U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE (part two)

 PART TWO..

It can be done, because of all of you and the generations that will follow all of us. Thank you very much.  (Applause.) Thanks, everyone.  Now, are we going to get a chance to look around? MS GEORGE:  Yes, please. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  All right.  (Laughter.) Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Room Rededication Ceremony for Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and Secretary of State Colin L. Powell 06/27/2024 Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Room Rededication Ceremony for Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and Secretary of State Colin L. Powell 06/27/2024 08:04 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Colin L. Powell Treaty Room MS GEORGE:  Hi. AUDIENCE:  Hi. MS GEORGE:  Welcome to the State Department.  Thank you all for joining us today to dedicate this Treaty Room to Secretary Powell and the Secretary’s Conference Room to Secretary Albright.  It’s an immense privilege to mark this special and, for me, personally very meaningful occasion with so many cherished family members, friends, colleagues of both secretaries.  And I am very grateful to Secretary Blinken for honoring both of these important secretaries’ legacies. Although Secretary Albright and Secretary Powell went on to have a long, deep, and treasured friendship, they initially had their challenges.  (Laughter.)  As Secretary Albright put it, “She wore a pin, and he wore a lot of medals.”  (Laughter.)  They at times disagreed vigorously on matters of policy.  Secretary Powell later said one of these debates almost gave him an aneurysm.  (Laughter.) And yet, even in those times, they respected one another, and the friendship they developed was rooted in that respect as well as shared values and experiences.  Both approached being Secretary of State with tenacity, with honor, and with decency.  Both understood the immense responsibility entrusted in them.  Both were trailblazers.  Secretary Albright the first female Secretary of State, Secretary Powell the first black secretary.  And importantly, both understood and grappled with the unique challenge of being both deeply dedicated to leading our nation’s diplomacy and deeply dedicated to their loved ones. In my time working with Secretary Albright, whom, as you know, I adored, I had the privilege of getting to know and love her wonderful family – her sister Kathy, her brother John, her grandchildren, and especially her daughters Katie, Anne, and Alice.  All three of the girls have had and continue to have extraordinary careers in public service, just like their mom.  Alice currently serves as the CEO of the Millennium Challenge Corporation and is hitting it out of the park there.  We are so grateful to have Alice with us today to speak on behalf of the Albright family.  (Applause.) MS ALBRIGHT:  Thank you, Suzy.  Greetings, Secretary Blinken, Powell family, friends, and my family.  I’m Alice, one of Madeleine’s three daughters, and I’m joined here today by many members of our family.  On behalf of all of us, I’d like to thank everyone who’s worked so hard to make this dedication a reality.  Mom would have been so humbled by having the Secretary’s Conference Room dedicated to her and her service as the U.S. Government’s 64th Secretary of State. But even more so knowing that the Treaty Room is being dedicated to her dear friend, Secretary Powell.  Mom cherished her friendship with Secretary Powell.  I’ll never forget the night before his funeral service when mom called me, asking that I listen to her practice her eulogy just a few more times because, as she said, it had to be perfect. It is a deep honor to be here with you, Powell family, as we celebrate both Secretary Powell’s and mom’s service and contributions.  Mom and Secretary Powell were colleagues who in their later years became the closest of friends, traveling together to give speeches, calling each other to gossip or vent about their successors – (laughter) – not you; I’m sure you weren’t on that list – (laughter) – and having lunch to celebrate their respective birthdays.  I’m even thinking that right now Secretary Powell and mom are up in heaven, right now, debating the world’s challenges. When I think about mom’s portrait and I think about her life, I am struck by both how likely and at the same time how unlikely it would have been that her portrait would be hanging just there so elegantly framing the Secretary’s Conference Room.  Likely in that she was trained early on through lived experience in the hard lessons of why democracy, free speech, enduring alliances, and strong U.S. leadership mattered.  But at the same time, so very unlikely that a young immigrant girl from a faraway place who had to escape from years of war and upheaval would be appointed to be this nation’s first female Secretary of State only some 50 years after she arrived onto U.S. shores.  But having survived the war years, Mom embraced the U.S. completely and went on to shatter the thickest of glass ceilings to become the then-highest ranking woman in U.S. history. Once here, she worked tirelessly and relentlessly with many people here to make enduring contributions that resonate today in the Balkans, with NATO, integrating women’s rights into U.S. foreign policy, and fighting for democracy.  Her story is one of advancing U.S. leadership from the very beginning, being a consummate public servant, an incredible diplomat, and above all, a fighter. The room is such a tribute fitting to Mom, and our family is deeply honored and grateful to you, Secretary Blinken, and our dear Suzy, who is basically our sister because she was Mom’s fourth daughter – (laughter) – and all involved at the State Department to now have it dedicated to her and her service.  I have no doubt that the room will become an inspiration to women, immigrants, and refugees around the world, carrying the message that you too can rise to the highest levels of leadership internationally. Let me close by thanking all of Mom’s work family.  There is no way to thank all of you for the support and camaraderie you have provided her during her time in the seventh floor and since.  Over the years, you all kept her safe, you traveled with her, you advised her, you wrote her speeches for her, and you became her work family, and you protected her when we could not be there.  So to all gathered here who were part of her work family, we thank you, and thank you all so much for being the village that it took to make all of this happen. So thank you.  We will remember this forever and are immensely grateful to all of you for remembering our mom.  Thank you.  (Applause.) ASSISTANT SECRETARY BITTER:  Hi, good afternoon.  My name is Rena Bitter.  I am so honored to be here today, particularly to warmly welcome the Powell family back to the State Department, and also just to take a few moments to share some recollections from my time working for Secretary Powell – of course caveated, because my time was totally the worm’s eye view as a green but super enthusiastic special assistant during Secretary Powell’s first year here in the department.  But those experiences were absolutely formative, and in many ways my career and the career of my entire generation of Foreign Service officers were shaped by Secretary Powell’s tenure and his contributions to the department. I want to mention one of those contributions, because to my mind, it was by far the most consequential change to this institution in my 30 years here, and that was requiring mandatory leadership training for all department personnel.  So I’m part of the first cohort of Foreign Service officers to have had that training at every level of my career.  It was a huge change and a heavy lift to implement, but what it did was it set the expectation that Foreign Service officers could not simply be practitioners.  We had to be more than people who formulated policy.  We had to lead at every level.  We had to be responsible to and for the people around us. We still so often fall short, but we continue to strive, because we understand what Secretary Powell wanted for us and expected from us.  And on top of that, he was just an awesome guy.  He was charismatic, he had a great sense of humor, he had a remarkable ability to connect with people.  He respected them.  He understood and saw the value in their contributions regardless of where they sat in the department hierarchy.  It is well known and 100 percent true that he delighted in evading his DS detail – (laughter) – and wandering around the building, popping into people’s offices, their staff meetings, the cafeteria, playing the role that I think he liked best, which was basically being the mayor of the State Department.  (Laughter.) On a personal note, I am more than just honored, actually, to be here.  I am profoundly grateful.  I, again from the peanut gallery, had the distinct honor of working both for Secretary Albright and Secretary Powell as a member of the executive secretariat staff.  I was incredibly fortunate to have had the opportunity to learn from both of these giants at such a formative time in my career.  In fact, I was detailed to work on Secretary Powell’s transition team, so part of the group that welcomed him and Grant Green on that very first day.  We were so nervous, right?  Like, it was a short – it was the election and it was a short transition, and Colin Powell is an American hero.  And I’m pretty sure I remember on that day that as he entered the department garage, we may have raised the barrier before his car had completely cleared – (laughter) – the entryway, damaging the underside of his (inaudible).  (Laughter.)  So, Powell family, let me apologize on behalf of the State Department.  I’m not sure that we paid for the damages.  (Laughter.)  But just know that all these years later, we remember and we’re sorry.  (Laughter.) And just finally, even from my vantage point, it was plain that Colin Powell’s real life was centered around his family, and that is where he was the truest Colin Powell.  He was really, really proud of you guys. So thank you to the Powell family.  We are profoundly grateful to him for his many contributions to the department and to you for sharing him with us. And now I have the very great honor to welcome Michael Powell to speak on behalf of the Powell family.  Thank you.  (Applause.) MR POWELL:  Well, I’ll have you know we just sold that car for charity.  (Laughter.)  And just among us, we did not disclose any potential undercarriage damage.  (Laughter.)  So what a great story.  I do remember that.  And Secretary Blinken, I can’t think of a greater, more memorable moment than the one you’ve provided us today, so thank you. The Secretary of State is the custodian of the Great Seal of the United States.  This seal is affixed to the commission of individuals confirmed to serve as officers of the United States.  When I was appointed chairman of the FCC, my father was Secretary of State.  That meant, along with the president, he would sign my commission.  I was so excited when I received it, expecting to see my own dad’s signature right there.  And when I unfolded the parchment, I saw something unexpected:  To the right of his signature, he had seen fit to draw in a small smiley face.  (Laughter.)  True story. I think this story exemplifies more than anything the wonderful nature of Colin Powell.  While bearing the heavy responsibilities of his office, he always maintained a light, loving, and playful joy.  He could work in this town, with all its cynicism, and maintain his humanity and his commitment to others. My dad came to the State Department with a soldier’s ethic.  He believed, as he had in the Army, that the needs of the troops should always come first, that a leader’s job was to care for, empower, and trust his subordinates.  Dad always seemed most animated when talking about things he was doing for the men and women of this department.  It is fair to say his relationship with the people of the State was the thing he most enjoyed when he served here. Colin Powell also believed that character mattered, that a leader should have a set of uncompromising principles, a moral compass to guide his actions.  I actually think this shared belief is a big part of what connected him to Secretary Albright.  They had a surprising but wonderful friendship.  It may not have been as unusual as Justice Antonin Scalia and Ruth Bader Ginsburg – (laughter) – but the dynamic was similar, and despite different perspectives, they admired each other’s intellect and moral character, and they genuinely became close friends. So it’s only fitting, to my mind, that these rooms bear their names, and one hopes their individual and collective wisdom will shine a light that illuminates the path for future leaders to follow in the best interests of our country. Secretary Blinken, again, thank you for honoring my father and Secretary Albright in this manner.  I am confident that of the many spaces that bear my dad’s name, this one will be among the most cherished.  And I’m pretty sure if he were here, I think he might walk across the hall and draw a little smiley face – (laughter) – next to his name on the plaque. So thank you very much for having us.  (Applause.) I’m supposed to introduce him, so I’m going to do it.  (Laughter.)  