U.S. Department of State Weekly Digest Bulletin

Azerbaijan National Day
05/28/2023
Azerbaijan National Day
05/28/2023 12:01 AM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

On behalf of the United States of America, I wish the people of Azerbaijan a happy Republic Day.

We value our ongoing collaboration with Azerbaijan to advance our shared bilateral priorities. During our more than 31 years of bilateral relations, the United States has worked closely with Azerbaijan to build a durable partnership based on shared security interests, energy cooperation, and economic growth. These will continue to go hand-in-hand with a commitment to democratic development consistent with Azerbaijan’s constitution as well as respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. I reaffirm the United States’ support for Azerbaijan’s independence and sovereignty and look forward to deepening the U.S.-Azerbaijani relationship in the years to come. The United States also looks forward to continuing cooperation and engagement to help Azerbaijan and the region secure a sustainable peace. We are fully committed to supporting this goal, which will lead to a better future for all those in the South Caucasus.


Croatia Statehood Day
05/30/2023
Croatia Statehood Day
05/30/2023 12:01 AM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

On behalf of the United States of America, I extend our best wishes to the people of Croatia as you celebrate your Statehood Day.

For over 30 years, our two nations have been tied together by shared values and deep friendship. In the year ahead, I look forward to continuing to strengthen our defense partnership, enhancing regional energy security, bolstering trade and investment ties, and confronting the climate crisis. We must also advance the Euro-Atlantic integration of Western Balkan countries and address urgent challenges around the world, including Putin’s brutal war against Ukraine. We are proud to stand together as NATO Allies and thank Croatia for its important contributions to our collective security and transatlantic prosperity.


Secretary Blinken to Deliver Speech at Helsinki City Hall
05/30/2023


Secretary Blinken to Deliver Speech at Helsinki City Hall
05/30/2023 09:11 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken will deliver a speech at Helsinki City Hall on Friday, June 2, 2023 at 11:45 a.m. EET / 4:45 a.m. EDT. The speech will highlight all the ways in which Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has been a strategic failure, and our continued efforts to support Ukraine’s defense of its territory, sovereignty, and democracy in pursuit of a just and durable peace.

The speech will be co-hosted by the Finnish Institute of International Affairs and supported by the City of Helsinki.

Press coverage of Secretary Blinken’s remarks will be open to pre-registered media. The speech will be streamed live on the Department homepage and the Department YouTube channel.

For more information, contact the State Department Office of Global Events and Travel at EventsandTravel@state.gov.




Assistant Secretary Pyatt’s Travel to Azerbaijan
05/30/2023

Assistant Secretary Pyatt’s Travel to Azerbaijan
05/30/2023 10:57 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

Department of State Bureau of Energy Resources (ENR) Assistant Secretary Geoffrey R. Pyatt will travel to Baku, Azerbaijan, May 30 – June 2. While there, he will participate in the 28th annual Baku Energy Week, which consists of the International Caspian Oil & Gas Exhibition, the Caspian International Power and Green Energy Exhibition, and the Baku Energy Forum. He will meet with Azerbaijani government officials to discuss energy security and opportunities to increase use of renewable energy sources. Assistant Secretary Pyatt will also meet with energy officials from other countries and organizations to promote further international cooperation to stabilize global energy supplies while accelerating the clean energy transition.

For further media information, please contact ENR-PD-Clearances@state.gov.


Secretary Antony J. Blinken Following Tour of HYBRIT Steel Plant
05/30/2023


Secretary Antony J. Blinken Following Tour of HYBRIT Steel Plant
05/30/2023 01:00 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Luleå, Sweden

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Madam Minister, thank you so much. And I really want to say thanks first and foremost for what I was going to say is a warm welcome here in Luleå – (laughter) – certainly warm in our hearts. And I’m so grateful to be here with all of our colleagues from the Biden administration and from the European Union as well as our Swedish host.

We wanted to see at the start of this Trade and Technology Council meeting – our fourth – this remarkable green transition with our own eyes. And we see Sweden playing a leading role in making sure that we can all have green economies that are responsive to the imperatives of dealing with climate change, but at the same time producing great new jobs for the future. And you can see that future right here in this spot.

It’s also very gratifying that part of the reason that so many of these institutions have come together in a remarkable value chain is because of initiatives like the First Movers Coalition that the State Department, led by Secretary Kerry, and the World Economic Forum have set up to basically help companies that are investing in green technologies, make sure that they have a market for those technologies right up front so that they can feel confident in making those investments. And commitments to buy materials by 2030 that are clean and green is what the First Movers Coalition is all about. So the fact that we have SSAB and Vattenfall that are members of that coalition right here in this enterprise is something very powerful.

We’re very much looking forward to the work that we’re going to be doing over the next day with the Trade and Technology Council with our EU partners, but front and center in so much of what we’re doing is this green transition – again, a transition not only to a clean economy but one that is producing the jobs of the future that are going to power lives and livelihoods for generations to come. So thank you all. Wonderful to be here today.

(Applause.)




Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson at a Joint Press Availability
05/30/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson at a Joint Press Availability
05/30/2023 04:08 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Luleå, Sweden

Luleå Military Airbase

PRIME MINISTER KRISTERSSON: Okay. Most welcome to this press conference, and most welcome to Luleå, Secretary Blinken.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you.

PRIME MINISTER KRISTERSSON: Luleå is the place.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you.

PRIME MINISTER KRISTERSSON: Right now, we are, as we all know, at F 21, an air force wing in northern Sweden, and while we are here, the Arctic Challenge Exercise, the ACE, is taking place at F 21 as well. Both Swedish-made Gripen fighters and American-made F-16s can be seen operating in the air during the ACE.

The north of Sweden is geographically very important for the Swedish armed forces as it provides strategic depth for us and for our neighboring countries. The Russian border is actually a six-and-a-half-hour drive from here. Filling the territorial gap in the north will be one of Sweden’s many security contributions to NATO when we join the Alliance.

On that note, let me express my deep appreciation for the United States support for Sweden’s NATO accession. That means a lot to us. We have applied for NATO membership because we realize we need to defend freedom and democracy together, but also because we want to bring our own capabilities to common use. As a member, Sweden will be a security provider to the entire Alliance.

During our meeting, the Secretary and I have, of course, discussed the most acute security threat to our part of the world, Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. For Sweden and for the Swedish EU presidency, supporting Ukraine is a top priority. I’m very grateful for and impressed by the strong U.S. commitment and the U.S. leadership of this big operation. It really proves the importance of transatlantic cooperation.

We also discussed the challenges and opportunities from new technology, issues that also will be discussed between the EU and the U.S. in the Trade and Technology Council taking place in Luleå today and tomorrow. Green transition, innovation, and the tech industry, including 6G, are areas where two nations like Sweden and the U.S. have very many common interests, and common concerns as well, and we should and we could work even closer together.

In northern Sweden, we show in practice how innovation and growth and green transition can go hand-in-hand. Here Sweden has unique natural resources, rare earth metals, and by tradition, cheap, reliable, and fossil-free electricity, not least thanks to hydro power.

In January this year, it was announced that Europe’s largest deposit for rare earth metals is in Kiruna, just some 350 kilometers from here. That’s pretty close, if you ask the locals. And it shows that Sweden has a bright future as a mining nation – increasingly important, again, for the green transition.

I’m happy to conclude that the relations between Sweden and the United States are very strong, with plenty of potential for deepening cooperation both as bilateral partners and as future NATO Allies.

Over to you, Secretary Blinken.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Well, Prime Minister, thank you so much. Thank you for the very, very good meeting that we had. Thank you for your wonderful hospitality here. I am grateful to be here to be with you and also our colleagues from the European Union as we engage in the fourth round of the Trade and Technology Council meetings that will start, actually, tonight with dinner, but then in full force tomorrow.

But we’re in Sweden, and then on to Norway and to Finland, at a critical time for our countries and our people – a time of historic strategic convergence between the United States and partners across Europe. And I think – without speaking for you, Prime Minister, I think we both have that shared assessment of this convergence on the most important issues of our time.

The United States and Sweden are working more closely together than ever on a wide variety of shared interests: Ukraine, Sweden’s NATO accession, our bilateral security partnership, and indeed, here in Luleå, as you heard, Sweden just hosted the Arctic Challenge Exercise 23, joined by the United States and NATO; the climate crisis, where Sweden is a leading partner in the First Movers Coalition, something we saw firsthand today; and our efforts to ensure that the Arctic remains a region free from conflict, where nations act responsibly and in accordance with international law, and economic development and investment take place in a sustainable, secure, and transparent manner.

Tomorrow, as noted, we are going to build on the progress that we’ve made as the Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo, the U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai, and I join our European Union counterparts for the fourth meeting of the U.S.-EU TTC, the Trade and Technology Council. It is very fitting that we meet here in Luleå. This city is a model for so much of the work that we’ve been doing and we’ve been focused on through the TTC, from eliminating emissions in carbon-intensive industries to reducing our dependencies on unreliable or autocratic countries for the minerals that are used for products essential to our prosperity and security.

Over the past two years, the TTC has enabled the United States and the European Union, which together make up nearly 40 percent of the world’s GDP, to align and shape a collective, affirmative economic and technological future that advances the values that we share, that bolsters our competitiveness, and that delivers tangible results for the people that we represent on both sides of the Atlantic.

At tomorrow’s meeting, we’ll focus on how to ensure that new and emerging technologies – as you heard from the prime minister – like AI, like quantum, like 6G enhance our competitive edge, benefit our citizens, and uphold democratic principles. We’ll continue to work on our supply chains and on accelerating the green transition, a great example of which we saw earlier today. We’ll also discuss our joint efforts to address economic coercion and non-market economic policies and practices.

The work that we’ve done over the past two years, including on export controls, has been critical to our efforts to ensure that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine remains a strategic failure. Tomorrow, we’ll announce new actions that build on the export controls on the technology that’s found in Iranian drones used to target Ukrainian civilians and civilian infrastructure, to counter Russian misinformation and disinformation, to protect human rights defenders online.

Then Foreign Minister Billström and I will both travel to Oslo for the NATO Foreign Ministers meeting. As we prepare for the Leaders’ Summit in Vilnius, we’re continuing to make sure that our Alliance is stronger, more united, and better positioned to navigate a changing environment – from Putin’s aggression in Europe, to the PRC challenge, to risks in space and cyberspace.

Sweden again and again has proven its commitment to NATO – to its values, to its mission, to its members. A strong, vibrant democracy with highly capable forces that have been working shoulder-to-shoulder with NATO members for years, for decades, it is fully dedicated to upholding the commitments that underpin our Alliance, including Article 5.

By joining NATO, Sweden undertakes a commitment to the security of every other Ally. No one should doubt that commitment, and, of course, every other Ally will be committed to Sweden’s security. We will continue to work to complete Sweden’s accession by the time our leaders gather in Vilnius for the NATO Summit.

Just days after President Putin invaded Ukraine, Sweden moved swiftly to provide assistance – the first time it’s delivered lethal assistance since it came to Finland’s aid in the Winter War going back to 1939. Sweden has provided approximately $2 billion in military, humanitarian, and economic support to Ukraine. It’s welcomed nearly 50,000 refugees from Ukraine, providing pathways not only to have access to public services but also to work, to study, which they want to do so they can contribute to their communities here and, ultimately, to their communities back home in Ukraine.

And in its role as EU – president of the Council of the EU, Sweden has overseen the EU’s 10th sanctions package, launched on the one-year anniversary of Russia’s invasion. It’s also overseen a landmark agreement to jointly procure ammunition for Ukraine and has set up a process to investigate how frozen Russian assets can be used to rebuild the country.

So, Mr. Prime Minister, on so many fronts, as we were discussing, in challenging times, the most important thing is to have close allies, close partners, close friends. The United States could not ask for a closer partner and friend and, soon, closer Ally than Sweden.

Thank you.

PRIME MINISTER KRISTERSSON: Thank you so much. Thank you.

MODERATOR: Thank you, and we’ll open up for a few questions. We’ll start with the Swedish television, Johan Pisoni.

QUESTION: Yes. Mr. Secretary Blinken, what do you make of the fact that there are still two countries blocking the Swedish NATO application? And is the U.S. willing to add more pressure to these countries in order to speed up the process?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. So the accession process is just that. It’s a process. And in fact, if you look at this in historic terms, it’s removed – it’s moved remarkably rapidly with Finland’s accession and, very soon, Sweden’s accession. Through that process, individual members of the Alliance can bring up issues of concern to them, and, of course, Türkiye has done that over the last months. And I think it has rightly focused attention on some of its security concerns that both Sweden and Finland have taken remarkable steps to address, important ones.

So I think it’s to Türkiye’s credit that it’s been able to focus all of the Alliance on some of these concerns, but it’s to Sweden’s credit as well as Finland’s credit that they’ve taken concrete action to address those concerns. From the perspective of the United States, the time is now to finalize Sweden’s accession. Again, it’s taken very significant steps to address very legitimate concerns, and I think in terms of its own qualifications for membership, from day one it was qualified precisely because it’s been such a long-time partner for NATO; of course, the European Union; and with values that are fundamentally the same.

So we look forward to this process being completed in the weeks ahead. We have no doubt that it can be, and it should be, and we expect it to be.

MODERATOR: Okay, next question goes to Missy Ryan.

QUESTION: Thank you. Okay, hi.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Missy.

QUESTION: I’d also like to ask about the Sweden NATO accession issue. First, for you, Mr. Prime Minister, have you or any of your advisers been in touch with the Turkish Government since – with Erdogan or his team since the – his re-election? And do you have any indications that Türkiye is now ready to approve Sweden’s accession to NATO, or are they asking you to take additional steps? And I know your government has spoken extensively about the benefits that NATO accession will bring to both Sweden and NATO, but what do you think it says about NATO and its ability to provide a strong deterrent that one or two members of NATO have the ability to hold up the enlargement for over a year?

And then for you, Mr. Secretary, President Biden yesterday suggested that there could be some sort of arrangement linking Turkish approval of the Swedish accession bid to the provision of F‑16s to Türkiye. Do you have any indications that Türkiye will now relent on Sweden’s NATO accession now that the election is over, and do you have any indications that key lawmakers in the United States will now support supplying Türkiye with F-16s. And then also on the Turkish election, forgive me, given the track record of Erdogan’s government regarding rule of law, democracy, and inclusivity, are you concerned that conditions around those things might deteriorate further in Türkiye following the election since arguably he might see that as a valid – see the results of the election as a validation of his approach? Thanks.

PRIME MINISTER KRISTERSSON: Well, first, of course, obviously, we have had several contacts also after the election runoff last Sunday, so we have – we are in constant contact with our Turkish counterpart on this specific issue, of course. So – and just to reiterate what I’ve said before, I mean, we have always known that – two things. One is we have a memorandum, we are fulfilling it, and the very final part of that is actually being put into force June 1st – that is the day after tomorrow – when the new piece of legislation, actually, in counterterrorism – and that is an important step. And thereby, we have done what we told the – our Turkish friends and within the framework of the trilateral memorandum – very, very important. And we acknowledged the fact that they have good reasons to have had concerns on how other countries helped them to protect themselves.

But on the other side, or at the same time, we have always recognized the fact that every NATO Ally has to make its own decision, and only Türkiye can make Türkiye’s decisions, and we fully respect that. So that’s basically it. And now we wait for them to make their decision.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: And Missy, to your question, first let me just say it is appropriate that every Ally have a clear say in the admission of new members or the accession of new members, because it comes down to Article 5. Each member is making a solemn commitment to every other member that it will join in coming to their defense if they are the victims of aggression. And so it’s important that every member have its say in this process. And as I said earlier, by historic terms, this has moved remarkably rapidly, and we believe it needs to come to a conclusion now.

With regard to Sweden’s accession and the F-16s, these are distinct issues. Both, though, are vital, in our judgment, to European security. I’ve already been clear about why it’s profoundly in the interest of the Alliance and the United States to have Sweden as a formal Ally in NATO. And as I said, we expect that process to be completed in the weeks ahead. But we know that our Alliance will be stronger and we will be better off when that process is finalized. And so we urge both Türkiye and Hungary, which has also not yet ratified, to ratify the accession as quickly as possible. There is no reason for any further time; Sweden is ready now. That decision should be – should move forward now.

With regard to the F-16s, our administration has been very clear: We believe it’s important that Türkiye have the F-16s or the F-16 upgrades, as a critical member of the NATO Alliance, to make sure that they are operating at the highest standards of the Alliance, that they’re fully interoperable with every other Ally. This, too, is in the interest of the United States, and it’s why we brought this forward for consideration.

