic recovery, also taking into account the uncertainty of the economic outlook and the asymmetric impacts of this crisis, while ensuring that fiscal policy is agile and adjusted to circumstances, and fiscal sustainability preserved in the medium term. STRESSES the importance of continued monitoring of the implementation of country-specific recommendations under the European Semester and the communication of the annual assessment of the implementation progress. Regular stocktaking at the EU level and related peer reviews remain crucial for promoting reform implementation. NOTES that it may require several years to effectively implement major structural reforms, and therefore RECALLS the possible benefits of issuing policy recommendations on structural economic policies less frequently than annually, combined with an annual assessment. WELCOMES the continued implementation of the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure also during the COVID-19 pandemic and in the context of the related heightened economic uncertainties, including the Commission’s 2021 Alert Mechanism Report and in-depth reviews. CALLS for close monitoring of the evolution of existing imbalances and remaining vigilant for detecting and addressing also new imbalances. RECALLS that swift and effective implementation of the Recovery and Resilience Facility has a potential for contributing to the correction and prevention of imbalances. PLANS to have thorough discussions on the economic governance review which was relaunched by the Commission on 19 October, and its potential implications on the operation of the European Semester, especially as regards the Stability and Growth Pact and the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure

Council green lights new rules on health technology assessment..

 

Tuesday 9 November 2021

● Council of the EU   09/11/2021 13:15 | Press release | Council green lights new rules on health technology assessment, improving access to medicines and simplifying procedures   The Council today gave its final go-ahead for the adoption of a regulation on health technology assessment. Thanks to the new rules, innovative, safe and effective health technologies will be more quickly available for patients. Producers of medicines and medical devices will benefit because submission procedures will be simplified. Janez Poklukar, the Slovenian minister for health stated: ‘The adoption of this law is another demonstration of how EU countries, when acting together, can achieve very practical results for their citizens. This new law will benefit patients, producers of health technologies and our health systems.’ The new rules foresee that member states cooperate to conduct joint clinical assessments and joint scientific consultations. They will also join forces when it comes to the identification of emerging health technologies. In order to reduce the administrative burden especially for smaller companies, developers of health technologies should only have to submit information, data and other evidence required for the joint clinical assessment once at EU-level.

Council of the EU:Main results - Economic and Financial Affairs Council, 9 November 2021

 

Meetings Tuesday 9 November 2021

● Council of the EU   09/11/2021 16:41 | MEETING | Main results - Economic and Financial Affairs Council, 9 November 2021   Ministers exchanged views on the future of the EU’s economic governance following the COVID-19 pandemic. They discussed the energy price and inflation developments and shared their initial views on the Basel III package. Ministers also discussed the economic recovery and the financing of the NGEU. They adopted conclusions on the future of the European Semester in the context of the RRF, as well as conclusions on the EU statistics. Ministers were debriefed on the meetings of G20 finance and the IMF annual meetings of 13-14 October 2021. The ECA presented its annual report on the implementation of the EU budget for the 2020 financial year and the presidency informed on the state of play of the current financial services legislative proposals.

Council of the EU
Economic and Financial Affairs Council, 9 November 2021

Main results
Economic governance and recovery

Ministers exchanged views on the EU economy following the COVID-19 pandemic, and on the implications of recent developments for economic governance. They discussed the future of the EU’s economic governance framework and gave their initial views on the way forward. This topic will be discussed further and ministers will continue their consultations in order to reach a broad consensus in due course.