Our chief diplomat, the great Secretary of State of the United States of America, Secretary Blinken. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you, Michael.  (Applause.)  Thank you, thank you.  Thank you.  Good afternoon, everyone.This is genuinely a special moment, one I was looking forward to and one I so deeply appreciate because, first of all, it sure beats working on the Middle East.  (Laughter.)  Second, I see so many extraordinary people here – the families, colleagues from the past as well as the present.  But it’s also an incredible opportunity to reflect on this institution, the people who’ve led it in such extraordinary ways, and two in particular in Madeleine Albright and Colin Powell. Now, you will understand that in this moment I empathize deeply, deeply with Allen and Rossi.  And for those of you who don’t remember Allen and Rossi, that’s just the point:  They were the act that followed the Beatles on the Ed Sullivan Show.  (Laughter.)  So every day I go to work knowing that I was following Madeleine Albright and Colin Powell – not an easy to task – not to mention a few others, like Jim Baker and George Shultz. But today let me say this:  We have the immense and I have the immense honor of being able to dedicate two of our most important spaces to two of our most extraordinary and most beloved leaders. We’re taking these steps not only to recognize Secretary Powell and Secretary Albright’s extraordinary service to the institution, not only to recognize their service to the American people. We’re doing it so that everyone who gathers here, who comes to these rooms, will be reminded of the way that they led, and ask a question that I have to ask myself often in this job:  What would Madeleine do, what would Colin do, faced with the challenges of this moment? I’ve learned a lot of lessons from both of them, both from knowing them – knowing Madeleine better, because to me she was an extraordinary mentor, a friend, a supporter.  I got to watch her in action during the Clinton administration when I first came to government, and she was someone who played an instrumental role in my life and bringing me to this point from that moment on, including so many gatherings in that living room in Georgetown over the years.  She played an extraordinary role in keeping the community of people together, and that made a profound difference. Secretary Powell I got to know a little bit later, but the generosity that he showed me was truly extraordinary.  When I had the privilege of serving here following the great Bill Burns as deputy secretary, one of the first things that I did coming to the building was to go visit with your dad and just to ask him what should I focus on.  And I thought he’d say, well, North Korea or Iran – the people.  That was exactly what you said, exactly what he told me:  Come here and remember this institution is first and foremost its people.  And we try to live up to that as best we can every day. Because we’re joined by the families and so many close friends of both secretaries, let me just take the liberty of first of all referring to our honorees as – simply as Madeleine and Colin.  But let me also try to impart a few thoughts, maybe a few lessons, that at least I take from them. And one of those lessons is – and I think all of you here will appreciate it – get the right people around the table. The conference room next door – now the Albright Room – is where some of the most consequential debates about U.S. foreign policy are going to be hashed out and have been hashed out.  And it’s a table – some of you – many of you know it well, but for those of you who don’t, take a look after we finish here.  Maybe we get a dozen or so people around that table. When Colin and Madeleine held weighty discussions around the table, they didn’t pick the people who sat there based on hierarchy.  They didn’t pick them based on title. Instead, they actually sought out the people who knew something about something – (laughter) – people who had actually worked the issues up close and could really bring that value and perspective to the table. And they both made a point of seeking out a diversity of views, expertise, backgrounds. They valued this inclusivity in no part – in no small part because each of them had, at times, been excluded from rooms like these rooms, discussions like the ones we have here, or paths, simply because of who they were. In the ’50s, Colin drove home to New York City from ROTC training in the South.  He went through town after town after town where he had to use different services, simply because he was black.  He could die in a trench next to a white serviceman in the U.S. Army, but in many places, he couldn’t eat next to a white customer in a restaurant or stay next to a white family in a motel. A few years after he made that trip, Madeleine moved to Chicago with her husband.  Both set about looking for jobs at newspapers.  Her husband found one quickly.  Madeleine – who had edited her college newspaper at Wellesley and later worked for a paper in Missouri – was passed over time and again, often for men who were less qualified. When she told one editor that she was looking for a job, he asked her, “Why would you want to compete with your husband?”  (Laughter.)  So by the way, if someone said that to my wife – (laughter). So this feeling that is imposed on you that maybe somehow you don’t belong, that can be something that’s incredibly hard to shake. Madeleine remembered walking down Mahogany Row – just along here, the corridor that runs the length of this floor – on the day that she was sworn in.  And she said, “I had to pass by paintings of all those men with whiskers and suits, and I was worried that someone was going to call Diplomatic Security and have me escorted out.”  (Laughter.) Both Madeleine and Colin knew that stronger teams come when people from all walks of life are made to feel that they belong. And that’s why, in their tenures as Secretary, both worked relentlessly to bring in the most talented people, the most talented public servants from all across the country, particularly from communities that had long been underrepresented in our government and in this department.  And that’s a lesson that I will also try to follow through on.  And it’s not only because it’s the right thing to do, and it is; it’s because it’s the smart and necessary thing to do for our country and for our foreign policy. We’re operating in an extraordinarily diverse world.  The greatest strength we bring to that mission is our own diversity: to be able to bring to bear different backgrounds, different perspectives, different experiences, different ideas.  If we don’t do that, if we deny ourselves that full participation, we’re simply shortchanging our foreign policy, shortchanging our country.  And Colin and Madeleine knew this intimately, almost inherently, from their own experience. Madeleine was the first Secretary to extend equal benefits to same-sex partners of department employees – so that they were treated like everyone else. When she saw how inaccessible many of our embassies were to people with disabilities, she directed the department to fix the problem.  She declared publicly: anyone – anyone – leading a project for a new State Department facility who failed to make it fully accessible would have to answer directly to her.  That’s something you didn’t want to do if you were on the wrong side of an issue.  (Laughter.) Colin launched the Rangel Fellowship Program to help diverse college graduates pay for their graduate studies, get internships, in exchange for doing a stint in the Foreign Service.  In the 20-plus years since, around 550 people have taken part in the program.  Over 480 of those folks are still with the department today. If you look at the Rangel that Colin started, the Pickering Fellowships, this has been an incredibly source of strength for this department.  Right now, one out of every nine Foreign Service officers is a graduate of one of those programs.  That’s an extraordinary legacy to this department.  (Applause.) Simply put, those reforms have made our institution, they’ve made our foreign policy better, smarter, more creative. Now, the job is far from finished, but today’s State Department looks a little bit more like the nation we serve, thanks to Madeleine and thanks to Colin. Lesson number two:  The way you lead tough discussions matters. Both secretaries not only welcomed disagreement; they expected it.  Colin once said that he viewed dissent as a form of loyalty. Both Secretaries built teams filled with people who were unafraid to poke holes in their arguments, to question assumptions, to see around the corners. They expected the same thing from their families, too.  A few years ago, an interviewer asked Colin, “Who’s the greatest person that you’ve ever known?  Who is your compass?” And he didn’t skip a beat.  “Alma Powell,” he said. He said, “She was always there for me… and she’d always tell me, ‘That’s not a good idea.’”  (Laughter.)  “And she was usually right.”  I’ve had a little bit of an opportunity in recent years to spend a little bit of time with your mom, and I have a pretty good idea.  (Laughter.) Now, I so wish she was with us today – I know you do too – to mark the celebration.  But today, we also honor her as well as all the family members who loved, who nurtured, who supported Colin and Madeleine, as they served our nation.  You all serve too, and we’re so grateful for it. Now, both secretaries didn’t just want people to admire the complexity of problems – or point out everything that couldn’t or wouldn’t work.  What they wanted, what they demanded, was people who would put forward ideas of what could work. Too much planning can be paralyzing.  Too much strategizing can veer into procrastination.  Eventually, you’ve got to pick a path, you’ve got to walk the path. Colin had a great phrase for this:  He said that he brought to his tenure as secretary “a bias for action.” Madeleine put it this way:  “Let us remember,” she said, “that there is not a page of American history of which we are proud that was written by a chronic complainer or prophet of despair.”  (Laughter.)  “We are doers.” Both secretaries surrounded themselves with doers, and I see a number of them here in this room today and right here alongside me.  By people who actually ran toward the hard problems, not away from them. And that brings me finally to lesson number three.  What I took away from my own experience with both Colin and Madeleine, and what I hear from so many people who worked with them or for them, is that inherently both of them were optimists. Optimists about our country – about its unique capacity to lead in the world.  Optimists about our nation’s enduring struggle to live up to our core principles – of freedom, of democracy, of justice, equality, of the innate dignity of every human being. It doesn’t mean that they saw the world or our country through rose-tinted glasses.  As Madeleine liked to say, she was an optimist who worried a lot.  (Laughter.) But for Colin and Madeleine, they knew that our nation’s challenges and imperfections were real; they knew that as well as anyone.  But they also knew that we live in a world that has – and we see it every single day – a staggering capacity for cruelty, for violence, for dehumanization. As a child, Madeleine’s family was driven from their home not once but twice – first by the Nazis, then by the communists.  As a four-year-old in London, she’d hidden under a table in her kitchen as the Luftwaffe dropped bombs overhead. Colin had lived it as a young captain in Vietnam – a war that cut short the lives of several of his closest friends, and nearly ended his own. And yet, ultimately, these experiences only fueled their commitment to building a more secure, a more just, a more peaceful world. Neither Colin nor Madeleine ever lost faith in America.  And just being around them, you felt that.  That’s what they exuded.  That’s what they imparted.  And because they believed, others believed too.  That was truly the power of the unique leadership that they both showed. Colin kept a plaque on his desk that said simply:  “It can be done.” Both believed “it can be done,” but that it can be done – above all – because of the people that they worked with: public servants like the ones who are here with us today, and those who aspire to follow in their footsteps. It’s the reason why, after their storied careers in government and the military, neither of them stopped.  Madeleine and Colin never stopped teaching, they never stopped mentoring young Americans. In 2002, then-Secretary Powell was speaking at a ceremony naming the department’s newly renovated Foreign Service Institute for a predecessor: the great George Shultz. And Colin closed his remarks by speaking to George’s grandkids.  And he said, “If I know your grandfather – and I think I do – the place he already… secured in history is not as important to him as the contributions he will continue to make in the future… George’s living legacy.” And the same was true for both Colin and Madeleine.  As you look around this room, there’s a living legacy right here, and it’s here in my two extraordinary colleagues; it’s here in this audience today; it’s all around us and it’s on every floor of the State Department; and it’s here with the families. We see it in the myriad ways that their kids, their grandkids continue to serve.  