It’s equally true that there are members of Congress who feel strongly, and while we are not linking the two issues – when I say we, I mean the Biden administration – some members of Congress are. They are linking Sweden’s accession to NATO to the moving forward on the F‑16s. Congress is a fully equal and independent branch of government. Their voice and their vote in any such decisions, of course, is critical. But from our perspective, we believe that both should go forward and should go forward as quickly as possible, that is to say, Sweden’s accession and moving forward on the F-16 package. More broadly, as always, we’re focused on the actions of any given government, of any given partner, not on hypotheticals about what they may or may not do in the future. We will remain focused on their actions.

MODERATOR: Okay. Next question goes to TT News Agency.

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, first of all, welcome to Sweden.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you.

QUESTION: Just a follow-up on the NATO question. The NATO meeting in Vilnius is only six weeks away. What would you say the odds are, the chances are that you will see Sweden as a member of NATO before the meeting takes place? And sort of a follow-up on that, if the process will be further delayed, would that – what might – what might the consequences be for Sweden as well as for NATO?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Do you have a bet on this or are you thinking of putting something – (laughter) —

QUESTION: (Off-mike.)

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I don’t have any inside information that I could or would share. (Laughter.) Look, as I said, we believe the time is now, and there is no reason for not moving forward and – as I said before. And as the prime minister has expressed very eloquently, Türkiye has raised important and legitimate concerns. Sweden and Finland both addressed those concerns, and so the time to move forward is now. We’d like to see that happen before the Vilnius Summit. But again, I can’t put and won’t put odds on it.

What I can say is this: We and our Allies are both committed to and well-positioned to help Sweden address its security needs irrespective of whether accession happens tomorrow or in two weeks or in a few weeks after that. We’ve been clear that we will not tolerate any aggression against Sweden no matter its actual status.

Secretary of Defense Austin was here recently, and I think he very clearly reaffirmed that point. We have a deep existing partnership that is literally being exercised, as the prime minister said, right now through Arctic Challenge 23. And I think that’s further evidence of the fact that we are working extremely closely together and as partners and, soon, formal Allies. We’re ready for any contingency.

MODERATOR: Great. We’ll do a final question from The Wall Street Journal. Kim.

QUESTION: Thanks. Kim Mackrael from The Wall Street Journal. For Secretary Blinken, can you speak to how close you think the U.S. and European approaches to China are right now? What do you hope to see from Europe in addressing concerns about non-market practices and export controls? And also, how big do you think the gap is between what the EU talks about in terms of de-risking and what is often referred to with the U.S. about decoupling with China? And sorry, if I can also put a question to the prime minster?

MODERATOR: It’s just one question.

QUESTION: Just – for the prime minister – it’s on the same topic. It seems there’s significant debate from member-states over how to redefine Europe’s relationship with China. So what’s your view on the commission’s proposal for outbound investment screening, and how likely do you think it is that member-states will see some agreement on moving forward with that?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. So I think – and the prime minister and I had an opportunity to discuss this at some length – for both the United States and Europe, and indeed for countries in all parts of the world, the relationship with China is among the most consequential, is one of the most – as well as one of the most complex that we have.

And we’ve been very clear about what we’re for and also what we’re not for, and we are not looking for a new cold war. We are not looking to contain China. We are looking to make sure that we are upholding our interests and our values in that relationship and that we’re managing it responsibly. I think there’s a demand signal from countries around the world that both China and the United States manage the relationship responsibly, that we take every reasonable step to make sure that the competition that we’re in does not veer into conflict.

And one of the reasons that President Biden and President Xi agreed when they met in Bali last year to strengthen our lines of communication was precisely to that end, as well as seeing if, when it’s in our mutual interest and in the interest of others, there are areas where we can actually strengthen cooperation. In my 30 years or so of doing this, I have not seen a time, actually, when there is greater convergence between the United States and Europe, as well as with key partners in Asia, on the approach to China. I think you see that reflected in what key leaders in Europe are saying, including just today, the prime minister discussing this issue – but I’ll let him speak for himself – the work that we’re doing with the EU through the Trade and Technology Council – the recent speech by President von der Leyen, which I think could very much have been an expression of our own policy.

And when you look at it, I think what you’ve seen over the last couple of years is that increasing convergence. Both the United States and Europe, I think, believe that, again, this relationship is an important one, one that we seek to sustain, but with our eyes wide open. And so both the United States and Europe are not in favor of decoupling, but we are in favor of de-risking. And you’ve heard that from the leadership on both sides of the Atlantic.

But not only have you heard that, you’ve actually seen that in practice through the Trade and Technology Council, as well as other work that we’re doing with the European Union. You’re seeing country after country put in place investment screening mechanisms, not for the purpose of stopping Chinese investment, but for making sure that in discrete areas, industries, companies, geographic areas where that investment could pose a challenge or – to our security, we have the appropriate mechanisms in place. We’re now talking about, as well in very discrete ways, looking at outward investment to make sure that it’s not going to support developments in China that could pose a threat to our security.

We’re working more closely together than ever on building supply chain diversification and resilience, with the EU putting in place early warning systems to disruptions in the supply chain, as well as diversifying them. Again, we’re coming together to do that. You see it as well in the collaboration that we’ve had on export controls, not for the purpose of cutting off trade with or supplies to China of technology, but, again, in very discrete areas, where that technology may go to, for example, help China develop what is an opaque nuclear weapons program or other things that could pose a threat to our security or challenges to our values like surveillance technology. Well, we’re taking appropriate measures there.

And when it comes to nonmarket economic practices, there, too, the United States and Europe are increasingly aligned. And that’s important because individually, if we’re trying to get China to change some of the unfair practices that it’s engaged in, the United States is about 20 percent of the world’s economy; Europe’s about 20 percent of the world’s economy. When we combine and address these issues together, all of a sudden we’re almost 50 percent of the world’s economy, and that’s a little bit harder for China to ignore when it comes to trying to change some of the practices they’re engaged in.

So I think we’re seeing that it’s profoundly in the mutual interest of both Europe and the United States to be aligned in our approach, as it is for key countries in Asia. We just came from a G7 meeting where Japan and Korea were both present. I think you’ve seen a similar alignment, a similar convergence, in the approach that we’re taking to China there as well. And again, I refer you to the words of key leaders in Europe, as well as some of the key documents and strategies that Europe has put out. They are almost entirely coincident with our own approach.

PRIME MINISTER KRISTERSSON: Well, basically I very much agree with Secretary Blinken’s kind of basic approach and – to this matter, very much so. And as you might know, the very final European Council meeting during the Swedish presidency will be, of course, as always, about Ukraine – always – but also on the key issue of relation to China. So that’s our kind of final part we are preparing.

It happens to be – I just came to here from the Stockholm China Forum, the German Marshall Fund’s annual meeting on China, and I gave – I tried to outline how we see the principal approach to – perhaps just two remarks. One is Europe needs to unite and stick to the unity on how to have a common approach to China. It is simply the fact that 27 countries need to stick together to have the clout and to have the power and (inaudible).

And second, transatlantic cooperation is key in this area as well, I would say. And that has sometimes been questioned, as you know. And I would say that those now saying that – or asking themselves, does Europe need to choose, as it goes, between the U.S. and China, they simply ask themselves the wrong question. We should instead unite in a principally anchored idea on how an open world should act, how we reduce dependency, how we de-risk, regardless if China want to be de-risked or not, and try to be as open as possible, taking our own security concerns into account.

I think the U.S. has been a few years ahead of Europe, but I think very many countries now realize this is not the time for naivete. It’s not the time to stop communicating and cooperating with China either. Decoupling is not the answer, but to have a serious common approach to this matter I think would be.

So my short answer: Yeah, I think there is a beginning convergence going on, which I would appreciate very, very much. And if Sweden can be helpful in that process, I would be very proud of that.

MODERATOR: Great.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you.

MODERATOR: Thank you so much for everyone for coming.

PRIME MINISTER KRISTERSSON: Thank you so much. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you.




Secretary Blinken’s Call with Turkish Foreign Minister Cavusoglu
05/30/2023


Secretary Blinken’s Call with Turkish Foreign Minister Cavusoglu
05/30/2023 04:20 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu today to offer his congratulations on President Erdogan’s re-election. Secretary Blinken emphasized the value the United States places on the U.S.-Turkiye bilateral relationship. Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Cavusoglu highlighted the importance of NATO unity, and Secretary Blinken reiterated his strong belief that Sweden is ready to join the Alliance now. Secretary Blinken thanked the Foreign Minister for his government’s ongoing efforts to ensure the continuation of the UN-brokered Black Sea Grain Initiative.




Kingdom of Spain Signs the Artemis Accords
05/30/2023

Kingdom of Spain Signs the Artemis Accords
05/30/2023 04:41 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

In a ceremony held at the Moncloa Palace in Madrid, the Honorable Julissa Reynoso, U.S. Ambassador to Spain and Andorra joined NASA Administrator Bill Nelson and Associate Administrator for International and Interagency Relations Karen Feldstein to witness the Artemis Accords signing ceremony for the Kingdom of Spain. Spanish Minister of Science and Innovation Diana Morant signed the Accords, alongside President Pedro Sánchez and Director General of the Agencia Espacial Española Miguel Bello. The signing follows discussions of the Accords between President Biden and President Sánchez during a recent meeting at the White House.

The Artemis Accords are a set of non-legally binding principles for the responsible and sustainable exploration of outer space, grounded in the Outer Space Treaty of 1967. Launched in 2020 with eight signatories, the Accords now boast 25 signatory nations: Australia, Bahrain, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Czech Republic, France, Israel, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Mexico, New Zealand, Nigeria, Poland, the Republic of Korea, Romania, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Spain, Ukraine, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

Signatories demonstrate their commitment to responsible and sustainable behavior in space, collaborate in working groups on addressing issues of mutual concern, and actively contribute to multilateral conversations at the U.N. Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) and other fora. Accords principles include, among others, transparency, use of space for peaceful purposes, mitigation of space debris, disposal of spacecraft, deconfliction of lunar activities and registration of space objects. Following these principles makes operating in outer space safer and more predictable, not only for signatories, but for all space actors.

For the United States, the Artemis Accords are co-led by the Department of State and NASA. Earlier today, the Department of State announced the release of its new Strategic Framework for Space Diplomacy which grounds the Department’s diplomatic efforts on the Artemis Accords in U.S. strategic space objectives and values.

For further information, visit Artemis Accords. For media inquiries, please contact OES-PA-DG@state.gov.




Continued Peace Talks Between Armenia and Azerbaijan
05/30/2023

Continued Peace Talks Between Armenia and Azerbaijan
05/30/2023 04:45 PM EDT



Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson

We are pleased to see that talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan have continued. As Secretary Blinken said, peace is achievable in the South Caucasus. We recently expressed appreciation for Prime Minister Pashinyan’s commitment to peace, and we welcome President Aliyev’s recent remarks on consideration of amnesty.

Armenia and Azerbaijan’s leaders will meet later this week in Chisinau with our European partners, and we hope that will be a productive step to resolving these issues at the negotiating table and not through violence. Aggressive rhetoric can only perpetuate the violence of the past; constructive dialogue—both public and private—can create peace, opportunity, and hope. The United States stands ready to support the efforts of both parties to conclude a durable and dignified peace agreement.




Condemning Violence Against KFOR and Escalatory Actions in Northern Kosovo
05/30/2023


Condemning Violence Against KFOR and Escalatory Actions in Northern Kosovo
05/30/2023 07:35 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

We call on all parties to take immediate actions to de-escalate tensions. The United States condemns the unacceptable violence yesterday against NATO-led KFOR troops, law enforcement, and journalists.

The Government of Kosovo’s decision to force access to municipal buildings sharply and unnecessarily escalated tensions. Prime Minister Kurti and his government should ensure that elected mayors carry out their transitional duties from alternate locations outside municipal buildings, and withdraw police forces from the vicinity. President Vucic and the Government of Serbia should lower the security status of Serbian Armed Forces and urge Kosovo Serbs to halt challenges to KFOR and refrain from further violence.

Both Kosovo and Serbia should immediately recommit to engaging in the EU-facilitated Dialogue to normalize relations.




Special Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry’s Travel to Amman, Jerusalem, Dubai, and Oslo
05/31/2023


Special Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry’s Travel to Amman, Jerusalem, Dubai, and Oslo
05/31/2023 09:17 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry will travel to Amman, Jerusalem, Dubai, and Oslo between May 31 and June 7. Secretary Kerry will visit Amman for the wedding of His Royal Highness Crown Prince Al-Hussein bin Abdullah II of Jordan and Ms. Rajwa Al Seif. In Jerusalem and Dubai, Secretary Kerry will hold meetings with officials regarding global cooperation to combat the climate crisis. In Oslo, Secretary Kerry will attend Nor-Shipping 2023, a gathering of leaders in the maritime and ocean business sectors.

For media inquiries, please contact ClimateComms@state.gov.




The United States and Norway: A Vital Alliance and Partnership
05/31/2023


The United States and Norway: A Vital Alliance and Partnership
05/31/2023 10:54 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

Norway is a committed ally, partner, and friend of the United States. The close relationship between our two nations stems in part from waves of Norwegian immigration to the United States from 1825 to 1940, giving the United States today nearly as many people of Norwegian ancestry as the population of Norway. This year we celebrate one hundred years of United States ambassadors residing in Villa Otium, a historically important cultural heritage building in Oslo that is also symbolic of our long-standing relationship.

The United States and Norway are united by shared values. We work together both diplomatically and militarily to meet shared challenges in the region and globally across a wide range of security, economic, human rights, and climate issues. Our countries also work very closely in international organizations and as members of the Arctic Council.

In February 2023, the Minnesota National Guard and the Norwegian Armed Forces signed an agreement under the National Guard State Partnership Program, following 50 years of the Norwegian-Minnesota National Guard Reciprocal Exchange. In 2022, the U.S.-Norway Supplementary Defense Cooperation Agreement entered into force, which modernizes the framework for visiting U.S. forces and reflects our shared commitment as North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Allies to Transatlantic security.

The United States and Norway: Strengthening the NATO Alliance and Transatlantic securityNorway is hosting the informal meeting of NATO foreign ministers May 31 – June 1 in Oslo. As a fellow founding member of NATO, Norway shares our goal of strengthening the Alliance to address the full range of threats facing the Transatlantic community.
Norway is an important Ally along NATO’s northern flank and hosts and participates in NATO exercises and in operations with Allies and partners. S. military personnel train for cold weather exercises in Norway.
Norway is also a dependable partner working with NATO to protect critical undersea infrastructure vital to our communications networks and energy security.
The close coordination between the United States and Norway is all the more important as we work together to hold Russia accountable for its unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine. Norway is the leading supplier of natural gas to Europe, playing a vital role in helping Europe move off of its dependence on Russian energy.
Norway has allocated more than $2.3 billion in support to Ukraine since February 2022, including air defense and other weapons, welcomed 44,000 refugees, provided budget support, and committed $7.5 billion in support over the next five years.
We also appreciate Norway’s allocation of $200 million to the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to enable Ukraine’s national natural gas company, Naftogaz, to procure additional gas from other sources during this past winter.

The United States and Norway: Partners in the Arctic and through the Arctic CouncilThe United States intends to open a U.S. presence post in Tromsø as a commitment to deepening our engagement with Norway and to underscore the significance we place on the Arctic region as a whole.
The United States congratulates Norway on its assumption of the chairship of the Arctic Council on May 11. Norway is a strong partner for fostering scientific, economic, and environmental cooperation in the Arctic.
As an Arctic nation, the United States takes seriously the shared responsibility to ensure stability, prosperity, and environmental sustainability in the Arctic region. The United States remains committed to peaceful cooperation in the Arctic, especially through the Arctic Council. We look forward to working with Norway to further its priorities as the Chair to determine the appropriate approach for continuing the important work of the Arctic Council.
The United States envisions the Arctic region as free of conflict, where nations act responsibly, and where economic development and investment takes place in a sustainable, secure, and transparent manner that respects the environment and the interests and cultures of indigenous peoples.
In 2022, the United States released a new National Strategy for the Arctic Region and created new senior positions to advocate for our interests, including the first-ever U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Arctic Affairs. We are committed to this vital and changing region – one whose importance will only grow in the coming decades.