Our efforts on boosting the economic recovery are taking effect. The EU’s response to the pandemic is showing good results. Now it is time to reflect on the future of our economic governance. Today, we exchanged initial views on the future of fiscal policy. It is necessary to continue discussions and try and find common ground.Andrej Šircelj, Slovenia’s Minister for Finance

They also discussed the current situation regarding the financing of Next Generation EU, a temporary recovery package to help boost EU economies in the wake of COVID-19, and the implementation of the Recovery and Resilience Facility, the centrepiece of Next Generation EU which supports reforms and investments in EU member states through loans and grants.
A recovery plan for Europe (background information)

Ministers approved conclusions on the future of the European Semester in relation to the Recovery and Resilience Facility. The conclusions call for the return of the essential elements of the European Semester in the 2022 cycle, in particular country reports and country-specific recommendations.
The future of the European Semester in the context of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (Council conclusions, 9 November 2021)
European Semester (background information)
Energy prices and inflation

Ministers discussed the recent steep increase in energy and consumer prices and the associated policy implications. They exchanged views on the Commission’s toolbox of measures that the EU and its member states can use and are already using to address the immediate impact of energy price increases.
Tackling rising energy prices: a toolbox for action and support (European Commission)
Financial services

Economy and finance ministers held a policy debate on a set of legislative proposals mostly aimed at implementing the outstanding Basel III agreements, i.e. reform measures intended to help reinforce the resilience of the EU banking sector and strengthen its supervision and risk management. The exchange of views was preceded by a presentation of this package of proposals by the Commission.
Banking package (European Commission)

The Slovenian presidency also provided information on the current financial services legislative proposals.
International meetings

The Slovenian presidency and the European Commission provided information and follow-up on the meetings of G20 finance ministers and central bank governors and on the IMF annual meetings of 13-14 October 2021.
Any other business

The European Court of Auditors presented its annual report on the implementation of the EU budget for the 2020 financial year.
ECA’s annual report on the implementation of the EU budget for the 2020 financial year


Meeting information


Meeting n°3822
Brussels
9 November 2021
Preparatory documents
Background brief
Provisional agenda
Provisional list of A items
Provisional list of A items, addition 1
Provisional list of A items, addition 2
List of A items, non-legislative activities
List of A items, legislative deliberations
Outcome documents
Outcome of the Council meeting
List of participants
Meeting voting results

"State of Europe" - Speech by President Charles Michel at the Berlin Conference 2021

 