Here at the State Department, at the U.S. military, on the Hill and in our nation’s courts, in public universities and public policy. And we see it in so many leaders who learned the ropes working for Madeleine and Colin – people like Suzy and Rena, so many other remarkable public servants.  People whose judgment and dedication we at the department – and, I believe, the American people – benefit from every single day. I’m confident that if they were here today, Colin and Madeleine would remind each of us of our responsibility – our responsibility to stay at it, to carry that legacy – their legacy – forward. Because in the end, that’s really how we honor them most: by trying to serve as they did.  By creating spaces and institutions where everyone feels that they belong, that they can contribute.  By asking the hard questions.  By being the doers.  And by holding firm to our own optimism – even in the most challenging times – because our answer to every challenge we face is right here. It can be done, because of all of you and the generations that will follow all of us. Thank you very much.  (Applause.) Thanks, everyone.  Now, are we going to get a chance to look around? MS GEORGE:  Yes, please. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  All right.  (Laughter.) Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Reception in Honor of Pride Month 06/27/2024 Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Reception in Honor of Pride Month 06/27/2024 08:34 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Benjamin Franklin Room MS STERN:  Hello, everybody.  (Cheers.)  Can you hear me in the back? AUDIENCE:  Yes. MS STERN:  And can you hear me in the back?  (Cheers.)  All right, excellent.  Well, Happy Pride.  (Cheers and applause.)  My name is Jessica Stern and I’m the U.S. Special Envoy to Advance the Human Rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex persons.  Welcome.  (Cheers.)  Yeah, you can applaud.  (Applause.)  Welcome, everyone, to the Secretary of State’s Pride Reception.  (Cheers.)  I am delighted to see so many of you here.  It never gets old celebrating LGBTQI+ rights in the Ben Franklin Room at the State Department.  Am I right?  (Cheers and applause.) I want to start by giving my deepest appreciation to the Secretary of State’s team for enabling this to happen.  (Cheers.)  You’re here tonight because you know that LGBTQI+ people globally need full equality, and you know it is not yet a reality.  The Secretary will speak shortly so I won’t enumerate the successes and the setbacks, but what I will do is emphasize that while there have been successes, progress is also tenuous, and there is a global backlash against LGBTQI+ persons’ safety and dignity everywhere in the world today.  And that is why we continue the fight. This is why it makes me so proud to tell you that today is a momentous day.  We just held a conference here at the Department of State: U.S. Foreign Policy, National Security, Inclusive Development, and the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons.  And yes, I said a conference was momentous.  (Laughter.) The President honored the convening by sending a message that now must become essential reading.  He wrote, quote, “Protecting the rights and liberties of LGBTQI+ people strengthens democracy, enhances security, supports economic development, and protects public health both at home and overseas.”  Your commitment to the global LGBTQI community – yes, you, everyone in this room here tonight – is helping forge a future in which everyone, no matter who they are, who they love, or who they call home, can live with dignity. Today was the first time in United States history that three cabinet officials – Secretary Blinken, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield, the U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, and Ambassador Tai, the U.S. Trade Representative – explained why protecting the rights of LGBTQI+ persons is integral to U.S. national security and foreign policy more generally.  Can we give that a round of applause?  (Cheers and applause.) We also heard from senior officials across the government, including the White House, USAID, and HHS, describe a whole-of-government approach to LGBTQI+ inclusion in U.S. foreign policy, including public health and development assistance.  And today, we launched the annual Progress Report on the Implementation of the Presidential Memorandum on Advancing the Human Rights of LBGTQI+ Persons Around the World.  It is succinct and it is readable.  And yes, I just said a government report is readable.  (Laughter.)  Thank you to the wonks who are applauding the government report.  (Laughter.)  I see you; you’re my people. The report is going online now, so please read it and share it with a friend.  I think it tells the story of why inclusive foreign policy matters.  Each example from today shows that our commitment to creating an LGBTQI+-inclusive U.S. foreign policy matters and that the work is yielding tangible results in LGBTQI+ persons’ daily lives. So pivoting from that, I want to reflect on something fabulous that I got to do yesterday.  Last night, I had the great pleasure of attending a Pride picnic on the South Lawn of the White House.  Maybe some of you were there as well.  (Cheers.)  And I will say, in spite of the 100-degree heat – (laughter) – which we paid attention to, the crowd was jubilant.  The stately columns of the White House were adorned in rainbow, and as we arrived, every attendee was handed a fan that simply said “White House Pride.”  As the speeches ended and the temperature cooled in the golden evening sun, I thought about how much it meant to me personally as a member of this community and to everyone who was there that it happened – not that the event was endured, not that it was tolerated or that we were tolerated, but that we were celebrated.  Every LGBTQI+ person everywhere should be respected and valued by their family, their community, and their government.  (Applause.) I walked towards the exit hand in hand with my partner and my mom, and I took in the scene.  And I saw two gay men walking hand in hand, dressed in button-down shirts and crisply ironed pants.  I don’t know how their pants were not wrinkled by the end of it, but that’s another question.  (Laughter.)  But these men dared show that rare thing: love and affection between gay men in public.  Headed towards the Metro were lesbian moms wearing sensible shoes – (laughter) – and cargo shorts.  (Laughter.)  Their kids wore rainbow suspenders and carried ice cream sandwiches.  They showed that our children are loved and that LGBTQI+ parents and families deserve recognition.  (Applause.) And I saw the trans teens, one with pink hair and one with rainbow extensions, living their best life.  (Laughter.)  And they were feeling their beauty walking out of the White House, and I thought about the world they live in every day that maybe isn’t so beautiful.  And I wished that moment would go on forever. Against so much fear and against a world in which the signal of truth can be lost in the noise of hostile fiction, I choose to focus on the work ahead of us and the people in this room and around the world in rooms maybe not as fancy but with as much heart who are determinedly, persistently pursuing progress.  When the path feels uncertain, I find myself grounded in that which is knowable:  We are here.  We have always been here.  And we are not going away.  (Cheers and applause.) It is now my great pleasure to welcome to the podium Secretary Blinken.  Thank you all and Happy Pride.  (Cheers and applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Good evening, everyone. AUDIENCE:  Good evening. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  All right, welcome to the State Department.  Welcome to the Ben Franklin Room, and Happy Pride to each and every one of you.  (Cheers and applause.)  Now, give it up for just one minute for our remarkable envoy, who you do not want to get between Jessica and any problem she’s trying to solve.  (Laughter.)  I know that; the world increasingly knows that.  (Cheers and applause.)  To you and your team, thank you, thank you, thank you for the extraordinary leadership that you show every single day. Jessica has a background, as you know, as an advocate, a human rights researcher, an NGO leader.  But bringing all of that experience to bear and then assembling this remarkable team is what’s making a difference around the world, and I want to talk a little bit about that in a couple of moments. To everyone here tonight, to all of our friends, our colleagues from across the department, partners celebrating Pride with us, welcome, welcome, welcome.  And I want to say a special thanks to the glifaa board and its members.  This is a remarkable resource for employees across the U.S. foreign policy agencies, for their families, and for me, and I deeply value what you do every single day.  Thank you.  (Applause.) This is a special evening.  It’s a special month, a time when we reaffirm our whole-of-government commitment to LGBTQI+ rights.  But it’s not just one month.  It’s not just one evening.  It is 365 days a year, because it has to be.  This has been a priority for President Biden from day one of this administration.  You’ve heard Jessica talk about it, but on that first day he signed an executive order, and that executive order says this.  It says that all human beings shall be treated with respect and dignity and should be able to live without fear, no matter who they are or whom they love. Defending, promoting LGBTQI+ rights globally is the right thing to do, but beyond that, it’s the smart and necessary thing to do for our country, for our national security, for our well-being.  And why is that?  It’s pretty basic.  If you look around the world and look at the countries that respect the rights of the LGBTQI+ community, they’re more stable, they’re healthier, they’re more prosperous, they’re more democratic.  Those that don’t are not.  And that’s a pretty basic thing, because a world of stable, healthy, prosperous, democratic countries is a world that’s good for the United States.  A world that features the opposite is not.  And there is a direct correlation – a direct correlation – between countries that respect these rights and the health of their societies that we see every day. Now, you heard Jessica say this as well.  This work is increasingly urgent, because even as we’ve seen remarkable progress, we’ve also seen backsliding and backlashes in democracies and in non-democracies alike.  Governments criminalizing same-sex conduct, same-sex status; denying equal rights; normalizing violence.  So to us, to the President, it’s been a vital part of our foreign policy, of our action around the world in every part of the world, to make sure that this department and this government are working to stand up for rights wherever they’re challenged. The convening that Jessica talked about today was the first-ever U.S. Government policy convening on our foreign policy and LGBTQI+ rights.  We’ve made clear, and I think you heard that, those of you who participated today, that it matters to our work and it’s a fundamental part of our work.  We have advanced our efforts in advancing these rights around the world.  You got a chance to hear, those of you who were there, from cabinet members, from senior officials across the department, from our partners, from other governments, from civil society, from Congress.  And today was an important day also as a learning experience, an opportunity to listen and to learn from advocates and from so many of our colleagues. What I hope is that people come away from today more energized, more coordinated, more prepared to take on this challenge than they were just yesterday. Now, you all know better than anyone:  Change doesn’t happen automatically.  It doesn’t happen overnight.  It takes incredible effort.  And for all the road that’s been traveled, there’s a long road that’s ahead.  But I also hope that we’re inspired by the progress that we’ve seen and we’re energized by it.  Seven nations decriminalized same-sex conduct over the last two years.  Greece, Lichtenstein, Thailand voted for marriage equality this year.  (Cheers and applause.)  The United States led the way at the Human Rights Council on a resolution protecting intersex persons.  (Applause.)  Each one of these steps – each one of these steps – builds on the other.  And you take one step and you may not notice, but then after a while you begin to see those steps building on each other – you’ve actually traveled somewhere, you’ve gotten somewhere, you’re moving forward.  And we will – we will – continue to move forward. Now, all of this progress is made possible because of some truly extraordinary people: human rights defenders, local leaders, international partners – and a number of you are here today – and I’m proud to say leadership from the United States.  When we engage, when we share knowledge, when we actually lead, we know this:  We can move the needle.  And I’ve seen that in action all over the world, and I’ve seen that in action thanks to Jessica and her team. Just a short while ago, I met with one of my counterparts and the president of a country that was criminalizing homosexuality.  And one of the things that we talked about in that meeting besides the various issues on our bilateral agenda were the deep concerns that the United States had, including about a sodomy law that was on the books.  