The United States and Norway: Combating the Climate Crisis TogetherThe United States and Norway have a dynamic economic partnership. Our countries share a commitment to combating climate change, including a focus on clean energy technology, expanding access to renewable energy, forest protection, and increasing agricultural productivity.
Norway has been a leader in the clean energy revolution. In 2022, 80 percent of new-car sales in Norway were electric. Norway is also a leader in the development of green technology, leading the way to reduce emissions by capturing carbon, deploying wind energy resources globally, and innovating in the minerals processing space.
Norway joined the Minerals Security Partnership (MSP) and is committed to being one of the most sustainable producers of critical energy minerals.
The United States and Norway co-launched the Green Shipping Challenge and Norway has joined a number of joint priority climate initiatives, including the Carbon Management Challenge, Methane Finance Sprint, and we are working closely together on combating deforestation.
Norway is a partner of President Biden’s First Movers Coalition, helping to drive demand for the green products of the future.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken at the Fourth U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council Stakeholders Engagement
05/31/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken at the Fourth U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council Stakeholders Engagement
05/31/2023 11:36 AM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Luleå, Sweden

Luleå Culture House

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very, very much. At the risk of repetition, I think you’ll hear me in violent agreement with my friends and colleagues. But the first thing I want to say is this: It is so critical to us that not only are we having this stakeholders meeting, but that everything we do is infused with the views, the perspectives, the experience of stakeholders. It’s a critical part of the TTC.

One of the things I think we’ve learned – those of us who have been in government for some time now, including myself – is that more than ever before if we do not have stakeholders with us on the takeoff of every big issue, they’re probably not going to be there on the landing, and what we do is not going to be sustainable. So we place tremendous value on having all of you here – but not just today, every day – as we’re working through these challenges. And whether you traveled here in person, whether you’re actually with us virtually today in some fashion, or many who are sharing their views in writing, thank you, thank you, thank you. Because it’s an integral part of this process that we’ve established.

And I also want to give a special shoutout to the students among us here today. It’s a cliché to say that what we’re doing, what we’re working on, will shape the future that you inherit, but there’s another part of that, which is you need – and we’re counting on you – to help us do that shaping. This is not simply something that we’re doing now but we’re eventually going to hand off to you. It’s vitally important that your voices, your views, your perspectives be included. By definition, every new generation has a new way at looking at the challenges that any – that we’re facing at any particular time and none of us have the monopoly on ideas, never mind good ideas. So your engagement’s critical. And again, it’s not just thinking about the future; it’s actual the present, the now, where we really want that engagement.

Working together I think we share the same objective and that is to build a clean infrastructure and develop clean technologies for the future. This has the obvious imperative of addressing the climate challenge. It also – I think we’re convinced – has the tremendous benefit of actually building new economies for the future that are going to be, or certainly can be, powerfully beneficial to all of the constituent elements of those economies, whether it’s our workforce, whether it’s our companies, whether it’s our societies as a whole. Now, none of this happens automatically, none of it’s easy, and we know that there are huge challenges in getting from here to there. But we’re equally convinced that if we are able to do this together, we actually can succeed and can do this effectively.

Some of us just came from a G7 meeting a few weeks ago, where on one level the good news is that the G7 countries, if you look at them, have each made commitments that, if fulfilled – and that’s a big if – would keep global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. So that’s the sort of good news. The less good news is the same cannot be said of the G20 and the same cannot be said if you go out even beyond the G20. So even in just making sure that we have the appropriate ambitions, again, the G7 is in a pretty good place, but we need to build out from there and that was some of the work that we actually were doing at the G7.

So we have a shared goal. We need to make sure that everyone is adapting and adopting the plans necessary to reach it, but then of course that’s not enough. We actually have to implement it, and that’s really where we know the challenge lies. But again, I think if we’re able to not only have the vision necessary but actually convince all of our constituents that we can – all of us – wind up in a better place, we can get there.

The governments and private sectors have an enormous challenge in actually advancing a fair and efficient clean energy transition at the scale and pace that’s needed to achieve the goals. So it is bringing us up to scale and then, of course, it’s moving quickly on. We all know that the decisions and the actions that we take over the next seven years, the remainder of this decade, are going to determine whether or not we’re able to reach the goals that many of us have set for halfway through the century – 2050.

One other thing I just wanted to emphasize – and it’s something that Valdis and Katherine also touched on – when we’re looking at this question of fairness, we want to ensure not only a level playing field – as vital and as important as that is – we’re also working through the TTC, including – for example, via the semiconductor early warning system that we’ve established through the Clean Energy Incentives Dialogue that you’ve heard alluded to – to try to build sustainable, resilient supply chains that are free, for example, from forced labor, and immune from economic coercion. Those are vital aspects of the future, too, and we have strong constituencies that are insisting that we move in that direction.

We also use the TTC to actually elevate environmental, social, and government standards as we build diverse, sustainable, and secure supply chains. Ultimately what we’re about, if we do things right, is creating a race to the top, not a race to the bottom. And if it’s a race to the top that everyone participates in, no matter where they’re from, no matter which country they are, that’s a good thing, and that’s what we want to encourage.

As you heard Valdis say as well, it’s so vitally important that we coordinate together through the TTC to make sure that, for example, some of the incentives that we’re putting in place to create that race to the top are properly coordinated and don’t actually inadvertently create some kind of zero sum game race to the bottom. On both sides of the Atlantic, we have now unleashed incredibly powerful incentives to try to drive innovation and complement and spur private sector investment, but we’ve got to do it in a way, again, that is complementary. So the incentives dialogue that we’ve established that was announced by President Biden and Commission President von der Leyen back in March not only ensures that the incentive programs are mutually reinforcing but it also facilitates sharing information and also joint action to address the non-market practices that some are engaged in, including China.

Finally, all of this is very resource intensive, but money is not the only challenge that we face. There are other issues that are vitally important that we discussed, all of us together, that are obstacles in the way of faster deployment of clean technology at a scale, so that we can actually make a difference. Developing new clean technologies like solid-state batteries of the future, hydrogen and other clean fuels, carbon-capture technologies – all of these require a whole ecosystem of support beyond simply the financial resources or subsidies that may come along. Creating the technological industrial base on both sides of the Atlantic requires all of us to engage, to do more, and especially to listen to each other, to make the necessary adjustments. Because some of this, it’s so new that there’s trial and error involved. It’s iterative, and we’re going to make mistakes. We have to adjust it.

And we’re taking big bets on ultimately our most important asset, and that’s the innovators and investors, some of whom are in the audience today, who are really fundamentally going to drive all of this progress. Governments, ultimately, I think have to be about facilitating, catalyzing, sometimes simply getting out of the way, as well as making sure that, to the best of our ability, the standards that we set for ourselves that society ultimately wants and demands, that we’re safeguarding those as well. And that’s a challenging balancing act.

So again, I’m really grateful for the fact that we brought everyone here together. I want to thank you for kicking us off. And I think most of us are just eager to listen to our colleagues. Thank you.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken And U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council Ministerial Co-Chairs at a Joint Press Availability
05/31/2023


Secretary Antony J. Blinken And U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council Ministerial Co-Chairs at a Joint Press Availability
05/31/2023 01:42 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Luleå, Sweden

Fourth U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council

MODERATOR: So we don’t have much time. We’ll jump directly into the questions, so who wants to start? Yes, please, go ahead, Johan.

QUESTION: Thank you. I’d like to start off with asking each one of you to make a brief statement about the outcome of this meeting. And Mr. Secretary Blinken, could I have your comment on whether you find it troublesome that European Union and the U.S. have slightly different approaches in terms of trading with China? Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, happy to start. Briefly, also picking up on that, first, this is now the fourth meeting of the Trade and Technology Council between the United States and the European Union. I think we’ve demonstrated throughout that we are focused on and actually making progress on addressing the most urgent challenges that our countries face, and doing it in a very collaborative and productive way. We’ve been focused on building sustainable, resilient, diversified supply chains, something we know, after COVID, is particularly critical. We’re working on collaborating – on making sure that critical minerals, which will be powering our economies going forward, are readily available and that we’re collaborating on sharing information and working together to invest in them.

We have remarkable convergence, actually, when it comes to our approach on the major challenges we face, whether it’s dealing with Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, including some of the export controls that we’ve collaborated on, including dealing with some of the challenges posed by China. And again, from our conversations and discussions, the word that comes to mind most is convergence. Together we’ve been working on things like investment screening mechanisms, on coordinating, on export controls, on working, as I said, on diversifying supply chains, on dealing with some of nonmarket practices that we see.

But we start from exactly the same approach, which is that none of us are looking for confrontation, none of us are looking for a Cold War, and none of us are looking for decoupling. On the contrary, we all benefit from trade and investment with China. But, as opposed to decoupling, we are focused on de-risking. And you’ve heard the same language coming from leaders on both sides of the Atlantic – that is, being very clear-eyed about some of the challenges the relationship poses. And the TTC, in a very practical way, is focused on addressing them, and I think you’ll see that in the conclusions of this meeting as well as the work that we’re doing.

Finally, I would say, and I’ll let my colleagues address this as well, we’re intensely focused on what we can do together to address both the opportunities and challenges posed by emerging technology. We had a very intensive and, I think, productive discussion on artificial intelligence today, including generative AI. I think we share a conviction that the TTC has an important role to play in helping establish voluntary codes of conduct that would be open to all likeminded countries, particularly because there’s almost always a gap when new technologies emerge between the time at which those technologies emerge and have an impact on people and the time it takes for governments and institutions to figure out how to legislate or regulate about them.

And we feel the fierce urgency of now, particularly when it comes to generative AI. And so – and I’ll let my colleagues address this as well – one of the things we focused our conversation on today is how we can use the TTC to help advance, at least in the near term, voluntary codes of conduct that need to be open to a wide universe of countries so that we can mitigate some of the potential downsides and amplify the upsides of this extraordinary technology.

MS VESTAGER: Maybe just to start off with a question of trades, in the European Union we’re in the process of establishing an economic security strategy. The commission will table our approach mid-June for the European Council to discuss. And I think we see very much eye to eye on a number of these issues. For instance, when it comes to coercion, we have the anti-coercion instrument. This, of course, is part of the strategy, as well as export controls, so that we can, indeed, identify risks, deal with them, and then trade for the rest of it.

Important results: protecting children, minors, online – really important that we know that they are safe, but also that they are empowered. And I think we got a very good balance, because of course kids will be online, but they should be safe from harm. They should be safe from targeted advertising, and here we made a lot of progress.

On enabling researchers to get the necessary data to follow what is ongoing, we think that we can have the specifics already by Christmastime now we have the agreement in principle.

And as of now, we need accountable artificial intelligence. Generative AI is a complete gamechanger. Of course we have had AI now for a very long time. It is used in many, many places. But generative AI is something new. You have had it at your fingertips. You’ve seen colleagues using it for writing their articles. You have seen other colleagues using it for their research. Everyone knows that this is a powerful thing.

So within the next weeks we will advance a draft of an AI code of conduct, of course, also taking industry input, taking input from independents, and then, of course, invite colleagues to sign up for the drafting in order to have very, very soon a final proposal for a code of conduct for industry to commit to voluntarily. Because we have different legislative procedures, it will take two, three years at best before that would come into effect, and we’re talking about a technological acceleration that is beyond belief. And here we think it’s really important that citizens can see that democracies can deliver – of course, in legislation, but also in bridging the now and the legislative impact, and to do that in the broadest possible circle with our friends in Canada, in the UK, in Japan, in India, bringing as many on board as possible.

SECRETARY RAIMONDO: The only thing that I would add, very briefly and in answer to your question about China, is to pick up on Secretary Blinken’s comment of convergence. And the reason there’s convergence is because our interests are aligned. Of course, the EU and the member-states will have to make their own decisions, as will the United States, as to what’s in their best interest. But spending two days talking to our colleagues here, our interests are aligned as it relates to China, as it relates to having safeguards around AI, as it relates to promoting responsible innovation.

And so I thought this was a very productive couple of days, one of the most – it’s our fourth. Not surprisingly, as we all get to know each other a little bit better, develop even more trust, I think it’s been among the most productive and some of the richest discussions. And I have no doubt that what will follow from this meeting will be some really concrete outcomes around responsible safeguards for artificial intelligence, better coordination around semiconductors and our semiconductor strategy, and just general convergence as we realize our interests are aligned and we continue to work together.

MR DOMBROVSKIS: Well, on the trade side, I would emphasize our discussions on transatlantic initiatives on sustainable trade. And the concrete deliverable in this TTC is that we have agreed on a concrete work program to focus on and to really generally work towards this green transatlantic marketplace.

We just finished our stakeholders event, and it must be said that this message was coming also very clearly from the stakeholders, that they are expecting us to work together on the green transition. And we also agreed to instill new energy in our work on trade-facilitating measures, to look how we can advance in areas like conformity assessment, use of these tools for trade facilitation, and other steps in this area.

Then we had extensive discussions on economic security. Secretary Blinken already mentioned our work on export controls, where our cooperation in TTC helped quite a bit, including to be able to quickly move on our export controls against Russia in context of its aggression against Ukraine. But it’s a broader question. We were also discussing economic coercion concerns coming from nonmarket economies and practices because we share many of those concerns. So obviously we need to discuss and coordinate our approaches, because then we are more efficient in our response. Thank you.

AMBASSADOR TAI: And finally, I don’t think I know you, so I suspect you’re not a trade reporter. The only reason why I suspect you’re not a trade reporter is because the way you put your question, I think, reveals that if you cover trade you will know that the U.S. and the EU have slightly – and more than slightly – different approaches to trade just across the board. And that is just an aspect of who we are, and it’s always been true.

But that hasn’t gotten in the way of our being powerfully influential partners in building the post-World War II economic world order. And at this point in time as well, this inflection point that President Biden identifies, it is not going to stop us. In fact, we will continue to build on that partnership to drive a new world economic order that drives a race to the top, that really takes our shared vision and values for the kind of world that we want our workers, our people, our children, our businesses to be able to thrive in. And I think that the TTC is a perfect manifestation of that vision at work.

MS VESTAGER: Can I – just I’m – because this is – we’re all looking for proof of concept of the TTC. And the charger is proof of concept, because we now have a common standard for the mega-charging. So heavy-duty electrical vehicles – now we have the charging standards ready for infrastructure rollout here in Europe, over in the U.S. And it’s very tangible, and we’ve been addressing the question of standards from the very first TTC, and now you see that it’s really working.

And one of the reasons why it’s really working is that we have the stakeholder community to support us, to challenge us, to ask us to be relevant for them and for their business on both sides of the Atlantic, and for the NGO community for the social partners, actually, to give us the necessary input. And I think that has been very, very true at this TTC as well.

MODERATOR: Thank you very much. That was a long question, so we don’t have much time left. If you allow, one last question. Yes, okay. Missy, please.

QUESTION: Missy Ryan, Washington Post. Secretary Blinken, I’d like to ask you a question about U.S.-China relations. And Secretary Raimondo and Ambassador Tai, if you want to add anything from where you sit, too, that would be great. But Secretary Blinken, the Pentagon issued a statement yesterday about what it said was a dangerous interaction between a U.S. jet and Chinese military plane, the second in six months. China has also lashed out at the United States over reports that it had rebuffed requests for meetings with Secretary Austin. And there have been a series of mutual accusations regarding commercial and trade practices in the last week.

How do you see all of this in the context of the Biden administration’s hope for getting the bilateral relationship back in a better place, potentially rescheduling your visit? And more generally, how do you do the cooperate piece of your compete, cooperate, contest strategy when these things keep happening? Thanks.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, Missy. First, with regard to the planes, our planes were flying in international airspace on a routine mission. The Chinese pilot took dangerous action in approaching the plane very, very closely. There have been a series of these actions directed not just at us but at other countries in recent months.

But I think it only underscores why it is so important that we have regular, open lines of communication, including – by the way – between our defense ministers. It’s regrettable that the meeting that Secretary Austin sought did not go forward with his Chinese counterpart. But for us, for President Biden, this underscores why it’s so important that across the government, at the most senior levels, we are regularly engaged. And that’s exactly what President Biden sought to do when he met with President Xi Jinping in Bali last year and what they agreed to do and what we hope that we can back to, because it’s clearly in the interest of both countries.

The most dangerous thing is not to communicate and, as a result, to have a misunderstanding, a miscommunication. And as we’ve said repeatedly, while we have a real competition with China, we also want to make sure that doesn’t veer into conflict. And the most important starting point for that are regular lines of communication. It’s also, by the way, what I think the world is looking for us to do.

What I hear around the world is countries looking to the United States, Europe, China to manage the relationship that we have responsibly, and we very much seek to do that. We hope our Chinese counterparts will want to do the same so that, at the very least, we can avoid any unnecessary problems and, yes, hopefully build areas of cooperation where it’s in our mutual interest – and where there’s a demand signal as well from the world – that we work together. Some of the things that we’ve talked about through the TTC would require, as well, cooperation and collaboration with China as well as with other major countries. We look to do that, and we hope we’ll be able to proceed.