Thursday 11 November 2021

● European Council   10/11/2021 09:03 | Speech | "State of Europe" - Speech by President Charles Michel at the Berlin Conference 2021   Thank you for your warm welcome. I am deeply touched to speak to you, here in Berlin, on such an important date – the 9th of November. As a fervent European, there is probably no better date, nor place, to talk about the future of Europe. Because it links, by chance of the calendar, two events that were the seeds of the most atrocious tragedy of our continent and a few decades later the symbolic event that marked the beginning of our unification. The Europe of 27 is the product of a unique reconciliation after a unique tragedy. And Berlin, on the 9th of November, is its symbolic capital. But Europe is not just about symbols. Europe is the result of decades of hard work by many. They were not intimidated by the distance between their starting point and their almost utopian ideal. Konrad Adenauer was one of them. Discussing the future of Europe under his watchful eye calls for high standards and modesty. I thank you for giving me this prestigious opportunity. The 21st century will be the century of Europe. This may sound presumptuous, I know. Europe, like the rest of the world, faces enormous challenges. Climate change and saving the planet, and humanity, from natural disaster. This will require a radical transformation of our development paradigm. The digital revolution … and managing the boom of artificial intelligence. And in addition, COVID-19, a long-predicted pandemic for which we were not prepared. Finally, we face the growing pressure of authoritarian regimes. They provoke new tensions and undermine our democracies. Science and facts are increasingly questioned. We are not unique. Every generation faces a unique set of seemingly insurmountable challenges. But it’s not an exaggeration to say that today’s challenges are the most complex since the aftermath of the last World War. And we all feel our collective historic responsibility. I am convinced that the EU has the strength to tackle these challenges. Europe admired in the world Of course, in Europe, we often hear pessimistic or defeatist accounts of Europe. That we are too weak, too helpless to face the dangers of these uncertain times. Some parties even use people’s anxieties as the springboard for their ambitions. I have a different experience. When I meet leaders, NGO activists, or people around the world, they almost always speak with admiration about our European Union. I recently took part in the summit of Latin American and Caribbean countries, in Mexico. When speaking with leaders there, I felt the strong, magnetic attraction that the European Union holds for them. So what exactly do they see in us? They see a great power. They see the largest area of democracy and freedom in the world. The most advanced area of prosperity and social development. They see a unique example of continental integration: peaceful and voluntary. A successful player This admiration is not an abstract projection. It can be explained by our concrete successes. Our single currency, the euro, has become the second most traded currency in the world. Our area of free movement offers benefits that we only fully appreciated when the pandemic limited them. And our successes have a direct impact on the rest of the world. For the better. The European Union has led the fight against global warming for years. Notably in 2019, when we were the first to commit to climate neutrality by 2050. And others have followed. And when COVID-19 struck, despite some initial hesitations, we reacted quickly and decisively. And most importantly, with solidarity. We agreed on the most ambitious investment and recovery package ever decided by the European Union. And this … from very different starting points. Here I would like to pay tribute to Germany. You have played a leading role in moving the lines on common European investments. And financing a recovery that benefits our entire European single market. On vaccines, the European Union was at the forefront of global fundraising. And we grounded our strategy in solidarity. Right from the start, we decided to jointly purchase vaccines for all 27 Member States. This ensured their fair distribution across our Union. Back in March, on the topic of vaccines, we knew the EU was not running a sprint, but a marathon. And indeed, the EU has become the world's largest producer and exporter of COVID vaccines. And when it comes to global vaccine solidarity, the EU is at the head of the pack. We helped launch the COVAX facility – for the equitable distribution of vaccines across the world. We are its first sponsor. We have launched programmes to develop mRNA vaccine production capacity in Africa. And we are prepared to do this elsewhere. The EU has done all this, despite having almost no competence in health in the EU treaties. We did it because the 27 Member States wanted us to. And we did it without organising a convention or changing the treaties. These successes, and the image we project across the world, reinforce my deep conviction that our unique European model will allow us to tackle this century’s greatest challenges head-on. I believe Europe is destined to become the great “power of peace” for this 21st century. A positive, unifying power. We can fulfil this destiny if we achieve the two conditions perfectly summarised by someone dear to you … and very dear to me. Angela Merkel. When she received the Charles the Fifth prize recently, in Extremadura, she said: "Europe can only be as strong as it is united. And it can only be as united as it is bound together by common values. United internally and strong externally." Unity and strength, along with our "strategic autonomy", are the keys to the future of Europe. First, unity First, unity. Where else knows better than Germany that unity – unification – makes you stronger? But as you know, unity does not appear from the Heavens. It takes work. It must be built. Step by step, day by day, year after year. It requires political courage. And for unity to work in a Union of 27, it takes two key ingredients – mutual understanding and trust. Our countries and regions have diverse histories, languages, traditions, political and economic backgrounds. It is precisely this diversity that makes Europe extraordinarily rich. But it also makes our quest for unity particularly challenging. So we must strive to understand each other and respect our differences. This means recognising the equal legitimacy of each part of our Union. There should be no talk of small and large Member States. Of centre and periphery. Of old and new. Nor should we speak of nations that have “understood” the European spirit better than others. This poisons our unity. And wreaks of condescension. No place knows this better than this city – Berlin. Where the physical fall of the Wall led to the slow dismantling of mental walls. Yet elsewhere, we sometimes hear words that make some EU countries feel like victims of double standards. This cannot happen. There is no place for double standards in one Union. For unity to survive and flourish, it needs a solid foundation. Our common values. Human dignity and freedom. Solidarity and tolerance. Respect for diversity. It also requires trust, which grows and takes shape in a set of commonly chosen