Months of work preceded that meeting.  The ambassador, our senior officials across the government, had raised this concern in the country in question; they’d raised it here in Washington.  The community on the ground profoundly informed our work.  And ultimately, the law that was on the verge of being implemented, the president agreed not to implement.  He acknowledged it was outdated, he acknowledged it didn’t serve his country, and he sent a nationwide directive out not to apply the law. That is American diplomacy in action.  That is just one example of with a concerted effort, over time, across our government, across this department, we can move the needle.  And we’re determined to keep doing that.  (Applause.) But here’s what I just want to emphasize to all of you.  As much as we can do, as much as we will do, we simply can’t do it alone.  It’s only when we’re working together, when we’re working with civil society, with foreign partners, with the private sector, with all of the stakeholders on a given issue, that we can really, really make a difference. And so that’s why I’m so pleased to have so many of you here tonight, because as I’m looking out at this room I see so many people who are our partners in this mission, in this endeavor, and I say to you tonight thank you, thank you, thank you for the partnership.  We’re committed to it.  We’re determined.  But it’s your work, it’s your determination, it’s your courage, it’s your resilience, it’s your persistence that will make all the difference. So I hope that you celebrate tonight, but after you celebrate, after we have this one day, this one evening of celebration, let’s make sure the next 364 days are days where together we are working to advance the rights of people all over the world.  Thank you so much for being here.  Happy Pride.  Thank you.  (Applause.) Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Reception in Honor of Pride Month 06/27/2024 Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Reception in Honor of Pride Month 06/27/2024 08:34 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Benjamin Franklin Room MS STERN:  Hello, everybody.  (Cheers.)  Can you hear me in the back? AUDIENCE:  Yes. MS STERN:  And can you hear me in the back?  (Cheers.)  All right, excellent.  Well, Happy Pride.  (Cheers and applause.)  My name is Jessica Stern and I’m the U.S. Special Envoy to Advance the Human Rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex persons.  Welcome.  (Cheers.)  Yeah, you can applaud.  (Applause.)  Welcome, everyone, to the Secretary of State’s Pride Reception.  (Cheers.)  I am delighted to see so many of you here.  It never gets old celebrating LGBTQI+ rights in the Ben Franklin Room at the State Department.  Am I right?  (Cheers and applause.) I want to start by giving my deepest appreciation to the Secretary of State’s team for enabling this to happen.  (Cheers.)  You’re here tonight because you know that LGBTQI+ people globally need full equality, and you know it is not yet a reality.  The Secretary will speak shortly so I won’t enumerate the successes and the setbacks, but what I will do is emphasize that while there have been successes, progress is also tenuous, and there is a global backlash against LGBTQI+ persons’ safety and dignity everywhere in the world today.  And that is why we continue the fight. This is why it makes me so proud to tell you that today is a momentous day.  We just held a conference here at the Department of State: U.S. Foreign Policy, National Security, Inclusive Development, and the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons.  And yes, I said a conference was momentous.  (Laughter.) The President honored the convening by sending a message that now must become essential reading.  He wrote, quote, “Protecting the rights and liberties of LGBTQI+ people strengthens democracy, enhances security, supports economic development, and protects public health both at home and overseas.”  Your commitment to the global LGBTQI community – yes, you, everyone in this room here tonight – is helping forge a future in which everyone, no matter who they are, who they love, or who they call home, can live with dignity. Today was the first time in United States history that three cabinet officials – Secretary Blinken, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield, the U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, and Ambassador Tai, the U.S. Trade Representative – explained why protecting the rights of LGBTQI+ persons is integral to U.S. national security and foreign policy more generally.  Can we give that a round of applause?  (Cheers and applause.) We also heard from senior officials across the government, including the White House, USAID, and HHS, describe a whole-of-government approach to LGBTQI+ inclusion in U.S. foreign policy, including public health and development assistance.  And today, we launched the annual Progress Report on the Implementation of the Presidential Memorandum on Advancing the Human Rights of LBGTQI+ Persons Around the World.  It is succinct and it is readable.  And yes, I just said a government report is readable.  (Laughter.)  Thank you to the wonks who are applauding the government report.  (Laughter.)  I see you; you’re my people. The report is going online now, so please read it and share it with a friend.  I think it tells the story of why inclusive foreign policy matters.  Each example from today shows that our commitment to creating an LGBTQI+-inclusive U.S. foreign policy matters and that the work is yielding tangible results in LGBTQI+ persons’ daily lives. So pivoting from that, I want to reflect on something fabulous that I got to do yesterday.  Last night, I had the great pleasure of attending a Pride picnic on the South Lawn of the White House.  Maybe some of you were there as well.  (Cheers.)  And I will say, in spite of the 100-degree heat – (laughter) – which we paid attention to, the crowd was jubilant.  The stately columns of the White House were adorned in rainbow, and as we arrived, every attendee was handed a fan that simply said “White House Pride.”  As the speeches ended and the temperature cooled in the golden evening sun, I thought about how much it meant to me personally as a member of this community and to everyone who was there that it happened – not that the event was endured, not that it was tolerated or that we were tolerated, but that we were celebrated.  Every LGBTQI+ person everywhere should be respected and valued by their family, their community, and their government.  (Applause.) I walked towards the exit hand in hand with my partner and my mom, and I took in the scene.  And I saw two gay men walking hand in hand, dressed in button-down shirts and crisply ironed pants.  I don’t know how their pants were not wrinkled by the end of it, but that’s another question.  (Laughter.)  But these men dared show that rare thing: love and affection between gay men in public.  Headed towards the Metro were lesbian moms wearing sensible shoes – (laughter) – and cargo shorts.  (Laughter.)  Their kids wore rainbow suspenders and carried ice cream sandwiches.  They showed that our children are loved and that LGBTQI+ parents and families deserve recognition.  (Applause.) And I saw the trans teens, one with pink hair and one with rainbow extensions, living their best life.  (Laughter.)  And they were feeling their beauty walking out of the White House, and I thought about the world they live in every day that maybe isn’t so beautiful.  And I wished that moment would go on forever. Against so much fear and against a world in which the signal of truth can be lost in the noise of hostile fiction, I choose to focus on the work ahead of us and the people in this room and around the world in rooms maybe not as fancy but with as much heart who are determinedly, persistently pursuing progress.  When the path feels uncertain, I find myself grounded in that which is knowable:  We are here.  We have always been here.  And we are not going away.  (Cheers and applause.) It is now my great pleasure to welcome to the podium Secretary Blinken.  Thank you all and Happy Pride.  (Cheers and applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Good evening, everyone. AUDIENCE:  Good evening. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  All right, welcome to the State Department.  Welcome to the Ben Franklin Room, and Happy Pride to each and every one of you.  (Cheers and applause.)  Now, give it up for just one minute for our remarkable envoy, who you do not want to get between Jessica and any problem she’s trying to solve.  (Laughter.)  I know that; the world increasingly knows that.  (Cheers and applause.)  To you and your team, thank you, thank you, thank you for the extraordinary leadership that you show every single day. Jessica has a background, as you know, as an advocate, a human rights researcher, an NGO leader.  But bringing all of that experience to bear and then assembling this remarkable team is what’s making a difference around the world, and I want to talk a little bit about that in a couple of moments. To everyone here tonight, to all of our friends, our colleagues from across the department, partners celebrating Pride with us, welcome, welcome, welcome.  And I want to say a special thanks to the glifaa board and its members.  This is a remarkable resource for employees across the U.S. foreign policy agencies, for their families, and for me, and I deeply value what you do every single day.  Thank you.  (Applause.) This is a special evening.  It’s a special month, a time when we reaffirm our whole-of-government commitment to LGBTQI+ rights.  But it’s not just one month.  It’s not just one evening.  It is 365 days a year, because it has to be.  This has been a priority for President Biden from day one of this administration.  You’ve heard Jessica talk about it, but on that first day he signed an executive order, and that executive order says this.  It says that all human beings shall be treated with respect and dignity and should be able to live without fear, no matter who they are or whom they love. Defending, promoting LGBTQI+ rights globally is the right thing to do, but beyond that, it’s the smart and necessary thing to do for our country, for our national security, for our well-being.  And why is that?  It’s pretty basic.  If you look around the world and look at the countries that respect the rights of the LGBTQI+ community, they’re more stable, they’re healthier, they’re more prosperous, they’re more democratic.  Those that don’t are not.  And that’s a pretty basic thing, because a world of stable, healthy, prosperous, democratic countries is a world that’s good for the United States.  A world that features the opposite is not.  And there is a direct correlation – a direct correlation – between countries that respect these rights and the health of their societies that we see every day. Now, you heard Jessica say this as well.  This work is increasingly urgent, because even as we’ve seen remarkable progress, we’ve also seen backsliding and backlashes in democracies and in non-democracies alike.  Governments criminalizing same-sex conduct, same-sex status; denying equal rights; normalizing violence.  So to us, to the President, it’s been a vital part of our foreign policy, of our action around the world in every part of the world, to make sure that this department and this government are working to stand up for rights wherever they’re challenged. The convening that Jessica talked about today was the first-ever U.S. Government policy convening on our foreign policy and LGBTQI+ rights.  We’ve made clear, and I think you heard that, those of you who participated today, that it matters to our work and it’s a fundamental part of our work.  We have advanced our efforts in advancing these rights around the world.  You got a chance to hear, those of you who were there, from cabinet members, from senior officials across the department, from our partners, from other governments, from civil society, from Congress.  And today was an important day also as a learning experience, an opportunity to listen and to learn from advocates and from so many of our colleagues. What I hope is that people come away from today more energized, more coordinated, more prepared to take on this challenge than they were just yesterday. Now, you all know better than anyone:  Change doesn’t happen automatically.  It doesn’t happen overnight.  It takes incredible effort.  And for all the road that’s been traveled, there’s a long road that’s ahead.  But I also hope that we’re inspired by the progress that we’ve seen and we’re energized by it.  Seven nations decriminalized same-sex conduct over the last two years.  Greece, Lichtenstein, Thailand voted for marriage equality this year.  (Cheers and applause.)  The United States led the way at the Human Rights Council on a resolution protecting intersex persons.  (Applause.)  Each one of these steps – each one of these steps – builds on the other.  And you take one step and you may not notice, but then after a while you begin to see those steps building on each other – you’ve actually traveled somewhere, you’ve gotten somewhere, you’re moving forward.  