SECRETARY RAIMONDO: I would just add to that point of opening a dialogue. I had a productive meeting Thursday of last week in person with Minister Wang, the commerce secretary, who came to D.C. And it was a candid, direct, productive exchange where we tackled head on some of our issues related to economic coercion and other irritants, but also where we agreed to keep the channel of communication open in the hope that increased dialogue would lead to de-escalation of tension and an ability to solve problems.

AMBASSADOR TAI: And I’d like to recenter the conversation here at the TTC on the U.S. and EU relationship, speaking of channels of communication and how important it is to a vibrant bilateral relationship. Valdis and I committed to each other at the beginning of this year that, to keep the global steel and aluminum arrangement negotiations on track, that we would meet every month this year to ensure that our teams are on track to produce. And we’ve kept that promise. And in fact, I just wanted to preview for you, Valdis and I are not just seeing each other this week here in Sweden. We will be seeing each other next week as well in person. And I just want to underscore the ambition that underlies this relationship across all the areas that you see represented by the different principals on the stage right now.

MODERATOR: Thank you very much. Unfortunately, we have to conclude because there is no time left. Thank you everybody for being here, and thank you to the principals for a very successful meeting today. (Applause.)




Under Secretary Fernandez’s Travel to Sweden, Norway, Finland, France, and the UK
05/31/2023

Under Secretary Fernandez’s Travel to Sweden, Norway, Finland, France, and the UK
05/31/2023 02:57 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose W. Fernandez is traveling to Sweden, Norway, Finland, France, and the United Kingdom until June 9, 2023, to deepen transatlantic cooperation on key economic growth and security priorities. This includes a wide range of policy areas such as trade, technology, climate, energy, and food security, and sustained support for Ukraine in economic recovery and reconstruction efforts.

In Luleå, Sweden, May 29-31, Under Secretary Fernandez is joining Secretary Blinken for the fourth Trade and Technology Council (TTC) meeting, where he will support U.S.-E.U. policy alignment on technology standards, global trade, and supply chain security, deepen Transatlantic cooperation on a global clean tech transition, hold Russia accountable for its brutal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, and garner continued support for Ukraine.

Under Secretary Fernandez will visit Stockholm, Sweden, on June 1 to engage with U.S. and Swedish businesses on securing critical minerals supply chains and mitigating effects of the climate crisis. He will also meet with Swedish officials to reaffirm our commitment to the Arctic and support Norway’s Chairship of the Arctic Council.

On June 2 in Oslo, Norway, the Under Secretary will discuss U.S. economic policy, support for Ukraine recovery, and efforts to strengthen supply chains with Norwegian businesses. He will also meet with government officials to promote Norway’s priorities for the Arctic Council, ensuring peaceful cooperation in the Arctic and continuing the important technical work of the Council.

In Helsinki, Finland, June 4-5, Under Secretary Fernandez will continue to deepen cooperation with the Nordics and garner support for key Transatlantic economic priorities. He will meet with government and business to discuss opportunities to advance a clean energy supply chain ecosystem with a strong energy industrial base that promotes jobs and prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic.

Under Secretary Fernandez will then travel to Paris, France to participate in Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) meetings, including the 15th International Economic Forum on Latin America and Caribbean, the 2023 Meeting of the OECD Council at the Ministerial Level, and the inaugural event of the OECD Global Forum on Technology, June 6-7. Through these meetings, the United States is prioritizing comprehensive, multi-stakeholder dialogues on key economic policy topics, including building a more inclusive, equitable, and prosperous future; supporting regional environmental and investment sustainability; and fostering forward-looking, strategic discussions on emerging technology governance, in particular with emerging economies.

On June 8-9, the Under Secretary will travel to London, United Kingdom, to meet government counterparts to continue collaboration on economic security issues and the urgent challenges caused by Russia’s unjustified invasion of Ukraine.

To stay updated, follow Under Secretary Fernandez on Twitter: @State_E, Facebook: @StateDeptE, and LinkedIn: @State-E.

For press inquiries, please contact: E_Communications@state.gov.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre After Their Meeting
05/31/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre After Their Meeting
05/31/2023 04:41 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Oslo, Norway

Government Guest House

PRIME MINISTER STØRE: Secretary Blinken, I welcome you to Oslo. You are here at an important informal NATO meeting, but informal can be even more important than formal because it is about critical issues: how we will support Ukraine being attacked in a brutal aggression, which is really the most serious security policy situation we have dealt with in recent years and in modern times. And we’ve had the opportunity to exchange views on this and to underline again how closely Norway and the United States are working on this, how important this relationship is to Norway’s security. We had the USS Gerald Ford here recently, underlining the defense cooperation. But this is about the political cooperation, and Secretary, I appreciate you coming, spending time in Sweden, Norway, and Finland. And for the Nordic region as a whole and for Norway, that is of great importance.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Prime Minister, thank you. I’m, first, grateful for the prime minister’s – not only his hospitality, but for the very good exchange that we just had. We’re grateful. We’re grateful to have Norway as such a strong friend, partner, and ally, particularly at a time when there are so many challenges not only in the European area but around the globe. And the fact that we are such close partners in working together, of course, in support of Ukraine and against the Russian aggression – but also quite literally around the world in working to advance food security, energy security, climate security, and dealing with the many challenges that countries around the world are facing, that’s more meaningful than ever.

We are partners in trying to find peace in areas of conflict. That remains vitally important. And again, here in Europe, the solidarity that you have shown with other European partners in defense of Ukraine and against the Russian aggression I think has been absolutely remarkable. The role that Norway has played, its own generosity and support of Ukraine, the work that Norway has led on to provide for greater energy security in Europe and to help move Europe away from long-term dependencies on Russia – that has been very, very powerful. I think that’s come further than anyone would have anticipated a couple of years ago.

And we’re grateful as well to you for hosting the foreign ministers here. We’re working together to prepare a very good Vilnius Summit that the prime minister will be at. But mostly, this was an opportunity to compare notes and to say thank you. Thank you for a partnership that for us is quite simply invaluable. Thank you.

PRIME MINISTER STØRE: Thank you.




Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Call with Spanish State Secretary for Foreign and Global Affairs Moreno Bau
05/31/2023


Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Call with Spanish State Secretary for Foreign and Global Affairs Moreno Bau
05/31/2023 05:25 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The following is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:

Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman spoke with Spanish State Secretary for Foreign and Global Affairs Ángeles Moreno Bau today. The Deputy Secretary and the State Secretary discussed U.S.-Spain support for Ukraine and cooperation on key global issues, including a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the upcoming NATO Summit in Vilnius.




Additional U.S. Security Assistance for Ukraine
05/31/2023

Additional U.S. Security Assistance for Ukraine
05/31/2023 05:34 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Russia is continuing to wage a brutal and unprovoked war against Ukraine. In the month of May alone, Russia launched 17 air assaults against Kyiv, threatening Ukrainian families and devastating civilian areas. In response, the United States will continue to work with Ukraine to strengthen its air defenses and help Ukraine protect its people from Russia’s aggression.

Pursuant to a delegation of authority from President Biden, I am authorizing our 39th drawdown for Ukraine, which will provide $300 million worth of U.S. arms and equipment.

This security assistance package includes significant air defense capabilities, additional ammunition for High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems and artillery, anti-tank weapons, tens of millions of rounds of small arms munitions, and other field equipment essential to strengthening Ukraine’s brave forces on the battlefield and helping them retake its sovereign territory.

Russia could end its unjust war today. Until Russia does so, the United States and our allies and partners will stand united with Ukraine, for as long as it takes.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken And NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg After Their Meeting
06/01/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken And NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg After Their Meeting
06/01/2023 04:54 AM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Oslo, Norway

City Hall

SECRETARY GENERAL STOLTENBERG: Secretary Blinken, dear Tony, welcome to Oslo. Welcome to this NATO foreign ministerial meeting. We have many issues to discuss but let me first of all thank you for your personal commitment, your personal leadership, and not least, everything United States does to strengthen the transatlantic bond and to support Ukraine. And our support to Ukraine will be one of the main issues to be addressed at the meeting today, how to sustain and step-up support, but also how to address Ukraine’s membership aspirations for NATO.

And I’d like to underline that all Allies agree that NATO’s door is open, as we have demonstrated with Finland and Sweden, and all Allies agree that Ukraine will become a member of the Alliance, and all Allies agree that it is for the NATO Allies and Ukraine to decide when the time is right. It’s not for Moscow to decide on NATO enlargement. Then you also understand that the most urgent and (inaudible) task now is to ensure that Ukraine prevails, because it’s only with an independent, sovereign Ukraine in Europe that the membership issue is something to address at all, and then that we also understand that this will be an issue that we need to address in one way or another when the war ends.

We also discussed how to strengthen our deterrence and defense, including invest more – we should regard 2 percent not as a ceiling, but as a minimum (inaudible) for our defense investments. And then we will address how to further strengthen our partnership with the Asia Pacific partners, and then of course address also how we can continue to make progress on the ratification of Sweden, that we have Sweden as a full-fledged member.

So once again, Tony, it’s great to have you here in the city of Oslo, and to have you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Jens, thank you very much. It’s wonderful to be in Oslo. It’s a minor coincidence that it happens to be the secretary general’s hometown, so we’re very pleased to be able to share that as well. But this is a very important stop on the road to the Leaders’ Summit in Vilnius in just about a little over a month’s time. And as the secretary general said – and I can really only reiterate and reaffirm what he said – we have an intense focus on the support we’re continuing to provide to Ukraine to make sure that it prevails against the Russian aggression that’s been now going on for well over a year; to make sure as well that we continue to strengthen our own defensive alliance through building up our plans toward deterrence and defense; and as well, to continue the process of bringing new members into the Alliance, notably Sweden.

Those are the top issues that will be on the agenda in Vilnius in a few weeks’ time, very much the issues that are on our agenda today, to make sure that all Allies are fully aligned as we head into the Leaders’ Summit. But I have no doubt that will be the case. One of the stories in the last year and a half has been the extraordinary unity, the extraordinary solidarity of the NATO Alliance. It’s been very much one of the principal reasons for the success that Ukraine has had in pushing back against the Russian aggression. We have said from day one what we would do in terms of supporting Ukraine, in terms of putting pressure on Russia, and in terms of strengthening our own Alliance. We have done what we’ve said, we’ll continue to do that. This meeting and, of course, the Leaders’ Summit will be critical next steps in that ongoing effort. Thank you.




Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Transatlantic Quad Foreign Ministers
06/01/2023

Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Transatlantic Quad Foreign Ministers
06/01/2023 11:07 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met today with French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, and UK Foreign Secretary James Cleverly on the sidelines of the meeting of NATO Foreign Ministers in Oslo. The ministers discussed enduring support for Ukraine as it continues to defend itself against Russia’s brutal war of aggression. The Secretary noted the importance of continued close cooperation to advance shared objectives of peace, stability, and prosperity in Europe, the Indo-Pacific, and beyond, to reinforce the rules-based international order. The Secretary also underscored U.S. concern about Iran’s nuclear escalation.




The United States and Finland: Old Friends, A New and Stronger Alliance
06/01/2023
The United States and Finland: Old Friends, A New and Stronger Alliance
06/01/2023 11:56 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The United States and Finland enjoy an enduring partnership, rooted in our shared values of democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and a shared commitment to strengthening the international rules-based order. Finland’s North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) membership represents a major change to the European security landscape and strengthens regional and transatlantic security. We are collaborating on virtually every pressing challenge of our time, including promoting democracy, advancing human rights, addressing the climate crisis, and ensuring regional and global security to create a more prosperous future for our citizens. We also work together on shared priorities in the Arctic.

The United States values our strong cultural and educational partnerships with Finland, such as the esteemed Fulbright program. The binational Fulbright program, which celebrates its 75th anniversary in Finland next year, is a key framework of U.S.-Finnish cooperation and the U.S. government’s oldest flagship international educational exchange. We recognize Fulbright Finland’s pioneering work in promoting cybersecurity, media literacy, and combating disinformation, as well as the focus on Arctic and climate research.

The United States and Finland: A Stronger Security Alliance

● Finland joining NATO is good for Finland, NATO, and our collective security. Finland brings substantial and highly capable forces, expertise in national resilience, and years of experience working with NATO Allies. As Allies, we will continue to preserve Transatlantic security, defend every inch of NATO territory, and meet any and all security challenges we face.

● NATO has helped maintain peace and stability in Europe for over 70 years. It has also played a critical role in promoting stability and strengthening security around the world. Finland’s membership in the Alliance will advance these shared goals.

● Finland shares NATO’s values of democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law and has strong democratic institutions. Finland’s comprehensive security model is a global best practice in building societal resilience against hybrid warfare, and NATO will benefit from Finland’s expertise in this area.

● The United States welcome strengthening the bilateral security relationship through the ongoing Defense Cooperation Agreement negotiations, which are complementary to Finland’s NATO membership.

● Finland hosts the European Center of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats, which is instrumental in bringing NATO Allies and European Union partners together to strengthen national resilience and enhance collective defense against hybrid threats.

● The United States and Finland stand together in unwavering support of Ukraine and strong condemnation of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Finland has provided over $1 billion in security assistance, humanitarian aid, and development cooperation to Ukraine.

The United States and Finland: Partners in Energy

● The United States welcomed the news that Finland brought online Olkiluoto 3 (OL3) nuclear reactor, Europe’s largest, in April. The United States promotes nuclear energy, both large modern reactors and small modular reactors (SMRs), as a critical component in decarbonizing electricity generation and industrial processes.

● The United States appreciates Finland’s increasing leadership on critical minerals and clean energy supply chains, including through the Minerals Security Partnership, which aims to catalyze investments from governments and the private sector in strategic projects across the full value chain that adhere to the highest environmental, social, and governance standards.

The United States and Finland: Allies in the High North

● As one of eight Arctic nations, the United States has long been committed to protecting our national security and economic interests in the region, combating climate change, fostering sustainable development and investment, and promoting cooperation with Arctic States, Allies, and partners. The creation of new senior positions to advocate for our interests, including the first-ever U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Arctic Affairs, underscores U.S. commitment to this vital and changing region – the importance of which will only grow in the coming decades.

● Finland is a leader on security in the High North, and we look forward to continued close coordination on keeping the region peaceful, stable, prosperous, and cooperative. As stated in our National Strategy for the Arctic Region, we seek closer cooperation with Allies and partners who uphold the rules-based international order and existing governance structures in the High North.

● We look forward to working with Norway to further its priorities as the Chair, and with our likeminded Allies to determine the appropriate approach for continuing the important work of the Arctic Council.




Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Norwegian Foreign Minister Huitfeldt
06/01/2023

Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Norwegian Foreign Minister Huitfeldt
06/01/2023 12:23 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met with Norwegian Foreign Minister Anniken Huitfeldt today in Oslo. Secretary Blinken thanked Foreign Minister Huitfeldt for hosting the informal meeting of NATO Foreign Ministers in Oslo. The Secretary also thanked the Foreign Minister for Norway’s continued support for Ukraine, countering Russia’s brutal aggression, and discussed other global challenges, including energy and food security, public health, and our shared interest in a free and open Indo-Pacific. The Secretary emphasized the importance of the Arctic for the United States, congratulated Norway on assuming the Chair of the Arctic Council, and reiterated the U.S. intention to open an American Presence Post in Tromsø, the only U.S. diplomatic post above the Arctic Circle.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Press Availability
06/01/2023


Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Press Availability
06/01/2023 12:46 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Oslo, Norway

The National Museum

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good afternoon, everyone. So let me first say what a pleasure it is to be in Oslo for the first time in my capacity as Secretary of State and also wonderful to be in this absolutely magnificent museum. The only regret is that we don’t have a little bit more time to spend here.

I very much want to thank Norway for the incredibly warm welcome and for hosting this informal NATO ministerial meeting. As a founding member of NATO and the eyes and ears of the Alliance on the northern flank, Norway is a critical partner and critical to transatlantic security. And we just saw that again last week when the USS Gerald Ford, the world’s largest aircraft carrier, arrived in Oslo for training exercises.

Here in Secretary General Stoltenberg’s hometown, let me also say how grateful I am to Jens for his remarkable leadership of our Alliance these past few years – truly a crucial moment for the Alliance. Jens has brought a remarkably strong and steady hand to NATO, and as a result – no small measure, thanks to his leadership – NATO is facing the future stronger, bigger, and more united than ever.