and accepted rules. And patience. Unity is not chiseled in stone once and for all. It’s a process, a collective journey. You start with different interests and different points of view. You discuss. You listen actively. You work to bring them closer together. You identify common interests. You compromise – for the common good. The good of all. I often see the headlines before our European Council meetings. They denounce the divisions, as if different opinions and different national interests were a betrayal of our Union. I don’t see it like that. Democratic debate means coming together, looking each other in the eye, sometimes debating vigourously, and deciding. This is how democracy works Unity also requires ownership. In authoritarian systems, this is easy – ownership is imposed. In democratic systems, it’s more difficult – it is debated, then acquired. This leads to democratic legitimacy. In Brussels, you will sometimes hear the line: "The European Union would be an absolutely amazing invention. Unfortunately, it’s full of Member States". This implies that Member States are somehow selfish and an obstacle to achieving our “European ideal”. Nothing could be further from the truth. The European Union is based on a double democratic legitimacy. On the one hand, the legitimacy of the Member States, where parliaments are elected and appoint governments. They represent their countries in the Council. And on the other hand, the legitimacy of the directly elected European Parliament. The designation of the European Commission reflects this double democratic legitimacy. EU action is only possible when it is based on these two democratic pillars. One is not more legitimately European than the other. This legitimacy is guaranteed by the rule of law. The rule of law means the separation of powers and the mutual independence of these powers. In particular, the independence of the judiciary – the essential condition for confidence in the system. Strategic autonomy The other key to Europe's future is our strategic autonomy. This term is understood differently in different places, and with different sensibilities. What matters most is not the term, but the meaning behind it – our goals. In my view, strategic autonomy means no more and no less than being master of our own destiny. The ability to act together in an open world. It means managing our interdependencies while avoiding excessive dependencies. To reinforce our strategic autonomy, we must strengthen our prosperity, our single market and bolster our security. Prosperity Our prosperity is anchored in a competitive market of 450 million inhabitants – offering infinite scope for freedom of creation, enterprise, and exchange. We still need to perfect its framework –to complete the banking union and to achieve a true capital markets union to better channel money to the real economy. And we will soon have to discuss whether our Stability and Growth Pact, that has served us well for 24 years, needs to be updated. Ludwig Erhard always reminded Germany that "the focal point of our economy is the individual". Our European vision is one of shared prosperity, where all citizens enjoy the same opportunities and the same range of products and services. This is the meaning of our cohesion policies and of our Recovery programme – Next Generation EU – which aim to reduce the gaps between countries and regions The more our economies converge, the stronger they will be for each other. The European Union has a clear and robust strategy to face the challenges of the 21st century. A strategy underpinned by our twin transitions of climate and digital. They are enshrined in our Green Deal And in our Digital Agenda. This transition implies a massive transformation of our economic and social paradigm Today’s climate emergency leaves us no choice. We must pursue a totally new development model – one that no longer abuses natural resources, but re-uses them in a circular economy detached from fossil fuels. This transition will require profound changes in behaviour. It also offers extraordinary potential to innovate and to create new technologies and services that will drive our prosperity. The digital revolution will play a pivotal role, and maximising the vast potential of data and artificial intelligence will be decisive to our future success. This future sparks excitement in some, and anxiety in others. Many people wonder what will become of their jobs or worry about their children's prospects. This uncertainty is understandable. Ten or twenty years from now some of you will be working in jobs that don’t yet exist today. This is hard to imagine. So we must be forward-looking and provide the right training for these new professions because we will crucially need skilled workers. We want everyone to be part of this exciting future. Trade Prosperity comes from our internal market, and it also comes from external trade. Trade drives development, and it is a powerful lever to influence the world. The European Union is the world's leading trading power. But we have a problem. We are very good at striking ambitious free trade or investment agreements with foreign partners with the European Commission in charge. But for some time now, we have difficulty ratifying these agreements once they are signed. We can only implement them provisionally at best. The problem is one of form and one of substance. On the form, the confidentiality of these negotiations makes it increasingly difficult to explain their value to the public and to the national parliaments that must approve them. In other words, ownership does not work. We should take inspiration from the more transparent and inclusive method taken in the Brexit negotiations. As for the substance, we need to clarify the goals and priorities of these agreements. We started this discussion among leaders at our last European Council. Do we believe that they should facilitate trade and investment within a framework of reciprocity and level playing field while also contributing to a fairer, more sustainable world? Or do we think an agreement is only valid and acceptable if it solves all the world’s problems in one go? I’ll give you an example. The Commission negotiated a Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with China. This agreement would open access to major sectors from which our European companies are currently barred. It would create more reciprocity and address labour laws and conditions. Is this agreement perfect? No. Did we get everything we wanted? Certainly not. But neither did China. Would this agreement lead to a democratic system in China and full respect for human and labour rights? No. But it creates a platform to discuss these issues with the Chinese authorities, who don't like them because they don’t share our same system and our values. The question is: are our interests better defended and our ability to protect the Uighurs' rights and to promote the rule of law in Hong Kong better ensured with, or without, such an agreement? This is not an exact science. There is no easy answer. So we need to agree – at the level of the Member States and the EU institutions - on the priorities we pursue with these trade and investment agreements. And in any case, I agree with my friend Mark Rutte, Prime Minister of the Netherlands, when he says: "Europe must be a player. Not a playing field." I