And we will – we will – continue to move forward. Now, all of this progress is made possible because of some truly extraordinary people: human rights defenders, local leaders, international partners – and a number of you are here today – and I’m proud to say leadership from the United States.  When we engage, when we share knowledge, when we actually lead, we know this:  We can move the needle.  And I’ve seen that in action all over the world, and I’ve seen that in action thanks to Jessica and her team. Just a short while ago, I met with one of my counterparts and the president of a country that was criminalizing homosexuality.  And one of the things that we talked about in that meeting besides the various issues on our bilateral agenda were the deep concerns that the United States had, including about a sodomy law that was on the books.  Months of work preceded that meeting.  The ambassador, our senior officials across the government, had raised this concern in the country in question; they’d raised it here in Washington.  The community on the ground profoundly informed our work.  And ultimately, the law that was on the verge of being implemented, the president agreed not to implement.  He acknowledged it was outdated, he acknowledged it didn’t serve his country, and he sent a nationwide directive out not to apply the law. That is American diplomacy in action.  That is just one example of with a concerted effort, over time, across our government, across this department, we can move the needle.  And we’re determined to keep doing that.  (Applause.) But here’s what I just want to emphasize to all of you.  As much as we can do, as much as we will do, we simply can’t do it alone.  It’s only when we’re working together, when we’re working with civil society, with foreign partners, with the private sector, with all of the stakeholders on a given issue, that we can really, really make a difference. And so that’s why I’m so pleased to have so many of you here tonight, because as I’m looking out at this room I see so many people who are our partners in this mission, in this endeavor, and I say to you tonight thank you, thank you, thank you for the partnership.  We’re committed to it.  We’re determined.  But it’s your work, it’s your determination, it’s your courage, it’s your resilience, it’s your persistence that will make all the difference. So I hope that you celebrate tonight, but after you celebrate, after we have this one day, this one evening of celebration, let’s make sure the next 364 days are days where together we are working to advance the rights of people all over the world.  Thank you so much for being here.  Happy Pride.  Thank you.  (Applause.) Under Secretary Fernandez Remarks at Signing Ceremony to Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Air Aviation with the Dominican Republic 06/28/2024 Under Secretary Fernandez Remarks at Signing Ceremony to Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Air Aviation with the Dominican Republic 06/28/2024 09:04 AM EDT Office of the Spokesperson HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Under Secretary Fernandez Remarks at Signing Ceremony to Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Air Aviation with the Dominican Republic hide Under Secretary Fernandez Remarks at Signing Ceremony to Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Air Aviation with the Dominican Republic Notice to the Press June 28, 2024 Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose W. Fernandez will deliver remarks at a signing ceremony advancing cooperation on bilateral air aviation alongside the Dominican Republic’s Minister of Tourism David Collado on June 28, 2024, at 12p.m. ET in Washington, DC. The Under Secretary and Minister will provide opening remarks followed by a signing ceremony and reception for the members of the delegation. Media representatives wishing to attend the remarks must RSVP by email to  E_Communications@state.gov, with video camera preset time at 11:30 a.m. ET and final call time for still photographers and writers at 11:45 a.m. ET. The remarks will take place at the Harry S Truman Building, 2201 C St. NW, Washington, D.C., 20520, and press access will be at the C Street Main Entrance. The event is in English and Spanish, and an interpreter will be present for the Spanish portions. The Under Secretary’s remarks will not be livestreamed or recorded but published online as prepared following the conclusion of the dialogue. For more information, contact:  E_Communications@state.gov. Tags Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs Dominican Republic Office of the Spokesperson Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Under Secretary Fernandez Remarks at Signing Ceremony to Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Air Aviation with the Dominican Republic 06/28/2024 Under Secretary Fernandez Remarks at Signing Ceremony to Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Air Aviation with the Dominican Republic 06/28/2024 09:04 AM EDT Office of the Spokesperson HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Under Secretary Fernandez Remarks at Signing Ceremony to Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Air Aviation with the Dominican Republic hide Under Secretary Fernandez Remarks at Signing Ceremony to Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Air Aviation with the Dominican Republic Notice to the Press June 28, 2024 Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose W. Fernandez will deliver remarks at a signing ceremony advancing cooperation on bilateral air aviation alongside the Dominican Republic’s Minister of Tourism David Collado on June 28, 2024, at 12p.m. ET in Washington, DC. The Under Secretary and Minister will provide opening remarks followed by a signing ceremony and reception for the members of the delegation. Media representatives wishing to attend the remarks must RSVP by email to  E_Communications@state.gov, with video camera preset time at 11:30 a.m. ET and final call time for still photographers and writers at 11:45 a.m. ET. The remarks will take place at the Harry S Truman Building, 2201 C St. NW, Washington, D.C., 20520, and press access will be at the C Street Main Entrance. The event is in English and Spanish, and an interpreter will be present for the Spanish portions. The Under Secretary’s remarks will not be livestreamed or recorded but published online as prepared following the conclusion of the dialogue. For more information, contact:  E_Communications@state.gov. Tags Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs Dominican Republic Office of the Spokesperson Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment The Week at State: June 21 - 27, 2024 06/28/2024 View as a webpage  /  Share June 21-27 Good morning. We’re listening to music from Chuck D., Lainey Wilson, and Herbie Hancock – a few of our new U.S. Global Music Ambassadors, who will help promote peace around the world. Speaking of peace, today marks 105 years since the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, which ended World War I, reshaped international relations, and set the stage for much of the diplomatic efforts that followed. Here's what happened at State. ⤵️ 📃 Secretary Blinken released the Trafficking in Persons and International Religious Freedom reports.  🎸 The Department launched its U.S. Global Music Diplomacy partnership with YouTube. 🌐 The Secretary spoke at the SelectUSA Investment Summit. 🏳️‍🌈 The Department hosted its first-ever policy convening on LGBTQI+ rights and U.S. foreign policy. Heroes Fighting Human Trafficking Take Center Stage Secretary Blinken released the 2024 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, a comprehensive, objective assessment of the state of anti-trafficking efforts across 188 countries and territories, including the United States. It documents emerging trends, highlights areas of progress and setback, and identifies effective initiatives combating human trafficking.  Secretary Blinken and U.S. Ambassador-at-Large to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons Cindy Dyer, honored 10 TIP Report Heroes – courageous individuals working to fight human trafficking around the globe. They work in the face of daunting obstacles, often at great personal risk. Since 2004, the Department has recognized more than 170 TIP Report Heroes from around the world. “Their efforts, like those of our government, are rooted in a shared belief - a shared belief in the fundamental rights and freedoms of all people,” Secretary Blinken said at the ceremony. “Trafficking violates that shared belief.” In honor of the 20th anniversary of the Trafficking in Persons Report Heroes program, here are 20 ways you can help fight human trafficking. Department Publishes Report on International Religious Freedom Freedom of religion is a bedrock American belief. Every year, the Report on International Religious Freedom chronicles the state of religious freedom around the world.  “This report advances our vision for a future where everyone is able to choose and practice their beliefs, including the right not to believe or ascribe to a faith,” the Secretary said in a press briefing. Secretary Blinken Encourages Foreign Businesses to Invest in the U.S. Secretary Blinken spoke at the SelectUSA Investment Summit, emphasizing that the United States is the best place to invest, boasting world-class universities, tech hubs, a skilled workforce, and strong legal protections.  During the past three years businesses from across the world invested more than $1 trillion in the U.S., he noted. The U.S. remains the top place for foreign investment in the world. “We believe that we can create broad-based opportunity for our people while also benefiting people around the world – that our economic success does not come at the expense of others but to our mutual advantage and mutual opportunity,” the Secretary said. Announcing the U.S. Global Music Ambassadors Secretary Blinken and YouTube’s Global Head of Music Lyor Cohen launched a new partnership that supports the Department’s Global Music Diplomacy Initiative, a worldwide effort to elevate music as a diplomatic platform to promote peace and democracy in support of the United States’ broader foreign policy goals. At the heart of the partnership is a roster of U.S. Global Music Ambassadors, who build on the legacy of the Jazz ambassadors of the 1950s and 1960s and promote peace across generations of people worldwide.  These ambassadors represent a new generation of American music artists, ranging from emerging artists to established icons, who promote peace through their work and engagement, and demonstrate excellence. “The need for connection, the need for community is as urgent, maybe even more urgent than it’s ever been,” Secretary Blinken said at the launch. “And all of us – Americans, people around the world – we will be better for the ties that our new ambassadors will be forging.” WordPlay, another State Department initiative, helps students learn English by listening to pop and indie music. The program brings together musicians from all over the world in a variety of music styles. Promoting the Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons Globally Promoting and protecting the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons is a U.S. foreign policy priority.  The Department released the third public report on the U.S. government’s implementation of the 2021 Presidential Memorandum on Advancing the Human Rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex Persons (LGBTQI+) Persons Around the World.  On Thursday, Secretary Blinken kicked off the State Department’s first-ever policy convening on LGBTQI+ rights and foreign policy.  “LGBTQI+ rights are human rights. And our government has a responsibility to defend them, to promote them – here and everywhere,” the Secretary stated during a briefing.  Secretary Blinken Meets Refugees, Staff at Emma’s Torch In honor of World Refugee Day, Secretary Blinken stopped at Emma’s Torch, a Washington nonprofit that runs a paid culinary training program for refugees and helps them find jobs in the food industry.  “The work they do exemplifies the best of America: providing a welcoming space for refugees and empowering them with skills to succeed,” Secretary Blinken said on Twitter/X.  Interested in helping refugees in your community? Join the Welcome Corps, an initiative that allows Americans to volunteer in their communities and welcome refugees seeking freedom and safety. News You May Have Missed The U.S. will print more than 3 million textbooks for Ukraine’s schools for distribution in 12,000 schools prior to the coming academic year.  USAID announced $1.5 billion for vaccines to save 8 million lives with funding from Congress to Gavi that will provide vaccines to children who have not received one. The State Department opened a new U.S. Consulate General in Guadalajara, Mexico.  The United States signed a memorandum of understanding with Romania on countering foreign state information manipulation. The State Department received a 2024 Presidential Federal Sustainability Award for its U.S. embassy and consulates in Japan being the first multi-post diplomatic mission to obtain 100 percent carbon pollution-free electricity for its country-wide operations. 🔎 Looking Ahead July 2: Civil Rights Act anniversary July 4: U.S. Independence Day July 9-11: NATO Summit July 16-18: Aspen Security Forum 👉 Note to Our Readers We welcome your feedback on our new look and distribution time. Send us your thoughts to EmailTeam@state.gov. 