We had a very productive discussion today to prepare for the NATO Summit in Vilnius that will take place next month. We focused on advancing our unwavering support for Ukraine in the face of Russia’s brutal aggression. As we look to Vilnius, we remain dedicated to the principles underpinning our Alliance, including, of course, Article 5 and our shared commitment to defend every inch of NATO territory.

We continue to strengthen and modernize the Alliance as we head to Vilnius. On April 4th, of course, we welcome Finland as our 31st Ally, adding another first-rate military and enhancing our presence in the High North and the Black Sea. We’re continuing to work to complete the accession process for Sweden, another very strong and capable partner, and we fully anticipate doing so by the time the leaders meet in Vilnius. These additions will make both Finland and Sweden safer and make NATO stronger. And our defensive Alliance is and always will keep its door open to new members.

We appreciate the efforts of Allies, like Norway, who’ve made concrete plans to meet the Wales Pledge and spend at least 2 percent of GDP on defense. And we look forward to coming out of Vilnius with a strengthened pledge to provide the resources necessary to improve the readiness of our militaries, increase our resilience, and keep pace with emerging challenges like cyber defense and climate security.

We’re also deepening our coordination with key partners in the Indo-Pacific, building on our shared commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific.

As the people of Ukraine demonstrate incredible courage and sacrifice, the United States, the European Union, and countries around the world continue to support their fight to defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity and the right to choose their own path. Together, we have committed billions of dollars in security assistance, including our recent pledge to train Ukrainian pilots on F-16 aircraft, which Norway is also considering. We’ve imposed severe sanctions on Russia’s economy and war machine. We’re providing vital humanitarian, economic, and energy assistance.

Norway has been an essential partner in this effort from day one. Going back to February of 2022, Norway has provided more than $2.3 billion in support of Ukraine – including air defenses and other weapons – and has pledged now $7.5 billion in aid over the next five years. As Europe’s leading supplier of natural gas, Norway has been instrumental in helping Europe transition away from Russian energy, which the United States remains committed to supporting. And the people of Norway have welcomed some 43,000 Ukrainian refugees, who are finding new homes and even learning Norwegian.

In today’s discussion, many Allies also expressed concern about increased tensions in northern Kosovo and strongly condemned the recent attacks on KFOR troops, and we’re thinking today of our Italian and Hungarian colleagues who were injured in that attack. We call on the Governments of Kosovo and Serbia to take immediate steps to de-escalate tensions and renew efforts to implement the EU-led normalization agreements. We support the process of Euro-Atlantic integration for Kosovo and for Serbia, but the current escalation hinders – rather than helps – the efforts to move in that direction.

In addition to our informal NATO ministerial, I appreciated very much the chance to meet with Prime Minister Støre yesterday evening, and I’ll be meeting shortly with my friend and colleague, the foreign minister, to discuss the very robust bilateral relationship between our countries, which is growing from strength.

Last year, a new supplementary Defense Cooperation Agreement entered into force, modernizing how our militaries collaborate.

Norway is leading the world in advancing clean energy technologies, with electric vehicles now making up 80 percent of new cars sold here over the last year. We’ll continue partnering with Norway to combat the climate crisis, from reducing deforestation to making shipping greener.

And of course, our countries are Arctic allies. I look forward to discussing with the foreign minister Norway’s assumption of the chair of the Arctic Council. We’re eager to work with likeminded allies to advance our vision of a peaceful, stable, prosperous, and cooperative Arctic.

To deepen our own engagement in the High North, I’m announcing today that the United States will be opening an American Presence Post in Tromsø – our northernmost diplomatic mission and only such facility above the Arctic Circle.

So I very much appreciated the opportunity to discuss these efforts with both our Norwegian and NATO Allies. We covered a lot of ground today in preparation for Vilnius. And I think based on the discussions today, we can anticipate a very productive summit when our leaders meet in July. With that, happy to take some questions.

MR MILLER: First question is for Shaun Tandon with AFP.

QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Can I follow up on a couple of things you just said? You said that the door remains open to Ukraine. Here in the talks leading up to the Vilnius Summit, what political commitments do you think NATO should give to Ukraine, if any, at this point, in addition to the military aid? Excuse me.

And on the issue of Kosovo, you mentioned the call to de-escalate tensions. You’ve criticized the leaders in Pristina for the actions that they’ve taken. How much leverage does the United States or do other NATO members have over those decisions? And how do you assess the role of Belgrade and Moscow in this?

And with your indulgence, can I just briefly ask about the situation in Sudan? You have the breakdown of the talks there, the army withdrawing. Are you optimistic at all of talks restarting or a peace process restarting at some point? Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good. Thanks very much, Shaun. So with regard to Ukraine, I think, based on the discussions today, the first thing I’d say is that at Vilnius, when the leaders meet for the summit, we and our friends in Ukraine can anticipate a very robust package of both political and practical support. Everyone here stands behind the Bucharest commitment. That hasn’t changed. We’re focused intensely on what we can do to strengthen even more the relationship between Ukraine and NATO and to continue to bring Ukraine up to NATO standards, interoperability. And I think you’ll see that be a feature of the Summit in Vilnius, as well as strengthening the political relationship between NATO and Ukraine. So again, I’d anticipate, based on discussions today, that there will be a strong package of support.

Now, what we were doing today is not decisional. This was really an opportunity on the eve – almost the eve – of the summit to compare notes and to make sure that when we get to the summit we do so in a way that’s characterized our entire approach to the crisis in Ukraine and to Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, and that is united together and moving forward. So you’ll see that both in terms of support for Ukraine; you’ll see that in terms of our ongoing commitment to strengthen our own Alliance to make sure that it is properly postured for any Russian aggression; and I think you’ll also see that in NATO looking at a whole series of other challenges, many of which we’ve focused on addressing, including with our new Strategic Concept.

With regard to Kosovo, the escalation there and the actions taken there move both Kosovo and Serbia in the wrong direction, because the answer that we’re looking for is de-escalation, avoiding any unilateral actions, and returning to this normalization process and the EU-led effort that is what promises both of them a future of integration in the Euro-Atlantic community. And in a sense, when we’re talking about leverage, that’s it. That, I think, meets clearly the aspirations of people in both countries. If either country is taking steps that actually make that a more distant prospect, that’s actually not going to serve the interests of their people.

We’ve been very clear in our concerns about some of the recent actions that were taken. We’ve said that directly to the leaders involved, including Prime Minister Kurti. And we’re looking for both to act responsibly going forward.

Sudan, we have been very much engaged – and I’ve been very much engaged – in trying to get a ceasefire. We did – very imperfect. We got it extended a few times. We did see the provision of humanitarian assistance moving forward. But it has been incredibly imperfect and incredibly fragile, and now we’re seeing actions – again, by both sides – in clear violation of the commitments they’ve made in terms of the ceasefire. So that also is not the right direction to be heading, and it’s certainly not what’s in the interests of the people of Sudan.

We’ll continue to be engaged. At the same time, we’re also looking at steps that we can take to make clear our views on any leaders who are moving Sudan in the wrong direction, including by perpetuating the violence and by violating the ceasefires that they’ve actually committed to. So that’s what we’re focused on right now.

MR MILLER: Mattia Bagnoli with ANSA.

QUESTION: Yes. Thank you, Mr. Secretary, for the opportunity. I want to go back to Kosovo for a second, please. Regarding the rising tensions that we are seeing over there, NATO has already announced an increase in its presence. And is the U.S. also ready to deploy more troops at Bondsteel base?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: So the United States already has forces there as part of the existing -mission. The plus-up – we have several hundred forces as part of the K4 mission. The plus-up that was announced by NATO I don’t think will involve additional U.S. forces. But as I said, there are already U.S. forces as part of the K4 mission. There are now an additional roughly 700 troops who will be added to the approximately, I think, 4,000 or so who are already there.

But again, the most important thing is for the parties themselves to de-escalate, to stop engaging in unilateral actions, and to return to the EU-led dialogue. That is the path forward. That is what we are strongly urging both parties to do. That’s very much our expectation for what we’ll see in the in the days and weeks ahead.

MR MILLER: The next question is from Will Mauldin with Wall Street Journal.

QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. I wanted to follow up on Shaun’s question and ask, based on the conversations that you heard at the informal meeting – a group of – the majority of NATO countries, their foreign affairs committee chairman wrote today saying that there should be a clear path toward membership for Ukraine and a strong security guarantee. Is that something that’s consistent with what you heard in the room or is there still a deep divide between those who want NATO membership for Ukraine and those who don’t?

And then following up on where you said practical support for Ukraine, would that be some kind of scheduled weapons delivery or assistance long term, something like the U.S. provides for Israel or were you referring to something else? Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well first, I think it’s, again, very clear from today’s discussion that every Ally stands by Bucharest. There is no division on that proposition. NATO is a consensus-driven organization, so any steps that we take have to be taken by consensus of all 31 countries who are currently members of the Alliance. As I said, when we’re – when we’re looking at Vilnius, our focus is twofold. First, we have an immediate focus, both through NATO but also on a individual basis, with the now more than 50 countries that have been supporting Ukraine, an immediate focus on maximizing our support in Ukraine – for Ukraine as it engages in a counteroffensive to take back its territory seized from it by Russia over the last year and a quarter.

At the same time, we’re also focused on helping Ukraine build up its medium‑ to long-term deterrence and defense capacity so that if and when the current aggression settles, Ukraine has the full capacity to deter and, if necessary, defend against future aggression. And NATO has a role in that in terms of the work that it can do to help bring Ukraine up to NATO standards in its planning, in its interoperability with NATO. And then individual countries are playing a role in that and will be playing a role in that, including by providing not only the immediate support to Ukraine, but also longer-term support so that, again, over time, Ukraine can fully build up its deterrent and defense capacity. We talked about all of that today. We of course have been engaged in that – in those discussions directly with Ukraine, other countries have as well, and I think you’ll see a lot of that coming together in the weeks ahead.

But the NATO piece of this is, as I said, strengthening the political relationship between Ukraine and NATO. I think the secretary general talked about some of the elements of that. But again, I don’t want to get too far ahead of the summit itself because, ultimately, these are decisions that the leaders have to make and finalize – but also, as I said, very practical support, including the work that NATO will do to help bring Ukraine fully up to NATO standards.

So all of that will be coming forward in the next weeks. And as I said, my full expectation is there’ll be a very strong package of support on both the political side and the practical side when the leaders get together in Vilnius.

QUESTION: And the path towards NATO accession that the chairman mentioned, is that something that that was on the table today or that you could agreement on?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: This was part of our discussion today, and I think we’ll now have an opportunity, everyone will have an opportunity to discuss that back home with our respective leaders. And I fully anticipate that will be part of the conversation at Vilnius. But again, I’m also confident the result in Vilnius will be a robust package of political and practical support for Ukraine.

MR MILLER: Final question goes to Vilde Wikan with Aftenposten.

QUESTION: Yes. Secretary Blinken, with increased tensions with Russia and Sweden and Finland joining NATO, has the Nordic region become more important for the United States? And can you elaborate a little bit on what the American Presence Post in Tromsø will entail? And can we also expect more American military presence in our area and in the High North? Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Great. Thank you. A few things. First, when it comes to Norway, when it comes to Finland, when it comes to Sweden, we of course have longstanding relationships, bilateral relationships, with all three countries that we very, very much appreciate. And I think you’ve seen over the years we’ve been working in a variety of ways with all three countries when it comes not just to security but to trying to deal with challenges both in Europe and in the region, but also well beyond, to include the Arctic but also to include global challenges – food security, energy security, global health, et cetera.

So those partnerships have been vital for a long time. But now we have the development that Finland has joined Norway as a NATO Ally and Sweden will soon do the same thing. So that only enhances and strengthens the incredibly strong foundation that we’ve had. For us, the Presence Post in Tromsø is really an ability to have a diplomatic footprint above the Arctic Circle, and as I said, it’s the first one that we’ve been able to have. Our entire approach is to make sure that the Arctic remains an area of peaceful cooperation. It’s one of the things that, especially in a world that is evermore challenged, that it’s also evermore vital to preserve. And we’re determined to do that.

We engage with indigenous peoples in the region. We’re very focused, of course, with our partners on dealing with many of the challenges of climate change, natural resources, and, fundamentally, working together to make sure that the region remains peaceful. And I think having a diplomatic presence further north will only enable – further enable and enhance those efforts.

But again, when it comes to the three countries, we’re building on a base of very strong bilateral partnerships and soon having all three as Allies in NATO. Thank you. Thanks very much.


Baltic Sea


Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Simen Ekern of NRK TV
06/01/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Simen Ekern of NRK TV
06/01/2023 02:11 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Oslo, Norway

The National Museum

QUESTION: So Mr. Secretary, thank you for taking the time to be with us.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: It’s good to be with you.

QUESTION: And I hope you had a nice time in Norway. I understood from the press conference that you like it so much that you open a new American Presence Post —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: We did.

QUESTION: — in Tromsø.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: We did. A little further north, but it’s our – actually our first diplomatic post north of the circle. I think it’ll enable us to do what we’ve been doing in close collaboration with Norway for many years, which is ensuring that the Arctic remains a region for peaceful cooperation. And for us, being able to have this additional Presence Post will only further enable that. And of course, we’re doing that at a time when Norway’s taking on the leadership of the Arctic Council.

QUESTION: Right. You mentioned also the presence of another prominent American guest these days, the Gerald Ford.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes.

QUESTION: And for many Norwegians, I think that was a source of security and a feeling of partnership. And for some, it’s bit of a sense of insecurity, that it’s felt as an unnecessary provocation for a country with a border to Russia. What would you say to those Norwegians?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I think it’s simply a manifestation of the deep security ties that have long existed between Norway and the United States as close partners, and of course, as NATO Allies. And this is a time of increased challenge in the region and beyond. And we take very seriously our commitment as an Ally in NATO, just as Norway does, including with its own commitment now to reach 2 percent of GDP spending on defense in the next couple of years. We take those commitments very seriously, but the presence of the Gerald Ford I think just underscores the fact that we are close security collaborators.

But also I think it’s important to remind people that across so many issues of direct concern to our two countries, but also to people around the world, the United States and Norway are the closest of partners, working together around the world to deal effectively with climate change, to strengthen global health, to strengthen food security – so many other things that people around the world are looking for and where the United States and Norway are leaders. But security is also a part of the relationship and that’s as it should be. NATO is a – excuse me – Norway is one of the founding members of our NATO Alliance. Some of the work that we’ve been doing in recent years together is to make sure that that Alliance is as strong as it can be, particularly, unfortunately, as we see a more aggressive Russia.

QUESTION: And we see a more aggressive Russia in one and a half years ago, more or less. You were the one who told Volodymyr Zelenskyy that you had intelligence about the coming full‑fledged invasion of his country. Could you say something about that conversation and the way you see the world has fundamentally changed since that October day?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, first, I wish we’d been wrong about the information that we had. Because the last thing we wanted was a war of Russian aggression against Ukraine. We worked very, very hard to prevent it. We spent many months engaging Russia diplomatically, trying to see if there was a way to stop the aggression that we saw coming. We saw the storm clouds gathering, and yes, we had very clear information that this what Russia was planning.

And it is a unique experience to tell the leader of another country that we think that person’s country is going to be invaded. So that was my responsibility with President Zelenskyy, and he took it very seriously, very stoically. One of the advantages that we had, and that Ukraine had to some extent is that because we could see this coming there was more time to prepare. And we were able to do that both with and for Ukraine, but also among so many of the other countries that have been supporting Ukraine.

And I think what we’ve seen in the last year and a half is extraordinary solidarity and unity – unity of purpose, unity of action when it comes to defending Ukraine and helping it repel the Russian aggression and take back land that’s been seized from it; unity of action when it comes to putting pressure on Russia to stop what it’s doing and to make it harder for it to do it again in the future; unity of action when it comes to strengthen the NATO Alliance, a defensive alliance that has never posed a threat to Russia, does not pose a threat to Russia going forward, but is essential to the defense of all of the – all of its members. And we’ve taken very important steps to strengthen the Alliance just in case Russia’s aggression expands beyond Ukraine.

QUESTION: And now Ukraine would like to join NATO as soon as possible. How soon is it possible for the United States to accept their membership application?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, any such decision, of course, in our Alliance has to be done by consensus. All 31 current members have to agree. We had a lengthy conversation today about the upcoming NATO Summit in Vilnius, where our leaders will come together. And first, everyone stands behind the Bucharest statement at the NATO Summit in Bucharest about NATO’s door being fully open to Ukraine, and that door remains very much open.