will make sure the European Council addresses this important debate. Global capacity and security The second pillar of our strategic autonomy is security. It begins with our “soft” geopolitical influence aimed at promoting our values and defending our interests. Here, I believe we have a powerful advantage – the world wants to engage with us. Because our partners see the benefit of engaging with a positive force, free from the colonial prisms of the past centuries. We are building new alliances – with Africa, Asia, and Latin America – with partners who are confident about our vision and about our values. These alliances are about interconnecting our physical and digital infrastructure and about connecting our people, by stimulating public and private investment within a framework of rules and standards that put fundamental values at the heart of projects. This is what we call 'trusted connectivity'. And we want to develop this trusted connectivity with like-minded partners. Moreover, global issues can only be addressed through global cooperation. The best way to exert influence is to be present diplomatically and to engage diplomatically. Ensuring our security means knowing and better understanding our neighbours, our competitors, even our adversaries. And making ourselves better understood by them. That is what I try to do, for instance, in my phone calls with the Russian President. It gives me the knowledge to share with my colleagues in the European Council or with other international partners like the Ukrainian President. Diplomacy also means taking advantage of opportunities. Last spring, when I visited Georgia, a strategically important country in the framework of our Eastern Partnership, I saw the opportunity to broker a political deal between the conflicted parties. Similarly, after my contacts with the Armenian and Azeri leaders, the EU managed to broker a post-conflict deal between these countries, which were at war a few months ago. The EU has a role to play, an important role. Allow me to take aim at an over-used cliché. It says that without our own defence, the European Union lacks the instruments to assume our role as a global power. We have many instruments – often unsuspected – to influence external actors. We could be much stronger and more efficient, by being more pragmatic and more coherent. There are many examples of pragmatic European responses to crisis situations. But we need to be more coherent. EU policies such as trade, development, competition, neighbourhood, and climate action are often managed “in silos”, independent of each other. This is precisely what the European Council does – linking different policies and ensuring coherence. Requesting the Commission to organise on the external dimension of migration. We strive for a mutually beneficial cooperation with third countries. We have a lot to offer them This topic brings me to a current crisis. We are facing a brutal, hybrid attack on our EU borders. Belarus is weaponising migrants' distress in a cynical and shocking way. At our last European Council, we condemned and decided to respond to these attacks. We asked the Commission to propose all necessary measures in line with EU law and international obligations. We have opened the debate on the EU financing of physical border infrastructure. This must be settled rapidly because Polish and Baltic borders are EU borders. One for all and all for one. Defence Security also means defence. European defence is anchored in our Atlantic alliance. NATO is the backbone of our collective security. Beyond the military, this alliance links us to our strategic partners on the other side of the Atlantic. We share a common history, values, and commitments. This alliance of democracies is all the more essential at a time of increasing pressure, as we face new kinds of attack from authoritarian regimes. This is why we must develop our defence capabilities. Stronger allies make stronger alliances. And we welcome the United States' recognition of the value of a stronger European defence, as a complement to NATO. Yet, we cannot ignore the long-term developments, even among our allies. Recent geopolitical events in Afghanistan and the Indo-Pacific have shown that we must rely more on ourselves and take greater responsibility for ourselves. Overdependence – even on our best friends – is not sustainable. It is not healthy. In concrete terms, the European Council has agreed on a work plan for the near future. In December, we will discuss the "strategic compass" being prepared by Josep Borrell. This compass will set out our strategic axes. We will endorse it at a defence summit in March next year. We are often asked the question: will Europe one day have its own European army? The prospect exists. But in any case, we all know it wouldn’t be for tomorrow. Today, more than a European army, we need European capabilities. Yet, I do believe we must act in a concrete and operational way to develop our capabilities in the face of new risks and in new areas, such as cyber and space. Digital development is making our economies and our societies more efficient, but also more dependent on technology, databases, and connectivity. One thing is certain: we will one day have to face a major cyber-crisis or cyber-attack. The only question is when? Recent attacks have shown that the threats are global. And so are the attackers. It is therefore in the interest of Europeans to pool our efforts and to create defensive and deterrent cyber capabilities. This should start by establishing an EU system for cyber crisis management and response to large-scale attacks. Our upcoming discussion on our "strategic compass" will be an opportunity to consider this project. Our cyber security is also intrinsically linked to the security of our resources in space. We are familiar with geolocation, observation, and surveillance tools on land and at sea. But space is increasingly hosting infrastructure and services that provide connectivity functions essential to digital development. The congestion of this territory, not to mention the activities of malicious actors, mean that we must also protect our interests there. So we must strengthen the synergies between the civil, space and defence industries. Last April, we adopted the new European Union Space Programme with a record budget of 13 billion euro. We will make a difference by pooling our efforts from the outset. Konrad Adenauer – who else – famously said: "We should not forget that to achieve great things, we need patience." I would add this: some victories come after a long time, while others can be reached swiftly. The European project takes time. Seventy years is still a young age for such a unique organisation like ours. We have already achieved a lot. Our experience shows that sometimes we can gain time by taking our time. And in other moments, it’s good to be pragmatic and speed up. I have no doubt the EU is on the right track to become the great power of peace of the 21st century – the century of Europe. For the benefit of our people, and for a better, fairer and more sustainable world. We must be wise and know when to be patient, and when to seize the moment and take decisive action. We will stick to our values and to our ideals. And we will grow in power by being pragmatic, by being realistic, and by being ambitious. Thank you.