📩 Useful links Travel advisories and updates on international travel for U.S. Citizens from the Department of State Did you know that you can invite a representative from the Department of State to speak at your school, business, agency or organization? Learn about what we do through the firsthand experience of one of our representatives.  Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with UN Senior Humanitarian and Reconstruction Coordinator for Gaza Kaag 06/28/2024 Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with UN Senior Humanitarian and Reconstruction Coordinator for Gaza Kaag 06/28/2024 10:52 AM EDT Office of the Spokesperson HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with UN Senior Humanitarian and Reconstruction Coordinator for Gaza Kaag hide Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with UN Senior Humanitarian and Reconstruction Coordinator for Gaza Kaag Readout June 28, 2024 The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met yesterday with UN Senior Humanitarian and Reconstruction Coordinator for Gaza Sigrid Kaag in Washington, DC. Secretary Blinken and Coordinator Kaag discussed the need to increase and sustain humanitarian aid to Gaza, as well as ongoing work to address security challenges that have hampered the delivery of assistance inside Gaza. The Secretary underscored that it is critical to ensure the effective protection of humanitarian workers. He also emphasized the importance of reaching a ceasefire deal that would secure the release of hostages and help alleviate the suffering of civilians in Gaza. The Secretary expressed continued confidence in Coordinator Kaag and strong support of the United States for her mandate. Tags Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs Humanitarian Aid Israel-Hamas Conflict Office of the Spokesperson Palestinian Territories The Secretary of State United Nations Secretary Antony J. Blinken at “A Conversation on Artificial Intelligence (AI) at State” 06/28/2024 Secretary Antony J. Blinken at “A Conversation on Artificial Intelligence (AI) at State” 06/28/2024 02:11 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Secretary Antony J. Blinken at “A Conversation on Artificial Intelligence (AI) at State” hide Secretary Antony J. Blinken at “A Conversation on Artificial Intelligence (AI) at State” Remarks June 28, 2024 MR GRAVISS:  Good morning, everyone.  I’m Matthew Graviss, the chief data and AI officer of the Department of State.  It is my distinct pleasure to welcome all of you here today – our dedicated employees, members of the press, and esteemed congressional colleagues.  Whether you’re here in person or joining us from around the globe, thank you for taking the time to be part of this important discussion on the future of diplomacy and the age of artificial intelligence. In an era of rapid technological evolution, AI stands as a cornerstone of our strategy to enhance diplomatic efforts.  AI’s potential to analyze vast amounts of data in real time, identify trends, and provide insights is transforming the way we approach global challenges.  It empowers our diplomats with the tools they need to navigate complex geopolitical landscapes, foster international cooperation, and advance U.S. interests abroad. At the Department of State we’re committed to harnessing AI’s transformative power responsibly and ethically, ensuring it aligns with our values of transparency, accountability, and respect for human rights.  By integrating AI into our operations, we aim to not only enhance our diplomatic capabilities, but also inform our efforts to set global standards for its use internationally. Today we’re honored to have with us a visionary leader who has been at the forefront of these efforts.  As part of the department’s modernization agenda we have made significant strides in leveraging technology and innovation to advance our foreign policy objectives. Ladies and gentlemen, it is my great privilege to introduce to you the Secretary of State, Antony Blinken.  (Applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you, thank you.  Good morning, everyone.  It’s 9 a.m.  We have a full house.  When I was in college that meant free doughnuts, or something.  (Laughter.) But actually, I think it’s evidence of the more than deep interest, the fascination and enthusiasm for the work that we’re doing to integrate technology into the day-in, day-out life of the State Department, and the opportunity this morning to talk about the efforts that we’ve been making on artificial intelligence.  And I have to say, thanks to Matthew, thanks to a remarkable team here, I think what you’ll hear in the coming hours shows the work that we’ve been doing and leading in the federal government to make AI part of our lives. Increasingly, we’re seeing across the board technology at the forefront of our diplomacy and our foreign policy.  And the revolutions that all of us are experiencing in our daily lives and in our non-work lives, of course, are having a profound impact on our work lives, and they’re also at the heart of strategic competition that we’re engaged in, at the heart of strengthening and deepening our alliances and partnerships. We can see extraordinary potential, extraordinary benefit.  And we’ll talk in a few minutes about how we’re actually beginning to realize that.  At the same time, we all know, you all are deeply conscious of the challenges, the threats, the danger that technology can pose.  We know that for the most part – and we’ll see AI may be different – technology is amoral, not immoral.  It depends on how you use it.  But we have to be deeply conscious of that as we move forward. But the possibilities are extraordinary.  We had a session at the UN General Assembly last fall, where we brought together technologists and countries around the world to look at how AI could be used to accelerate the Sustainable Development Goals which are, for the most part, stalled.  And what’s interesting to me is, as I travel around the world, the places where I find the most enthusiasm for artificial intelligence and technology more broadly actually is in the global majority countries in the developing world, because they see a way of accelerating and getting out of neutral on some of the big objectives that they’ve set for their societies and that we need to help them realize. But the moment we’re in is critical because in so many ways the choices that we make now will define how technology is used, how it’s deployed, and to what effect for a long time into the future.  And that’s why we have this intense focus on artificial intelligence, other technologies that are going to be shaping that future.  We have to make generational investments and generational decisions here at home, including in our technological competitiveness.  That’s essential to making sure that we remain the standard-setters, the rule-makers around the world.  Working with partners to direct technology to more stable, secure, healthy societies – that is also critical, and it has to animate the diplomacy that so many of you are engaged in. We have the President’s leadership on this, including his executive order on AI.  We have the International Cyber and Digital Strategy.  All of this together, these are foundational elements for the work that we are and have to do. So let me just talk a little bit quickly about the state of State in AI.  In 2021 we put forward our modernization agenda, and a big part of that, as you look at it, is making sure that we’re working with, using, integrating technology in the work that we’re doing.  Some of this entails experimentation, some of it entails risk.  But if we’re not leaning in, we’re  going to be left out and left behind. Last fall we released the Enterprise AI Strategy, a roadmap to harness AI’s benefits to advance our foreign policy and to strengthen this institution.  And as I said, if you look around the federal government, I’m happy to report that this department is leading the way.  And indeed, other agencies and departments are looking to the work that we’ve been doing.  Now, I think there are two major reasons why we want to focus on AI and its use here in the department.  First, and maybe most fundamentally, freeing up so much of our talent to focus on what’s really essential, to focus on the more strategic work, to help ensure that more routine tasks that technology can take on, that’s what’s happening, and they can spend less time face-to-screen, and more time face-to-face.  We can automate simple, routine tasks; we can summarize and translate research.  Something that would take normally days, even weeks can be done in a manner of seconds.  We’ll talk about this a little bit later, too – media monitoring.  Truly, already some extraordinary things the technology we’re deploying is helping us to do. All of this you’ll have an opportunity to get into in some detail today.  Second, I think we can use this technology to actually improve our analysis, to unearth new insights.  We’ve seen already, as we’ve been testing things out, using AI as a tool for helping negotiations in multilateral organizations – we’ll talk about that.  Using it as a way to combat disinformation, one of the poisons in the international system today. So we’ll get into all of this in a little while, but what I’ve seen already gives me a tremendous sense of excitement about the potential, but also, again, a caution to make sure that we’re proceeding wisely, securely, safely, and that we are focused on some of the challenges and risks, as well as the opportunities. Ultimately, this is a tool.  AI is a tool.  And it’s only as good and as effective as the people using it, and of course it’s only as good as the inputs that go into it.  FSI is integrating AI into its training, including safety, including responsible use.  And, of course, it’s critical that we attract and retain the best possible talent to help us in the integration of technology. So you’re already seeing in a number of places missions using AI to support our work, and we’re going to celebrate the 2024 Data and AI for Diplomacy awardees today to recognize work that’s already been done, hopefully to inspire more work to help each of us actually visualize how this can be a part of the work that we’re doing at the department. And I’m also very pleased that we’re launching AI.State, a central hub for all things AI at the department.  It offers formal and informal training, including already videos that are up there to help folks get started.  It’s a home for all of our internal State Department AI tools – libraries of prompts and use cases.  And I would just say, try it out.  I’d encourage everyone to test it out, to try it out, to explore it, to try to learn from it, and also lend your own ideas and input, because this is something that will continue to be iterative and a work in progress. Basically, three words to help guide us:  Just get started.  And I think once you do, your imaginations will really take flight and you’ll begin to see more and more how the extraordinary technology that’s before us can have a profound impact on the work that we’re all doing. In 1860, upon receiving the first telegraph, the British prime minister at the time, Lord Palmerston, reportedly said:  “My God.  This is the end of diplomacy.”  (Laughter.)  Every single technological breakthrough that we’ve had – whether it was the telegraph, the telephone, the radio, the internet – people have been concerned about what it means for their way of doing business, their way of life, their job.  And of course, disruptive, transformative technologies can have negative impacts that we have to guard against.  But I see this profoundly – AI, other technologies we’re deploying – as a way to strengthen what we’re doing, to strengthen our diplomacy, to better serve our country, to better serve our people, to better advance our interests in what is an increasingly complex world.  And so that’s what we really want to talk about today, and start a conversation, and continue it through the day and through the days and weeks ahead. So thank you all for being here this morning.  Thanks to all those who are listening in.  Matthew, why don’t we start a conversation?  (Applause.) MR GRAVISS:  Yeah, let’s – let’s dive in.  So you talked about the modernization – the modernization agenda, you talked about the AI strategy that came out last fall.  Taking it back a little further, after you sworn in as the Secretary of State, your first engagement with the workforce, one thing that stuck out to me was your commitment to leaving the organization, the institution better than when you found it.  And we deployed a number of AI technologies over the last few years.  How do you see – why do you see AI as being critical to advancing our foreign policy objectives? SECRETARY BLINKEN: So I think there are a couple of things that are worth reflecting on, and maybe just to start it at 60,000 feet. One of the things that struck me actually last time I was in government during the Obama administration in the work that we’re doing was the essential role of technology in helping us to get the right answers.  And one of the challenges I think that we have – well, let me just speak for myself, that I have – is, of course, I’m not trained in science and technology for the most part, and I suspect that most of us that’s the case.  