At the same time, we’re intensely focused on what we can do now to help Ukraine, to support Ukraine, in the effort to take back more of its territory from Russia, as well as to help it build up its medium and longer-term ability to deter aggression in the future and to defend itself against that aggression if it comes nonetheless.

So I think heading to the summit what – based on the conversation we had today with foreign ministers, I think you can anticipate a very robust package of both political and practical support in Vilnius. But I’ll leave it to the leaders to provide the details.

QUESTION: There’s been talk about long-term guarantees or long-term support packages. There is a presidential election in the United States coming up. How sure can Ukraine be that long-term guarantees last beyond that election?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, there’s no certainty in life about anything. But I think what you’ve seen thus far in the United States, as well as in many countries around the world, is sustained solidarity with Ukraine. And in the United States, that’s been done on a bipartisan basis. The $38 billion or so of assistance, security assistance, that we’ve provided to Ukraine has been done on a bipartisan basis. And I don’t see that changing.

At the same time, the steps that Norway just took to have assistance provided over the next five years – that’s hugely important for two reasons. First, that’s exactly what’s needed to help Ukraine build up its deterrence and defense capacity. That takes time and having that sustained support is necessary. But it also sends a hugely important message to President Putin that he’s not going to outwait us. He’s not going to be able to just wait until support for Ukraine stops and then continue what he’s doing. Norway is demonstrating – and I think we will demonstrate, other countries will demonstrate – that our support for Ukraine will be enduring.

And the best – ultimately the best defense for Ukraine is to have the strongest possible military in order to be able to effectively deter aggression or defend against it, if it comes nonetheless, and the strongest possible economy. And that requires two things. It requires Ukraine to continue to pursue the reforms that it’s been engaged in and it also requires its further integration with Europe. And there’s now a process, of course, with the European Union for it to do just that. If we move forward, as we fully anticipate doing, with this longer-term security assistance and Ukraine’s economic integration with Europe, then Ukraine will not only survive; it will thrive. And that will be its best possible defense against further aggression.

QUESTION: Are you concerned about the drone attacks on Russian territory? Does that change your view on U.S. support to Ukraine in any way?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, two things. We in the United States – we neither endorse nor enable, as a practical matter, any attacks beyond Ukraine’s own territory. Ukraine has to make its own decisions about how best to defend itself, but in terms of the United States, we don’t – as I say – enable or endorse attacks beyond the territory.

At the same time, it’s really important to keep this in mind: virtually every single day the Russians are unleashing wave after wave of missiles and drone attacks on civilians in Ukraine. Just last month alone in May 17 such attacks on Kyiv – not military targets. And this has been the constant, constant state of affairs since a year ago when Russia first reinvaded Ukraine. That is the reality, and we can’t lose sight of that.

QUESTION: Do you think Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg should stay on for a couple of months in this difficult situation?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I can simply say this about Jens Stoltenberg: he has been an extraordinary leader of the NATO Alliance at a time when it mattered most. He’s brought an incredibly strong and steady hand to his leadership with the Alliance, and the result is an Alliance that is stronger, that is bigger, and that is more united than ever. So again, we’ll leave it to the leaders to talk about what comes next, but we’re living in the moment and grateful in this moment for Jens Stoltenberg’s leadership.

QUESTION: One last short question. Is that okay? Yeah. I was wondering Sweden has now been waiting for almost a year, and there seems to be increased pressure on Türkiye these days to make a decision. What can the U.S. do, in addition to what you’ve already done, to convince President Erdogan that now is the time?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, this is not a matter for the U.S. This is a matter for the entire NATO Alliance. And the admission of any new member – first of all, it’s a process. And if you look at this historically – and actually this process has moved quickly, particularly with the accession of Finland, and I fully anticipate the accession of Sweden very soon. And part of that process is members of the Alliance raising any concerns that they have.

In this case, Türkiye raised some concerns, and those concerns have been fully addressed by Sweden, as well as before that by Finland, including with an agreement that they signed regarding actions that they would take to counter terrorism. And in fact, today they’re implementing a new counterterrorism law in Sweden that is part of something they agreed to do in their conversations and discussions with Türkiye.

As far as we’re concerned, Sweden has done everything and more that it said it would do. It’s very appropriate to have this process. It’s very appropriate that the legitimate concerns of members be addressed as they were, but that’s now been done.

And so in our judgement – but not just in our judgement, in the judgement of virtually every other member of the Alliance – and I heard that very clearly expressed today – foreign minister after foreign minister said, okay, the time is now for Sweden to join the Alliance. So it is my strong expectation that that will happen in the weeks ahead. And again, that’s not just us. That’s virtually every member of the Alliance saying the same thing, and I suspect those views will be made known to all those who need to hear them.

QUESTION: But it seems President Erdogan wants to have some news about American F-16s going to Türkiye as well?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: These are totally unrelated matters. We very much support – the Biden administration very much supports providing F-16s to Türkiye or upgrading the F-16s that it has, just as we very much and very strongly support Sweden’s immediate accession to NATO. But these are two distinct issues. They’re not related to each other.

We’ll continue to advocate back home in Washington with members of Congress who need to approve any such sale or provision of F-16s to Türkiye for that, and at the same time we look to Türkiye to take the steps necessary to admit Sweden. This process has, I think, been very productive, but the process in our judgement has now come to an end. Sweden has fulfilled the commitments that it made. It’s time for it to join NATO.

QUESTION: One last one.

MODERATOR: We’ve got to go.

QUESTION: Are you sure? Yeah. Okay. Well —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much.

QUESTION: — thank you so much for your time, Mr. Secretary.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good to be with you. Thank you so much.




U.S. Countermeasures in Response to Russia’s Violations of the New START Treaty
06/01/2023
U.S. Countermeasures in Response to Russia’s Violations of the New START Treaty
06/01/2023 02:42 PM EDT



Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance

The United States is committed to full and mutual implementation of the New START Treaty. Consistent with that commitment, the United States has adopted lawful countermeasures in response to the Russian Federation’s ongoing violations of the New START Treaty. The Russian Federation’s purported suspension of the New START Treaty is legally invalid. As a result, Russia remains bound by its New START Treaty obligations, and is violating the treaty by failing to fulfill many of those obligations.

U.S. countermeasures are fully consistent with international law. They are proportionate, reversible, and meet all other legal requirements. International law permits such measures in order to induce a state to return to compliance with its international obligations.

The United States notified Russia of the countermeasures in advance, and conveyed the United States’ desire and readiness to reverse the countermeasures and fully implement the treaty if Russia returns to compliance. The United States remains ready to work constructively with Russia on resuming implementation of the New START Treaty.

What are the U.S. countermeasures?

The United States has taken four lawful countermeasures in response to the Russian Federation’s ongoing violations of the New START Treaty. The United States continues to abide by the treaty’s central limits, and to fulfill all of its New START obligations that have not been included within these countermeasures.

AS OF MARCH 30, 2023BIANNUAL DATA EXCHANGE: After confirming that Russia would not fulfill its obligation to provide its biannual data update on March 30, 2023, the United States did not provide its March 30 biannual date update to Russia. The New START Treaty requires Russia and the United States to exchange comprehensive databases in March and September of each year. These databases include extensive data on New START Treaty-accountable facilities and nuclear forces, including numbers of deployed warheads and delivery vehicles.In the interest of strategic stability and to promote transparency, on May 15, 2023, the United States proceeded with public release of U.S. aggregate data corresponding to the New START Treaty central limits as of March 1, 2023. The publicly released aggregate data comprise a small portion of the data the United States withheld from Russia in March pursuant to the data-update countermeasure.

AS OF JUNE 1, 2023NOTIFICATIONS: Beginning June 1, 2023, the United States is withholding from Russia notifications required under the treaty, including updates on the status or location of treaty-accountable items such as missiles and launchers. Russia ceased fulfilling its notification obligation upon its purported suspension of the treaty on February 28, 2023. The fundamental purpose of the majority of notifications is to improve each side’s ability to verify the other’s compliance with the treaty, especially in combination with on-site inspections.The United States continues to provide Russia with notifications of intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) and submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) launches in accordance with the 1988 Ballistic Missile Launch Notifications Agreement, and to provide notifications of exercises in accordance with the 1989 Agreement on Reciprocal Notification of Major Strategic Exercises.
INSPECTION ACTIVITIES: The United States is refraining from facilitating New START Treaty inspection activities on U.S. territory, specifically by revoking existing visas issued to Russian New START Treaty inspectors and aircrew members, denying pending applications for such visas, and by revoking the standing diplomatic clearance numbers issued for Russian New START Treaty inspection airplanes.The United States had been prepared to facilitate Russian New START Treaty inspection activities on U.S. territory since June 2022, and repeatedly conveyed that readiness to Russia; however, Russia chose not to exercise its right to conduct inspection activities and has also denied the United States its right under the treaty to conduct inspection activities since August 2022, when it refused to accept a U.S. inspection. Russia has not notified the United States of any intent to send a Russian inspection team to the United States since February 25, 2020.
TELEMETRY: The United States will not be providing telemetric information on launches of U.S. ICBMs and SLBMs. The New START Treaty requires that both parties reach agreement within the framework of the treaty’s implementation body, the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), on the number of launches of ICBMs and SLBMs for which telemetric information will be exchanged each year. Russia has refused to meet in the BCC to reach such an agreement, and the United States will not provide telemetric information unilaterally. The treaty does not require the United States to take such unilateral action in any event, since it calls for an exchange of telemetric information on an agreed number of launches.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Norwegian Foreign Minister Anniken Huitfeldt Before Their Meeting
06/01/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Norwegian Foreign Minister Anniken Huitfeldt Before Their Meeting
06/01/2023 03:53 PM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Oslo, Norway

City Hall

FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Dear Tony, Secretary Blinken, welcome to Oslo.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: And also we’ve just paid so much attention to the visit of the air carrier, Gerald Ford. And now this air carrier has been followed from minute to minute.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Is that right? Really?

FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Sailing through the Norwegian coast. And we also have enjoyed hosting 2,500 sailors in Oslo. So thank you so much.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: And I know they’re on their best behavior.

PARTICIPANT: They were. That surprised us. (Laughter.)

FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Yes. It really demonstrates the strong solidarity within the Alliance, so I would just thank you for that. Your message here during these few days in Oslo, and also the fact that we are extending our cooperation.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes.

FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: You will now re-establish an office in Tromsø.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes.

FOREIGN MINISTER HUITFELDT: Because this is a Arctic capital. We have more and more projects that we want to move forward so we can strengthen our bilateral relationship, so thank you for excellent cooperation, Tony.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Anniken, thank you so much, both for today and bringing all of the foreign ministers together in advance of the NATO Summit in Vilnius that will bring our leaders together. I think the conversation today, the exchange today could not have been better, could not have been more valuable, as we prepare for Vilnius.

But to your point as well, just my thanks to you, to the entire government, for the extraordinary partnership that we have, not just as NATO Allies but quite literally around the world. Besides the security relationship, the work that we’re doing together in the Arctic – and now with Norway’s leadership of the Arctic Council – could not be more important, and we both are deeply committed to maintaining the region as a place for peaceful cooperation.

I think our diplomatic presence post only reaffirms our commitment to the Arctic. And of course, we’re doing so much work around the world together on food security, on climate, on health. We couldn’t be more grateful for the partnership, and the last 24 hours were just a strong reaffirmation of that. So my thanks to you.




U.S. Countermeasures in Response to Russia’s Violations of the New START Treaty
06/01/2023
U.S. Countermeasures in Response to Russia’s Violations of the New START Treaty
06/01/2023 04:13 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The United States is committed to full and mutual implementation of the New START Treaty. Consistent with that commitment, the United States has adopted lawful countermeasures in response to the Russian Federation’s ongoing violations of the New START Treaty. The Russian Federation’s purported suspension of the New START Treaty is legally invalid. As a result, Russia remains bound by its New START Treaty obligations, and is violating the Treaty by failing to fulfill many of those obligations.

U.S. countermeasures are fully consistent with international law. They are proportionate, reversible, and meet all other legal requirements. International law permits such measures in order to induce a state to return to compliance with its international obligations.

The United States notified Russia of the countermeasures in advance, and conveyed the United States’ desire and readiness to reverse the countermeasures and fully implement the treaty if Russia returns to compliance. The United States remains ready to work constructively with Russia on resuming implementation of the New START Treaty. Additional information on these countermeasures is available in our fact sheet: U.S. Countermeasures in Response to Russia’s Violations of the New START Treaty – United States Department of State. Additional details on Russia’s invalid suspension of and noncompliance with the New START Treaty are available in our fact sheet: Russian Noncompliance with and Invalid Suspension of the New START Treaty – United States Department of State.




Italy National Day
06/02/2023

Italy National Day
06/02/2023 12:01 AM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

On behalf of the United States of America, I extend my warmest congratulations to the people of Italy on the occasion of your Republic Day, marking the historic referendum that ushered in a new era of democracy and freedom for Italy.

The United States and Italy share a deep and enduring friendship rooted in our mutual goals of peace, prosperity, and respect for human rights around the world. We are grateful for Italy’s efforts in support of transatlantic and European values, including strong support for Ukraine, its people’s freedom, and its sovereignty in the face of Russia’s aggression. We also appreciate Italy’s critical role in fostering security and stability in the Mediterranean region and beyond as a NATO Ally and a partner to address global challenges.

The bond between our two countries is embodied by the 18 million Americans that claim Italian heritage, enriching our culture and communities. As we celebrate this Republic Day, we honor the enduring friendship between our peoples and reaffirm our commitment to strengthening our partnership in the years ahead.

Viva l’Italia!




Denmark’s Constitution Day
06/05/2023


Denmark’s Constitution Day
06/05/2023 12:01 AM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

On behalf of the United States of America, I congratulate the people of Denmark as you celebrate the anniversary of your Constitution.

Our partnership with Denmark was established over two centuries ago, rooted in shared democratic values and further strengthened by the founding of NATO, and reaffirmed today when your Prime Minister visits President Biden in Washington, D.C. I thank you for your commitment to standing up to authoritarian regimes and other efforts to promote global peace and stability. The United States and Denmark continue to work closely together to support Ukraine against Russia’s unprovoked war and hold Russia to account. We look forward to growing our Alliance and partnership as we defend against threats to democracy, develop and implement solutions to tackle the climate crisis, support strong trade between our nations, protect and develop the Arctic region, and deepen our cultural bonds.

I join you in celebrating this anniversary of the signing of the Danish Constitution and send best wishes for health and prosperity to all people in Denmark, Greenland, and the Faroe Islands.




Proceedings of the 2023 U.S.-Ukraine Cyber Dialogue
06/05/2023

Proceedings of the 2023 U.S.-Ukraine Cyber Dialogue
06/05/2023 09:29 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The United States and Ukraine met on June 1, 2023 in Tallinn, Estonia to re-convene the U.S.-Ukraine Cyber Dialogue, an annual discussion on cyber policy issues.

During the dialogue, the United States delegation reaffirmed its unwavering commitment to support Ukraine’s cyber defense in the face of Russia’s unprovoked invasion. As part of this support, the United States is working with Congress to deliver an additional $37 million in cyber assistance to Ukraine, which would bring the total to $82 million since February 2022, and over $120 million since 2016. This support has helped to strengthen Ukraine’s capacity to detect, deter, and respond to cyber incidents and threats, and has provided support to protect critical networks and digital infrastructure.

Both sides shared their perspectives on the role of cybersecurity in Ukraine’s long-term digital development, including support of the country’s workforce, institutions, and critical infrastructure. Participants exchanged views on future U.S.-Ukraine collaboration on cyber issues, including the sharing of valuable lessons learned by Ukraine throughout its ongoing elevation of cyber and digital policy issues.

Ambassador at Large for Cyberspace and Digital Policy Nathaniel C. Fick of the Department of State was the Head of the U.S. delegation, which included Acting National Cyber Director Kemba Walden of the White House, Executive Director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency Brandon Wales, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Homeland Security Thomas McDermott, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Mieke Eoyang, U.S. Cyber Command Deputy Commander Lieutenant General Timothy Haugh, and Brigadier General Chad Raduege of U.S. European Command, as well as representatives of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and U.S. Agency for International Development.