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AΘ.ΜΠΟΥΡΑΣ,ΑΝΤΙΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΣ ΒΟΥΛΗΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΛΛΗΝΩΝ:Τροποποιήσεις του Ποινικού Κώδικα και του Κώδικα Ποινικής Δικονομίας, λοιπές διατάξεις του Υπουργείου Δικαιοσύνης

ΒΟΥΛΗ ΤΩΝ ΕΛΛΗΝΩΝ
ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ ΜΠΟΥΡΑΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος
Βουλευτής Δυτικής Αττικής – ΝΕΑ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ

Αθήνα, 10.11.2021

 

Κατατέθηκε στη Βουλή η υπ’ αριθμό 1126-91/08-11-21 τροπολογία (επισυνάπτεται) στο Σχέδιο Νόμου του Υπουργείου Δικαιοσύνης, με θέμα «Τροποποιήσεις του Ποινικού Κώδικα και του Κώδικα Ποινικής Δικονομίας, λοιπές διατάξεις του Υπουργείου Δικαιοσύνης», σύμφωνα με την οποία παρατείνεται για ακόμη τρεις μήνες από την 1η Οκτωβρίου 2021, η καταβολή από το πολεμικό Ναυτικό των μηνιαίων αμοιβών των εργαζομένων των Ναυπηγείων Ελευσίνας.