It tends to be that folks who are working foreign policy, working diplomacy are more trained in other skills.  And increasingly, it became evident to me as we working on these issues, including at the White House as part of the deputies committee, that virtually everything we were doing had as at least a part of its answer, some kind of technological or scientific solution. And as I’ve said to some of you, I got to the point where I needed scientists and technologists at the table just to tell me whether I needed scientists and technologists at the table.  (Laughter.)  So we made a big effort, particularly the last few years of that administration, to do just that, to bring in extraordinary experts, but also to help us understand how we could use technology to more effectively advance our work, both in terms of the efficiencies that we needed to have within our departments and agencies, but also to problem solve, to take something like how do you better monitor an arms control agreement, how do you think about dealing with massive flows of refugees and keeping people connected, how do you build genuinely effective food security, health security, how do you think about the role that technology can play in advancing so many of these core missions.  Fast forward to where we are now, and fast forward to what I think is change at a genuinely exponential rate.  Moore’s Law has been blown up.  And when you look at AI in particular, it’s truly extraordinary.  I think two things are really compelling.  One is – for me, at least, I’ve been doing this for more than 30 years now – I can’t remember a period of time when we had a greater multiplicity of challenges and a greater complexity of challenges and an interconnectedness among those challenges.  What I’ve seen already in the way we’re looking at and using AI is an ability to make greater sense more quickly of all of that complexity, to see the interconnections more immediately, and so help us make sense of the world and where we want to take it.  Second, Matthew, I think we’ve talked a lot – and it’s also a big focus of the modernization agenda – how do we deal with a time when all of us, all of you are being asked to do more with less, precisely because there’s so much more on our plates.  It’s more complicated, and yet we’re challenged for resources, even though we’re fighting for them every single day.  If we can have technology like AI that genuinely frees up people’s time to make sure that some of these more routine tasks that can be done quickly and — that otherwise, if we were doing them, would take a lot longer, that is an incredible source of freedom and opportunity for the workforce to make sure that it’s focused on what really matters, and to use the value added that we bring to each task truly to the fore. So we were already seeing through the work that we’re doing, including some of the beta testing of our chatbot, the extraordinary savings and time that this can bring.  This is just the beginning, and I think the opportunities are extraordinary.  MR GRAVISS:  I think about that in the context of operational effectiveness.  I’m an engineer, so naturally I think about effectiveness and efficiency: on the effectiveness side, the ability to process just so much more data, our team across the globe is producing communications, thousands a day, and the ability to synthesize that is paramount, given the multiplicity of challenges and complexity of challenges. During the demo we saw one of our brilliant data scientists talk through the ability to synthesize 30 cables quickly.  For all you FSOs that are transitioning this summer, the ability to come to speed provided you’re – the person who you’re replacing left a structured set of data even – either in a SharePoint site or anywhere, I mean — SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, this is incredible.  We saw this – I just saw this yesterday.  Some of you may have seen this – and just to pick up on what Matthew is saying.  So one of the challenges we all face – we’re doing transitions at an embassy, and you have someone who is departing, someone who is coming in.  The person coming in has to pick up the portfolio and, hopefully, in a way that doesn’t involve reinventing the wheel that someone spent the past three years building.  So as Matthew was saying, we saw one small demonstration of this.  The outgoing person leaves behind 30, 40, 50 cables worth of work in a particular area – let’s say its energy.  The incoming person trying to make sense of what the host country is looking for in terms of collaboration with us on energy, who the key players are, where we can have – be – have the strongest possible relationship, what they hope for from the United States, what they may be looking for from others, all of this is embedded in all of these cables.  Now, if you had to go through all of them and try to pick out the critical elements, and you were doing that by reading them, taking notes, then trying to put all these notes together, that’s days, maybe weeks’ worth of work.  With one or two prompts that I saw on the – on our desktop computer in my office, in about five seconds that work together in an incredibly coherent and cohesive way, basically giving the incoming officer all the information that he or she needed about how to approach this problem, what the critical elements were for the host government, who the critical players were and actors were that officers had already engaged. So a small example and, of course, this was, what, this was – Matthew, this is like 30 cables worth of work? MR GRAVISS:  Right. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So imagine if its 100, 200, 500 cables worth of work that someone had produced over a few years.  You can just see the incredible efficiency and time that this brings to bear.  MR GRAVISS:  I always – on any trip to an embassy, one of the things that I always say is every post has somebody who can play the guitar.  It’s not in their position description.  They – somebody can play the guitar.  That’s for sure.  And what we’re seeing in the AI space is inevitably – even if it’s not in somebody’s job jar, somebody can do this AI work.  Somebody is leaning in, even if they’re not an expert, they’re trying it out; they’re exploring; they’re willing to figure it out.  And I think the trick is how do we share that across the rest of the mission.  The other thing that was really enlightening was this is not resident in one section of a post, right? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah. MR GRAVISS:  We’re seeing this with the diplomatic technology officers.  We’re seeing this in PD sections – a lot in PD sections.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, that’s extraordinary.  I mean, this is another thing I’ve seen, and I know Liz and her team have been working with this.  We have one program that we’re using that is able to basically ingest a million articles every day from around the world, to be able to do that in a couple hundred countries in over a hundred languages and then immediately translate, synthesize, and give you a clear picture of what’s happening in the information space immediately – work, again, that would take hours or actually be impossible to do with that many inputs on a daily basis.  So this is an incredible tool for our PD officers.  Similarly, the ability to take social media platforms and sites and immediately, I think, take all of that in, translate it as necessary into English, and give our PD officers an incredible resource for understanding what’s actually happening in the information space in a given place on a given issue at a given time.  MR GRAVISS:  Super innovative.  It’s called Northstar and was launched a couple of months ago, and so would encourage everybody to check that out.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  And is that something that people actually have access to now? MR GRAVISS:  People have access to it.  Absolutely.  People can go right now and get access.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Great.  MR GRAVISS:  Yeah, it’s a fantastic innovation focused on saving time.  And what we’re seeing – and you’ll hear from Under Secretary Allen and others in the panel following this, but the ability to summarize in the media space and then use that time that you saved to call the reporter, find out a little more context around why they wrote that article, maybe shape the next article.  It’s repurposing that time to the higher value asks that we want our experts in diplomacy doing, right?  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, and I think that’s really the most critical point in many ways.  This is – one of the things that I know, again, people are understandably and inevitably concerned about is, are we going to be looking at this room in 10 or 15 years and seeing a physical manifestation of a chatbot and no one else – (laughter) – and the answer is we’re not.  And that’s because this technology is not a substitute for us.  It’s a complement to our work.  It’s an ability to make us more effective.  It’s an ability, as Matthew was saying, to really free us up to focus on the value add that only we, only you can bring to our work based on unique expertise that you have, based on the contacts, the engagements that you have; based on our basic humanity which really can’t be replaced.  So I think if we look at it in that way, you can see the extraordinary benefits to the work that you’re doing and the work that you will be doing, not a threat.  So this is really critical because, again, I know there’s a lot of anxiety whenever we’re integrating new technology into our work.  MR GRAVISS:  So let’s dive into a little bit on that because we’ve covered operational effectiveness, operational efficiency, the sky is the limit.  It’s so exciting.  There’s also some risks, as you mentioned in your opening.  Are there particular risks that you’re thinking about, that you’re concerned about, that as we deploy this kind of technology we need to be focused on?  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So I think there are a few, and I – and, again, folks are already very focused on this.  One, of course, is just our cyber security and making sure that as we integrate technology, including AI, we’re also not opening the door to greater risk, particularly when it comes to cyber security.  So this is something we have to be extraordinarily attentive to.  We have extraordinary chief information officer and an entire team that works on this, but we have to make sure that we have a secure environment.  And then we also have to be very, very cognizant of some of the potential downsides of technology, including make sure that we’re not in some ways deep-rooting or accelerating things like bias in what we do and in how we approach issues.  This is critical.  And I think many, many discussions out there in thinking about our awareness of all of these challenges as we integrate the technology to make sure that we’re mitigating any of the downsides as we maximize the benefits.  Those are two that jump out.  I know everyone is focused a lot as well on some of the broader threats that the misuse, the mal-use of AI could pose, including to our national security, enabling other countries, enabling other groups to weaponize technology in very, very dangerous ways.  Of course, we’re cognizant of that.  But I think if you look at this, as long as we’re focused on these potential downsides, as long as we’re thinking up front about them and taking the necessary steps to mitigate, the potential benefits far outweigh what we have to be rightly concerned about.  MR GRAVISS:  The – you talk about team sport when it comes to diplomacy all the time internationally.  And we can extend that down into this space – team sport – in terms of responsible use, mitigating bias.  Everybody – every employee is going to have a responsibility to ensure that they’re using the technology the right way.  And we have a – as you mentioned – a phenomenal chief information officer that – the StateChat, which is the name of the chatbot that you mentioned earlier; we got a lot of cybersecurity experts from Diplomatic Security, from Diplomatic Technology that are focused on making sure that we’re doing that right.  We also have a responsible AI team that’s focused on that.  So it’s really important that we recognize both the opportunities and the risks, and that we focus on that. Let’s talk about – a little bit more about the workforce.  So imagine you are new to this game, right, and you’re questioning, like, how can it help me?  Any advice for the newest person to jump in to this space? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, it comes back to the three words I said earlier:  Just get started.  Again, all of us, especially you get to a certain age, you have a lot of trepidation about new technology, even as you watch your kids have incredible facility with it.  There’s a natural apprehension.  Just get started.  Plunge in. The great thing about what you’ve already designed is the fact that we have available to everyone some pretty basic tools to help you just get started, to give you basic guidance and information on what a good prompt is, and how to use the technology.  