Led by Deputy Foreign Minister Anton Demokhin, the Ukrainian delegation featured Deputy Minister of Digital Transformation Georgii Dubynskyi, Deputy Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine Serhiy Demedyuk, Deputy Minister of Defense Vitaliy Deynega, Ivan Pavlenko of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Ivan Kalabashkin of the Security Service of Ukraine, State Service of Special Communications and Information Protection of Ukraine Deputy Heads Viktor Zhora and Oleksandr Potiy, Deputy Head of the Cyber Police Department of the National Police of Ukraine Oleg Zavorotnyi, Oleh Kyrii of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine, Roman Kravidz of the Ministry of Energy, Head of the NCCC Support Service of the NSDC Staff Serhiy Prokopenko, and Ambassador of Ukraine to Estonia Mariana Betsa.

Both delegations expressed their appreciation to the Government of Estonia for making it possible to meet in Tallinn.




United States and Romania Host Fifth Capital-Level Meeting of the Women, Peace, and Security Focal Points Network
06/05/2023
United States and Romania Host Fifth Capital-Level Meeting of the Women, Peace, and Security Focal Points Network
06/05/2023 10:53 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

As 2023 co-chairs of the Women, Peace, and Security Focal Points Network (WPS-FPN) , the United States and Romania will host the fifth Capital-Level Meeting of the WPS-FPN in Washington, D.C. from June 6-8. The Network will gather under the Co-Chairship theme: “Advancing the adaptability and evolution of Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) as a framework for implementing policy change.”

Launched in 2016, the WPS-FPN is a cross-regional forum coordinated by UN Women to share best practices and experiences related to advancing the global WPS agenda. There are currently 99 members of the WPS-FPN, including countries and regional organizations, with each member country appointing a government official to serve as their coordinator, known as the National Focal Point. The United States is honored to serve, alongside Romania, as the 2023 WPS-FPN co-chair, a testament to our commitment to driving the WPS agenda worldwide. The United States is deeply committed to advancing gender equity and equality as a critical element of peace and security. The safety of women and girls, in all their diversity, in conflict and crises, and their meaningful participation at all levels of political and security decision-making processes is essential to achieving sustainable global peace and security.

The Capital-Level Meeting will open with a plenary session on June 6 from 9:45 a.m.-12:30 p.m. at the U.S. Department of State. High-level speakers include Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security Ambassador Bonnie Jenkins; Assistant to the President and Director of the White House Gender Policy Council Jennifer Klein; U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues Geeta R. Gupta; President of Hunt Alternatives and Harvard Kennedy School of Government Eleanor Roosevelt Lecturer in Public Policy Ambassador Swanee Hunt; Chief of Romania’s Gender Management Office and Romanian Focal Point Lt. Colonel Manuela-Elena Bercea; and UN Women Executive Director Sima Sami Bahous.

The opening session will be followed by a livestreamed event hosted by the U.S. Institute of Peace on The Women, Peace and Security Agenda: Critical Partnerships with Civil Society from 2:30 p.m.-4:00 p.m. featuring remarks by high-level speakers including U.S. Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations Anne Witkowsky and Executive Director of the UN Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate Natalia Gherman.

On June 7, the Meeting will continue with a series of workshops for National Focal Points and civil society to examine and share best practices for collaboration on implementing WPS efforts, followed by a formal evening reception featuring guest speakers addressing intersectionality and inclusivity in WPS. On June 8, the National Focal Points will participate in discussions and hear from the academic community on reporting, WPS data, and existing and emerging security issues including climate change and power structures before joining a women’s history tour of D.C. and a reception at the U.S. Military Women’s Memorial in Arlington Cemetery co-hosted by the U.S. Department of State, the U.S. Department of Defense, and security sector partners.

The Capital-Level Meeting’s opening plenary session on June 6 in the Dean Acheson Auditorium will be open to the press. Pre-set time for cameras is 9:00 a.m. from the 23rd Street entrance. Final access time for writers and stills is 9:30 a.m. from the 23rd Street entrance.

Registered Media representatives may attend this event upon presentation of one of the following: (1) a U.S. Government-issued photo media credential (e.g., Department of State, White House, Congress, Department of Defense or Foreign Press Center), or (2) an official photo identification card issued by their news organization, or (3) a letter from their employer on official letterhead verifying their current employment as a journalist. Additionally, they must present an official government photo identification card (i.e., U.S. driver’s license or passport).

For additional information and interview requests, please contact the Secretary’s Office of Global Women’s Issues at StateGWI@state.gov and follow @StateGWI on Twitter for updates.




U.S. Sanctions Leading Members of Russian Intelligence-Linked Group
06/05/2023

U.S. Sanctions Leading Members of Russian Intelligence-Linked Group
06/05/2023 12:23 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The United States is designating seven leading members of a Russian intelligence-linked group and one entity for their role in Russia’s malign influence campaigns and destabilization operations in Moldova.

These actors are a part of Russia’s global information operations that have also targeted the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and countries in the Balkans. The goal of these destabilizing operations is to weaken support for democratic governments and principles. These operatives provoke, train and oversee groups in democratic countries that conduct anti-government protests, rallies, marches, and demonstrations with the goal of overthrowing democratically elected leaders and creating or exacerbating instability.

Today’s action comes on the heels of the European Council and Canada imposing sanctions on several individuals for actions aimed at destabilizing, undermining, or threatening the sovereignty and independence of Moldova.

The United States, along with our Allies and partners, will continue to expose, disrupt, and deter Russia’s malign influence campaigns. We will also continue to support Moldova as it makes necessary reforms to strengthen its democracy, build a prosperous and secure future, deepen its integration with Europe, and promote respect for human rights.

Treasury’s actions are being taken pursuant to Executive Order 14024, which authorizes sanctions with respect to specified harmful foreign activities of the Government of the Russian Federation. For more information about these designations, please see the Department of the Treasury’s press release .




International Tribunal Expands Sentences for Two Defendants for Committing Atrocity Crimes in the Former Yugoslavia
06/05/2023

International Tribunal Expands Sentences for Two Defendants for Committing Atrocity Crimes in the Former Yugoslavia
06/05/2023 01:32 PM EDT



Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson

Yesterday’s appeals judgment by the United Nations International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT) in the case of Jovica Stanišić and Franko Simatović, which recognized their responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, has been long-awaited. This judgment marks the conclusion of the final IRMCT case arising out of the work of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), closing an important chapter in international criminal justice in the former Yugoslavia. We are grateful for the decades of work by the judges, attorneys, and other court staff of the ICTY and its successor, the IRMCT, and their immense contributions to the rule of law and the fight against impunity.

We also acknowledge and honor the courage and resilience of victims, survivors, and their loved ones who continue to fight for the official acknowledgment of these crimes. We recognize the courage of the thousands of witnesses who participated in this and other trials and without whom justice could not be served. Atrocity crimes convictions underscore individual responsibility and are not a reflection of an entire people. The United States will continue to press for justice, mutual trust, and reconciliation as the foundation for peace and stability.




Sweden National Day
06/06/2023
Sweden National Day
06/06/2023 12:01 AM EDT



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

On behalf of the United States of America, I congratulate the people of the Kingdom of Sweden in celebration of your National Day.

The United States and Sweden established an enduring partnership 240 years ago in 1783 based on the shared commitment to democratic principles, human rights, and freedom. The United States fully supports Sweden’s NATO accession, and we commend Sweden’s leadership as it holds the Council of European Union presidency. Our nations will continue to support the people of Ukraine as they defend their country against Russia’s unprovoked war, and we will hold Russia to account for its brutal actions. Together, our nations also will continue to collaborate to overcome the climate crisis, advance peace, and work on shared priorities through our bilateral ties and cooperation in the Arctic Council. I look forward to jointly creating a bright future for our peoples.

I join you in celebrating on this special day and send best wishes for health and prosperity to all people in Sweden.




Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Call with Swiss State Secretary Leu
06/06/2023
Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Call with Swiss State Secretary Leu
06/06/2023 03:59 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:

Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman spoke with Swiss State Secretary Livia Leu today. Deputy Secretary Sherman and State Secretary Leu discussed the U.S.-Switzerland Strategic Partnership Dialogue, reaffirming the strong bilateral relationship between the United States and Switzerland. The Deputy Secretary and State Secretary underscored our enduring support for Ukraine and commitment to regional stability and security. Deputy Secretary Sherman thanked State Secretary Leu for her partnership in her current role and wished her well in her next diplomatic assignment.




Russia’s Strategic Failure in Ukraine
06/06/2023
View as a webpage / Share


FROM THE DESK OF
Secretary Antony J. Blinken

U.S. DEPARTMENT of STATE





Last week, when I was in Helsinki, Finland, I delivered a speech about the strategic failure of Russia’s war in Ukraine and about our continued efforts to support Ukraine’s defense of its territory, sovereignty, and democracy in pursuit of a just and lasting peace. Read the highlights below.

Today, I want to set out the many ways Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine has been a strategic failure, greatly diminishing Russia’s power, its interests, and its influence for years to come. And I’ll also share our vision of the path to a just and lasting peace.

When you look at President Putin’s long-term strategic aims and objectives, there is no question: Russia is significantly worse off today than it was before its full-scale invasion of Ukraine – militarily, economically, geopolitically.

Where Putin aimed to project strength, he’s revealed weakness. Where he sought to divide, he’s united. What he tried to prevent, he’s precipitated. That outcome is no accident. It’s the direct result of the courage and solidarity of the Ukrainian people and the deliberate, decisive, swift action that we and our partners have taken to support Ukraine.

First, for years, President Putin sought to weaken and divide NATO, under the false claim that it posed a threat to Russia. In fact, before Russia invaded Crimea and eastern Ukraine in 2014, NATO’s posture reflected a shared conviction that conflict in Europe was unlikely. The United States had significantly reduced its forces in Europe since the end of the Cold War, from 315,000 in 1989 to 61,000 at the end of 2013. Many European countries’ spending on defense had been declining for years. NATO’s strategic doctrine at the time labeled Russia a partner.

Following Russia’s invasion of Crimea and the Donbas in 2014, that tide began to turn. Allies committed to spend two percent of GDP on defense and deployed new forces to NATO’s eastern flank in response to Russia’s aggression. The Alliance has accelerated its transformation since Russia’s full-scale invasion – not to pose a threat or because NATO seeks conflict. NATO always has been – and always will be – a defensive alliance. But Russia’s aggression, threats, nuclear saber-rattling compelled us to reinforce our deterrence and defense.

Hours after the full-scale invasion, we activated NATO’s defensive Response Force. In the weeks that followed, several Allies – including the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Spain, France – swiftly sent troops, aircraft, and ships to reinforce NATO’s eastern flank. We doubled the number of ships patrolling the North and Baltic seas, and doubled the number of battle groups in the region. The United States established its first permanent military presence in Poland. And, of course, NATO added Finland as its 31st Ally, and we will soon add Sweden as the 32nd.

As we head into the NATO Summit in Vilnius, our shared message will be clear: NATO Allies are committed to enhanced deterrence and defense, to greater and smarter defense spending, to deeper ties with Indo-Pacific partners. NATO’s door remains open to new members, and it will stay open.

Second, for decades, Moscow worked to deepen Europe’s dependence on Russian oil and gas. Since President Putin’s full-scale invasion, Europe has made a swift and decisive turn away from Russian energy. Berlin immediately canceled Nord Stream 2, which would have doubled the flow of Russian gas to Germany.

Before Putin’s invasion, European countries imported 37 percent of their natural gas from Russia. Europe cut that by more than half in less than a year. In 2022, EU countries generated a record one-fifth of their electricity through wind and solar – more electricity than the EU generated through coal, gas, or any other power source. The United States for its part more than doubled our supply of gas to Europe, and our Asian allies – Japan, the Republic of Korea – also stepped up to boost Europe’s supply.

Meanwhile, the oil price cap that we and our G7 partners put in place has kept Russia’s energy in the global market, while dramatically cutting Russian revenues. A year into its invasion, Russia’s oil revenues had fallen by 43 percent. The Russian Government’s tax revenues from oil and gas have fallen by nearly two-thirds. And Moscow will not get back the markets that it has lost in Europe.

Third, President Putin spent two decades trying to build Russia’s military into a modern force, with cutting-edge weaponry, streamlined command, and well-trained, well-equipped soldiers. The Kremlin often claimed it had the second-strongest military in the world, and many believed it. Today, many see Russia’s military as the second-strongest in Ukraine. Its equipment, technology, leadership, troops, strategy, tactics, and morale, a case study in failure – even as Moscow inflicts devastating, indiscriminate, and gratuitous damage on Ukraine and Ukrainians.

Russia is estimated to have suffered more than 100,000 casualties in the last six months alone, as Putin sends wave after wave of Russians into a meat grinder of his own making.

Meanwhile, sanctions and export controls imposed by the United States, the European Union, and other partners around the world have severely degraded Russia’s war machine and defense exports, setting them back for years to come. Russia’s global defense partners and customers can no longer count on promised orders, let alone spare parts. And as they witness Russia’s poor performance on the battlefield, they are increasingly taking their business elsewhere.

Fourth, President Putin wanted to build Russia up as a global, economic power. His invasion cemented his long-running failure to diversify Russia’s economy, to strengthen its human capital, to fully integrate the country into the global economy. Today, Russia’s economy is a shadow of what it was, and a fraction of what it could have become had Putin invested in technology and innovation rather than weapons and war.

Russia’s foreign reserves are down by more than half, as are profits from its state-owned enterprises. More than 1,700 foreign companies have reduced, suspended, or ended operations in Russia since the onset of the invasion. That’s tens of thousands of jobs gone, a massive flight of foreign expertise, and billions of dollars in lost revenue for the Kremlin.

A million people have fled Russia, including many of the country’s top IT specialists, entrepreneurs, engineers, doctors, professors, journalists, scientists. Countless artists, writers, filmmakers, musicians have also left, seeing no future for themselves in a country where they can’t express themselves freely.

Fifth, President Putin invested considerable effort to show that Russia could be a valued partner to China. On the eve of the invasion, Beijing and Moscow declared a “no limits” partnership. Eighteen months into the invasion, that two-way partnership looks more and more one-sided. Putin’s aggression and weaponization of strategic dependencies on Russia has served as a wake-up call to governments around the world to make efforts at de-risking. And together, the United States and our partners are taking steps to reduce those vulnerabilities, from building more resilient critical supply chains to strengthening our shared tools to counter economic coercion.

So, Russia’s aggression hasn’t distracted us from meeting the challenges in the Indo-Pacific. It’s actually sharpened our focus on them. And our support for Ukraine hasn’t weakened our capabilities to meet potential threats from China or anywhere else – it’s strengthened them. And we believe that Beijing is taking notice that, far from being intimidated by a forceful violation of the UN Charter, the world has rallied to defend it.

Sixth, prior to the war, President Putin regularly used Russia’s influence in international organizations to try to weaken the United Nations Charter. Today, Russia is more isolated on the world stage than ever. At least 140 nations – two-thirds of UN member-states – have repeatedly voted in the UN General Assembly to affirm Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, to reject Putin’s attempts to illegally annex Ukrainian territory, to condemn Russia’s aggression and atrocities, and to call for a peace consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter. Governments from the West and East, North and South have voted to suspend Russia from numerous institutions, from the UN Human Rights Council to the International Civil Aviation Organization. Russian candidates have lost one election after another for key seats in international institutions, from the governing board of UNICEF to leadership of the UN agency responsible for information and communication technologies, the ITU.

Each rebuke and loss for Moscow is not only a vote against Russia’s aggression, it’s a vote for the core principles of the United Nations Charter.

Seventh, President Putin, for years, sought to divide the West from the rest, claiming that Russia was advancing the best interests of the developing world. Today, thanks to openly declaring his imperial ambitions and weaponizing food and fuel, President Putin has diminished Russian influence on every continent. Putin’s efforts to reconstitute a centuries-old empire reminded every nation that had endured colonial rule and repression of their own pain. Then, he exacerbated the economic hardship many nations were already experiencing due to COVID and climate change by cutting off Ukraine’s grain from the world markets, driving up the cost of food and fuel everywhere.

By contrast, on one global challenge after another, the United States and our partners have proven that our focus on Ukraine will not distract us from working to improve the lives of people around the world and address the cascading costs of Russia’s aggression.

Our unprecedented emergency food aid has prevented millions of people from starving to death. Just last year alone, the United States provided $13.5 billion in food assistance. And the United States is currently funding over half of the UN World Food Programme’s budget. Russia funds less than one percent.

We supported a deal negotiated by UN Secretary-General Guterres and Türkiye to break Russia’s stranglehold on Ukrainian grain, allowing 29 million tons of food and counting to get out of Ukraine and to people around the world. That includes 8 million tons of wheat, which is the equivalent of roughly 16 billion loaves of bread.

Together with allies and partners, we’re mobilizing hundreds of billions of dollars in financing for high-quality infrastructure in the countries where it’s needed most and building it in a way that’s transparent, good for the environment; empowers local workers and communities.