Όλο το προηγούμενο διάστημα ήταν συνεχείς οι επαφές του Αντιπροέδρου της Βουλής και Βουλευτή Δυτικής Αττικής Θανάση Μπούρα τόσο με το Προεδρείο του Σωματείου Εργαζομένων των Ναυπηγείων, όσο και με τους συναρμόδιους Υπουργούς.

Η συνολική δαπάνη ανέρχεται στο ποσό των 3.375.000 ευρώ και διατίθεται από πιστώσεις του Προγράμματος Δημοσίων Επενδύσεων (Εθνικό Σκέλος) του Υπουργείου Εθνικής Άμυνας.

Κατ’ αυτόν τον τρόπο, συνεχίζεται απρόσκοπτα η καταβολή της μισθοδοσίας των εργαζομένων των Ναυπηγείων Ελευσίνας έως ότου ολοκληρωθούν οι διαδικασίες μεταβίβασης στη νέα ιδιοκτησία.

Το ως άνω σχέδιο νόμου συζητείται σήμερα 10 Νοεμβρίου, θα ψηφιστεί την Πέμπτη 11 Νοεμβρίου και θα αποτελεί νόμο του κράτους εντός της εβδομάδος, μετά τη δημοσίευση του νόμου στην Εφημερίδα της Κυβέρνησης.

Ο κ. Μπούρας στέκεται πάντα αρωγός στις εξελίξεις των Ναυπηγείων, ελπίζοντας ότι πλέον φτάνουμε στο τέλος της ομηρίας των εργαζομένων, καθώς οι συνθήκες που έχουν δημιουργηθεί από την πλευρά της Κυβέρνησης είναι οι κατάλληλες για να περάσουν τα Ναυπηγεία σε μία καινούργια και καλύτερη εποχή εξυγίανσης.

NOMOI/NOMOΣΧΕΙΔΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΒΟΥΛΗΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΛΛΗΝΩΝ

 

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Τροποποιήσεις του Ποινικού Κώδικα και του Κώδικα Ποινικής Δικονομίας, λοιπές διατάξεις του Υπουργείου Δικαιοσύνης

 

ΝΟΜΟΘΕΤΙΚΟ ΕΡΓΟ

Τίτλος

Τροποποιήσεις του Ποινικού Κώδικα και του Κώδικα Ποινικής Δικονομίας, λοιπές διατάξεις του Υπουργείου Δικαιοσύνης

Τύπος

Σχέδιο νόμου

Υπουργείο

Δικαιοσύνης

Επιτροπή

Διαρκής Επιτροπή Δημόσιας Διοίκησης, Δημόσιας Τάξης και Δικαιοσύνης

Φάση Επεξεργασίας

Συζητήσεις και Ψήφιση

Ημερ/νια Φάσης επεξεργασίας

11/11/2021

Το φωτοτυπημένο σ/ν ή π/ν
δεν αποτελεί το τελικό κείμενο διότι εκκρεμούν
ορθογραφικές και συντακτικές διορθώσεις

        

Αιτιολογική Έκθεση & Λοιπές Συνοδευτικές Εκθέσεις

  

Ημ. Κατάθεσης

01/11/2021

Εισηγητές

• Κωνσταντίνος Καραγκούνης
• Σπυρίδωνας Λάππας

Σχετικές Συνεδριάσεις Επιτροπής

• 09/11/2021 09:00
• 09/11/2021 09:00
• 08/11/2021 10:00
• 08/11/2021 10:00
• 08/11/2021 13:00
• 08/11/2021 13:00
• 04/11/2021 09:00
• 04/11/2021 09:00

Πρακτικό Έκθεση της Επιτροπής

Έκθεση της Επιστημονικής Υπηρεσίας της Βουλής

Σχετικές Συνεδριάσεις Ολομέλειας

ΙΗ΄ ΠΕΡΙΟΔΟΣ (ΠΡΟΕΔΡΕΥΟΜΕΝΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΟΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΙΚΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑΣ) Γ' Σύνοδος ΚΑ'

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