Time and again, we are demonstrating who fuels global problems and who solves them.

Finally, President Putin’s core aim – indeed, his obsession – has been to erase the very idea of Ukraine – its identity, its people, its culture, its agency, its territory. But here, too, Putin’s actions have precipitated the opposite effect. No one has done more to strengthen Ukraine’s national identity than the man who sought to wipe it out. No one has done more to deepen Ukrainians’ unity and solidarity. No one has done more to intensify Ukrainians’ determination to write their own future on their own terms.

Ukraine will never be Russia. Ukraine stands sovereign, independent, firmly in control of its own destiny. In this – Putin’s primary goal – he has failed most spectacularly.

President Putin constantly claims that the United States, Europe, and countries that support Ukraine are bent on defeating or destroying Russia, on toppling its government, on holding back its people. That is false. We do not seek the overthrow of the Russian Government and we never have. Russia’s future is for Russians to decide.

We have no quarrel with the Russian people, who had no say in starting this tragic war. We lament that Putin is sending tens of thousands of Russians to their deaths in a war he could end now, if he chose – and inflicting ruinous impact on Russia’s economy and its prospects. Indeed, it must be asked: How has Putin’s war improved the lives, the livelihoods, or the prospects of ordinary Russian citizens?

Everything that we and our allies and partners do in response to Putin’s invasion has the same purpose: to help Ukraine defend its sovereignty, its territorial integrity and independence, and to stand up for the international rules and principles that are threatened by Putin’s ongoing war.

Let me say this directly to the Russian people: The United States is not your enemy. At the peaceful end of the Cold War, we shared the hope that Russia would emerge to a brighter future, free and open, fully integrated with the world. For more than 30 years, we worked to pursue stable and cooperative relations with Moscow, because we believed that a peaceful, secure, and prosperous Russia is in America’s interests – indeed, in the interests of the world. We still believe that today.

We cannot choose your future for you, and we won’t try to do so. But we also will not let President Putin impose his will on other nations. Moscow must treat the independence, the sovereignty, the territorial integrity of its neighbors with the same respect that it demands for Russia.

Now, as I’ve made clear, by virtually every measure, President Putin’s invasion of Ukraine has been a strategic failure. Yet while Putin has failed to achieve his aims, he hasn’t given up on them. He’s convinced that he can simply outlast Ukraine and its supporters, sending more and more Russians to their deaths, inflicting more and more suffering on Ukraine’s civilians. He thinks that even if he loses the short game, he can still win the long game. Putin is wrong about this, too.

The United States – together with our allies and partners – is firmly committed to supporting Ukraine’s defense today, tomorrow, for as long as it takes. And in America, this support is bipartisan. And precisely because we have no illusions about Putin’s aspirations, we believe the prerequisite for meaningful diplomacy and real peace is a stronger Ukraine, capable of deterring and defending against any future aggression.

We’ve rallied a formidable team around this effort. With Secretary of Defense Austin’s leadership, more than 50 countries are cooperating through the Ukraine Defense Contact Group. And we’re leading by the power of our example, providing tens of billions of dollars in security assistance to Ukraine with robust and unwavering support from both sides of the aisle in our Congress.

Today, America and our allies and partners are helping meet Ukraine’s needs on the current battlefield while developing a force that can deter and defend against aggression for years to come. That means helping build a Ukrainian military of the future, with long-term funding, a strong air force centered on modern combat aircraft, an integrated air and missile defense network, advanced tanks and armored vehicles, national capacity to produce ammunition, and the training and support to keep forces and equipment combat-ready.

That also means Ukraine’s membership in NATO will be a matter for Allies and Ukraine – not Russia – to decide. The path to peace will be forged not only through Ukraine’s long-term military strength, but also the strength of its economy and its democracy. This is at the heart of our vision for the way forward: Ukraine must not only survive, it must thrive. To be strong enough to deter and defend against aggressors beyond its borders, Ukraine needs a vibrant, prosperous democracy within its borders.

That’s the path the Ukrainian people voted for when they won their independence in 1991. It’s the choice they defended in the Maidan in 2004, and again in 2013: a free and open society, with respect for human rights and the rule of law, fully integrated with Europe, where all Ukrainians have dignity and the opportunity to realize their full potential – and where the government responds to the needs of its people, not those of vested interests and elites.

We are committed to working with allies and partners to help Ukrainians make their vision a reality. We’ll not only help Ukraine rebuild its economy, but reimagine it, with new industries, trade routes, supply chains connected with Europe and with markets around the world. We’ll continue to bolster Ukraine’s independent anti-corruption bodies, a free and vibrant press, civil society organizations. We’ll help Ukraine overhaul its energy grid – more than half of which has been destroyed by Russia – and do it in a way that’s cleaner, more resilient, and more integrated with its neighbors, so that Ukraine can one day become an energy exporter.

Ukraine’s greater integration with Europe is vital to all of these efforts. Kyiv took a giant step in that direction last June, when the union formally granted Ukraine EU candidate status. And Kyiv is working to make progress toward the EU’s benchmarks even as it fights for its survival.

Investing in Ukraine’s strength is not at the expense of diplomacy. It paves the way for diplomacy. President Zelenskyy has said repeatedly that diplomacy is the only way to end this war, and we agree. In December, he put forward a vision for a just and lasting peace. Instead of engaging in that proposal or even offering one of his own, President Putin has said there is nothing to talk about until Ukraine accepts, and I quote, “new territorial realities” – in other words, accept Russia’s seizure of 20 percent of Ukraine’s territory. Putin spent the winter trying to freeze Ukrainian civilians to death, and then the spring trying to bomb them to death. Day after day, Russia rains down missiles and drones on Ukrainian apartment buildings, schools, hospitals.

Now, from a distance, it’s easy to become numb to these and other Russian atrocities, like the drone strike last week on a medical clinic in Dnipro, which killed four people, including doctors; or the 17 strikes on Kyiv in the month of May alone, many using hypersonic missiles; or the missile attack in April on the city of Uman – hundreds of miles from the front lines – in which 23 civilians were killed. The rocket strike hit multiple apartment buildings in Uman before dawn. In one of those buildings, a father, Dmytro, raced to the room where his children were sleeping – Kyrylo, age 17; Sophia, age 11. But when he opened the door to their bedroom, there was no room, just fire and smoke. His children were gone. Two more innocent lives extinguished. Two of the six children Russia killed in a single strike. Two of the thousands of Ukrainian children killed by Russia’s war of aggression. Thousands more have been wounded, and thousands beyond that have been abducted from their families by Russia and given to Russian families. Millions have been displaced. All are part of a generation of Ukrainian children terrorized, traumatized, scarred by Putin’s war of aggression, all of whom remind us why Ukrainians are so fiercely committed to defending their nation and why they deserve – deserve – a just and lasting peace.

The United States has been working with Ukraine – and allies and partners around the world – to build consensus around the core elements of a just and lasting peace. To be clear, the United States welcomes any initiative that helps bring President Putin to the table to engage in meaningful diplomacy. We’ll support efforts – whether by Brazil, by China, or any other nation – if they help find a way to a just and lasting peace, consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter.

Here’s what that means.

A just and lasting peace must uphold the UN Charter and affirm the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence.

A just and lasting peace requires Ukraine’s full participation and assent – nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine.

A just and lasting peace must support Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery, with Russia paying its share.

A just and lasting peace must address both accountability and reconciliation.

A just and lasting peace can open a pathway to sanctions relief connected to concrete actions, especially military withdrawal. A just and lasting peace must end Russia’s war of aggression.

In the weeks and months ahead, the United States will continue to work with Ukraine, with our allies and partners – and any and all parties dedicated to supporting a just and lasting peace based on these principles.

On April 4, 1949, 74 years to the day before Finland joined NATO, the original members of the Alliance gathered in Washington to sign its founding treaty. President Truman warned the group, and I quote, “We cannot succeed if our people are haunted by the constant fear of aggression and burdened by the cost of preparing their nations individually against attack. [W]e hope to create a shield against aggression and the fear of aggression – a bulwark which will permit us to get on with the real business of . . . achieving a fuller and happier life for all our citizens.”

The same is true today. No nation – not Ukraine, not the United States, not Finland, Sweden, any other country can deliver for its people if it lives in constant fear of aggression. That’s why we’ve all got a stake in ensuring that President Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine continues to be a strategic failure.

Thank you very much.



I appreciate those who have taken the time to write to me in the past several months. To share your thoughts, please write to me and my team at EmailTeam@State.gov.

Sincerely,

Secretary Antony J. Blinken



Note to Readers
This flagship email – “From the Secretary’s Desk” – features the Secretary’s remarks and speeches on important current events. Sign up to receive this email regularly


This email was adapted from Secretary Blinken’s Remarks “Russia’s Strategic Failure and Ukraine’s Secure Future” delivered in Helsinki, Finland, on June 2, 2023.

Find all my speeches, remarks, and other press statements on State.gov. You can follow me on Twitter and Instagram to learn more about my work. I’m also on Spotify, where I'm creating playlists of my favorite music from around the world.




U.S. Department of State Announces a Reward Offer for Swedish Transnational Criminal
06/07/2023
U.S. Department of State Announces a Reward Offer for Swedish Transnational Criminal
06/07/2023 11:06 AM EDT



Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson

Today, the State Department is announcing a reward offer of up to $5 million for information leading to the arrest and/or conviction of Swedish national Maximilian Rivkin for conspiring to participate in or attempting to participate in transnational organized crime. Specifically, Rivkin was administrator and influencer of an encrypted communication service used by criminals worldwide. His communications on the platform implicated him in several nefarious activities, including his alleged participation in drug trafficking, money laundering, murder conspiracy and other violent acts.

This reward offer is being announced jointly with the Swedish Police Authority, who charged Rivkin with narcotics smuggling and trafficking. He was also indicted and charged by a U.S. federal grand jury with international racketeering conspiracy involving drug trafficking and money laundering. This joint reward offer reinforces the U.S. efforts to disrupt and deter transnational criminal activity globally and to build a global coalition to address synthetic drug threats. Transnational organized crime and illicit drug trafficking threatens economic prosperity and challenges the stability of governments and societies around the world. The United States stands with our allies against transnational organized crime and its associated violence across the globe.

# # #

Any information in response to the reward offers should be directed to the FBI by e-mail at SD_Rivkin_Reward@fbi.gov . Additionally, tips may be provided by email to the Swedish Police Authority at efterlyst@polisen.se. For more information on Rivkin, please visit the TOCRP webpage.




Second Meeting of the Counterterrorism Law Enforcement Forum
06/07/2023

Second Meeting of the Counterterrorism Law Enforcement Forum
06/07/2023 03:08 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The U.S. Departments of State and Justice held the second meeting of the Counterterrorism Law Enforcement Forum (CTLEF), co-hosted by the Government of Norway, in Oslo on June 6-7. The CTLEF, which focuses on countering the global threat of racially or ethnically motivated violent extremism (REMVE), brought together law enforcement, prosecutors, and other criminal justice practitioners from Europe and North and South America, alongside representatives from INTERPOL, Europol, the International Institute for Justice and the Rule of Law, and other multilateral organizations.

At the CTLEF meeting, State Department Deputy Coordinator for Counterterrorism Ian Moss highlighted Russia’s damaging role, including in allowing REMVE actors to operate in the country, having REMVE groups fight alongside Russian troops in Ukraine, promoting a false narrative that Ukraine is a Nazi hotbed, and thus citing “de-Nazification” as one of the primary pretexts for its full-scale invasion. Deputy Coordinator Moss announced that the Bureau of Counterterrorism is awarding $2 million for new projects designed to counter Russian disinformation and publicize Russia’s hypocrisy on this front.

The CTLEF meeting also focused on increasing awareness and information sharing among law enforcement and criminal justice partners about global REMVE activity, including the transnational linkages between and among REMVE actors. Additionally, participants discussed recent law enforcement actions that governments have taken to disrupt REMVE actors’ global activity and best practices in this challenging area.

In addition to the Departments of State and Justice, officials from the Department of the Treasury, as well as the Federal Bureau of Investigation, also participated in this meeting. The CTLEF will convene again in spring 2024.




Joint Statement on the 2023 U.S.-Swiss Cyber and Digital Dialogue
06/08/2023


Joint Statement on the 2023 U.S.-Swiss Cyber and Digital Dialogue
06/08/2023 11:28 AM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The text of the following statement was released by the Governments of the United States of America and Switzerland on the occasion of the 2023 U.S.-Swiss Cyber and Digital Dialogue.

Begin text:

The United States and Switzerland held the second U.S.-Swiss Cyber and Digital Dialogue in Washington, DC on June 7, 2023. The United States and Switzerland reaffirmed their shared commitment to advancing a peaceful, secure, and stable cyberspace through efforts to promote a free, open, interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet.

U.S. and Swiss officials covered a wide range of issues, including a review of respective national polices and strategies. Officials discussed avenues for increasing collaboration on cybersecurity and cyber defense with emphasis on expanding cooperation to combat ransomware. On cyber diplomacy and deterrence, U.S. and Swiss sides worked to align objectives for ongoing UN processes including the Open-Ended Working Group and Ad Hoc Committee on Cybercrime.

The United States outlined its advocacy for secure digital infrastructure supported by trustworthy suppliers and shared concerns surrounding digital regulation trends in Europe. U.S. and Swiss experts exchanged digital and Internet-related policy initiatives, including Switzerland’s ongoing efforts as a host state to provide a secure digital environment for International Organizations located within its borders. The United States offered priorities in its role as 2023 chair of the Freedom Online Coalition and the two sides discussed the principles set out in the Declaration for the Future of the Internet and ongoing efforts to support inclusive and multi-stakeholder internet governance.

The dialogue was chaired by Liesyl Franz, Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Cyberspace Security, and Ambassador Benedikt Weschler, Head of the Digitalization Division at the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. The United States was also represented by the U.S. Department of State (Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy; Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs; Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor; Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs; and the U.S. Embassy in Bern) as well as by the Departments of Commerce, Defense, Homeland Security, and Justice, and the White House Office of the National Cyber Director. Switzerland was represented by the Federal Departments of Energy, Transportation, Environment and Communications; Defense, Civil Protection, and Sport; Finance; Foreign Affairs; and Federal Department of Justice and Police, as well as by the Embassy of Switzerland in the United States.

End text




Secretary Blinken’s Call with Turkish Foreign Minister Fidan
06/08/2023


Secretary Blinken’s Call with Turkish Foreign Minister Fidan
06/08/2023 02:36 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke today with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan to congratulate him on his appointment. Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Fidan discussed regional matters and the importance of the U.S.-Türkiye bilateral relationship, including our longstanding defense cooperation. They also highlighted the importance of NATO unity, and Secretary Blinken emphasized the need for Sweden to join the NATO Alliance as soon as possible. Secretary Blinken reiterated the importance of the Türkiye-sponsored Black Sea Grain Initiative.




Secretary Blinken’s Call with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba
06/08/2023

Secretary Blinken’s Call with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba
06/08/2023 04:26 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba today. The two discussed the latest situation on the battlefield and the United States’ steadfast support to Ukraine as it defends itself against Russia’s brutal attacks on civilians and critical infrastructure. The Secretary expressed his concern for the thousands of Ukrainians impacted by the recent destruction of the Kakhovka dam, offering further U.S. support for those affected. They also discussed the Foreign Minister’s recent trip to Africa.




The United States Funds Economic Survey of Ukraine for Sustainable Recovery
06/09/2023
The United States Funds Economic Survey of Ukraine for Sustainable Recovery
06/09/2023 05:09 PM EDT



Office of the Spokesperson

At the 2023 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Ministerial Council Meeting in Paris, France, Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose W. Fernandez announced the United States fully supports the OECD Country Program for Ukraine and is pleased to commit $437,000 for its implementation. The OECD country program will support Ukraine’s agenda for reform, recovery, and reconstruction.

The U.S. donation will fund an economic survey of Ukraine to identify gaps and prioritize reforms needed to ensure broader recovery efforts. The United States has thus far contributed $19.25 billion in budget support to enable the Government of Ukraine to pay salaries of first responders and government officials, meet pension obligations, and operate hospitals. The United States and the OECD continue to further deepen and strengthen our cooperation with Ukraine to support its recovery.

Learn more about the OECD’s launch of a four-year country program for Ukraine.

To stay updated, follow Under Secretary Fernandez on Twitter: @State_E, Facebook: @StateDeptE, and LinkedIn: @State-E.

For press inquiries, please contact: E_Communications@state.gov.