And then play around with it, experiment with it, try it out. And what I’ve seen, at least in my own relatively limited experience, but nonetheless, as I’ve played around with this – and I suspect pretty much everyone in this room, maybe at home has tried out a large language model – your imagination takes over.  And then it becomes something that you just get more and more into.  And you’re trying to refine the questions you’re asking, the inputs that you’re putting in.  And you start to see, right before you, the almost instantaneous results. But the most important thing is this.  If you just get started, and if you take advantage of the great work that Matthew and his team have done to put together some tools to help you do that, I suspect that people will become extremely enthusiastic about AI and all the potential that it has for the work that we’re doing. MR GRAVISS:  Again, team sport.  So a shout out to Ambassador Polaschik and the Foreign Service Institute.  And I think everybody in the department got an email yesterday on all the training opportunities within the AI space, which is – they’ve really leaned in, and that’s exciting.  It is about just starting, and asking yourself, “Can AI help with that?”  I ask that to myself, ask my team too, who is more advanced in this technology space.  But, hey, can AI help with that?  And if not, okay, keep moving.  If it can, hey, there’s an opportunity.  Let’s explore. And if I can nerd out for a second, one of the cool things about StateChat is we can actually analyze the prompts that people are putting in, tens of thousands of prompts, so we can understand how the power users are using it, and then we can package that up and message that as training material for the rest of the workforce.  So go to AI.State, check out the information.  Just start, and you’re not alone.  Lots of resources to support you. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, and I think you heard from Matthew two critical words:  Nerd out.  Go ahead.  (Laughter.)  Everyone has their inner nerd somewhere, so nerd out on this, and see where it takes you. MR GRAVISS:  So as we wrap up here, I just want to ask you about 5 to 10 years from now.  Like, what does the State Department, what does diplomacy look like for us as we have these kind of tools in our pocket? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Look, I think this is where our imaginations really need to carry us, because I think if we were sitting here 10 years ago, so much of what we’re doing today – I suspect few people would have actually imagined that.  I’m not sure anyone would have seen a decade ago that we would be standing up an entire bureau to deal with cyber and digital policy and emerging technology, that we’d have a new bureau on global health, that we’d be reorganized in the way that we are on climate or, for that matter, on China. So part of this is trying to anticipate where we’re going to be, what the critical issues will be to get ahead of them, and to organize ourselves in the most effective way possible to deal with them.  But I think, as you’re looking at technology like AI, what is now something that’s just in its infancy, where we’re really touching the tip of the potential, the tip of possibilities, I would see this as being totally, thoroughly, fully integrated into the work that we’re doing every day.  And we’re not even thinking about it or asking ourselves about it.  It is almost in the natural flow of work. And just as there was a transition that was made not so very long ago if you walked around the State Department – a few decades ago – well, you’d still see typewriters on desks.  And then we got those really big Wang computers that some of us remember fondly that looked like something out of Star Trek.  Now all of the technology that we take for granted and assume, that was not the case. I think everything that we’re just touching and starting to experiment with will be fully part of what we do.  But what I hope the impact really is, is the impact that we’ve been talking about, which is to truly free us up, all of us, up more to focus on what really matters, to use the unique qualities that all of us can bring to these challenges fully to the forefront, and to maximize the time we spend on what’s really important, and to minimize the time on things that normally take so much time but actually divert us from the core of what our work should be and our mission is.  That’s the – that’s the potential, and you can already see it, but I think it takes probably someone with a much better imagination than mine to really see where we’ll be in 10 years.  In fact, Matthew, maybe you have a thought on that, since you’re doing this day in, day out. MR GRAVISS:  Well, when you have an 80,000-person workforce, not all the ideas have to come from the stage.  And – did you see how I escaped out of that one?  (Laughter.)  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  It’s good, really good.  Great diplomat, too.  (Laughter.) MR GRAVISS:  So we are seeing the greatest innovation happening in the field, we really are.  And the more the field is jumping into this technology and using it, the more we’re able to soak that up and then share that with other embassies, other missions across the globe.  That’s what I’m most excited about, and that’s our technology roadmap, has had that philosophy, is get it out, make sure it’s secure, let people learn, explore, and inevitably the most amazing use cases are going to creep to the top, and then it’s our job to make sure, in a rapid way, that we get that and make it available to the rest of the department.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, and this is a really powerful thing, because we do have the tremendous benefit of our own scale and reach.  And the fact that we have 80,000 people – most of whom are deployed around the world in some 200 countries, and who as a result of that may be seeing different angles, different ways of using the technology – that’s a pretty rich source of experience, experimentation, data, and results to draw from.  But it only works if you and your team are working, because what I’ve found and I suspect many of us have found going around the world for many years is that inevitably, somewhere, somehow, someone has found the solution or at least the beginning of the solution to a problem that many people are grappling with.  But if that particular solution isn’t shared, if it just stays with that one person, that one group, in that one country, or that one place, then you have this reinvention of the wheel that has to go on time and time again.  Our ability to draw from the experience that people – that all of our teams are going to have, using, deploying, experimenting with AI all around the world, but then bringing it back and having these use cases, as you say, and especially the ones that are producing really interesting new things, come to the top but then be taken by you, shared across the enterprise – FSI also doing critical work to make sure that folks are up to speed and continue to be brought up to speed throughout their careers – that’s how this really works.  And that’s how it really becomes a powerful force in the life of the department. MR GRAVISS:  AI and analysis without communication helps one person, right?  Innovation without communication helps one person.  We’ve got to share it.  Mr. Secretary, thank you for an amazing conversation.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you, Matt.  (Applause.) Tags Artificial Intelligence Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy Bureau of Diplomatic Technology Office of Management Strategy and Solutions Office of the Spokesperson Science, Technology, and Innovation The Secretary of State Secretary Antony J. Blinken at “A Conversation on Artificial Intelligence (AI) at State” 06/28/2024 Secretary Antony J. Blinken at “A Conversation on Artificial Intelligence (AI) at State” 06/28/2024 02:11 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Secretary Antony J. Blinken at “A Conversation on Artificial Intelligence (AI) at State” hide Secretary Antony J. Blinken at “A Conversation on Artificial Intelligence (AI) at State” Remarks June 28, 2024 MR GRAVISS:  Good morning, everyone.  I’m Matthew Graviss, the chief data and AI officer of the Department of State.  It is my distinct pleasure to welcome all of you here today – our dedicated employees, members of the press, and esteemed congressional colleagues.  Whether you’re here in person or joining us from around the globe, thank you for taking the time to be part of this important discussion on the future of diplomacy and the age of artificial intelligence. In an era of rapid technological evolution, AI stands as a cornerstone of our strategy to enhance diplomatic efforts.  AI’s potential to analyze vast amounts of data in real time, identify trends, and provide insights is transforming the way we approach global challenges.  It empowers our diplomats with the tools they need to navigate complex geopolitical landscapes, foster international cooperation, and advance U.S. interests abroad. At the Department of State we’re committed to harnessing AI’s transformative power responsibly and ethically, ensuring it aligns with our values of transparency, accountability, and respect for human rights.  By integrating AI into our operations, we aim to not only enhance our diplomatic capabilities, but also inform our efforts to set global standards for its use internationally. Today we’re honored to have with us a visionary leader who has been at the forefront of these efforts.  As part of the department’s modernization agenda we have made significant strides in leveraging technology and innovation to advance our foreign policy objectives. Ladies and gentlemen, it is my great privilege to introduce to you the Secretary of State, Antony Blinken.  (Applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you, thank you.  Good morning, everyone.  It’s 9 a.m.  We have a full house.  When I was in college that meant free doughnuts, or something.  (Laughter.) But actually, I think it’s evidence of the more than deep interest, the fascination and enthusiasm for the work that we’re doing to integrate technology into the day-in, day-out life of the State Department, and the opportunity this morning to talk about the efforts that we’ve been making on artificial intelligence.  And I have to say, thanks to Matthew, thanks to a remarkable team here, I think what you’ll hear in the coming hours shows the work that we’ve been doing and leading in the federal government to make AI part of our lives. Increasingly, we’re seeing across the board technology at the forefront of our diplomacy and our foreign policy.  And the revolutions that all of us are experiencing in our daily lives and in our non-work lives, of course, are having a profound impact on our work lives, and they’re also at the heart of strategic competition that we’re engaged in, at the heart of strengthening and deepening our alliances and partnerships. We can see extraordinary potential, extraordinary benefit.  And we’ll talk in a few minutes about how we’re actually beginning to realize that.  At the same time, we all know, you all are deeply conscious of the challenges, the threats, the danger that technology can pose.  We know that for the most part – and we’ll see AI may be different – technology is amoral, not immoral.  It depends on how you use it.  But we have to be deeply conscious of that as we move forward. But the possibilities are extraordinary.  We had a session at the UN General Assembly last fall, where we brought together technologists and countries around the world to look at how AI could be used to accelerate the Sustainable Development Goals which are, for the most part, stalled.  And what’s interesting to me is, as I travel around the world, the places where I find the most enthusiasm for artificial intelligence and technology more broadly actually is in the global majority countries in the developing world, because they see a way of accelerating and getting out of neutral on some of the big objectives that they’ve set for their societies and that we need to help them realize. But the moment we’re in is critical because in so many ways the choices that we make now will define how technology is used, how it’s deployed, and to what effect for a long time into the future.  And that’s why we have this intense focus on artificial intelligence, other technologies that are going to be shaping that future.  We have to make generational investments and generational decisions here at home, including in our technological competitiveness.  That’s essential to making sure that we remain the standard-setters, the rule-makers around the world.  Working with partners to direct technology to more stable, secure, healthy societies – that is also critical, and it has to animate the diplomacy that so many of you are engaged in. We have the President’s leadership on this, including his executive order on AI.  We have the International Cyber and Digital Strategy.  All of this together, these are foundational elements for the work that we are and have to do. So let me just talk a little bit quickly about the state of State in AI.  In 2021 we put forward our modernization agenda, and a big part of that, as you look at it, is making sure that we’re working with, using, integrating technology in the work that we’re doing.  Some of this entails experimentation, some of it entails risk.  But if we’re not leaning in, we’re  going to be left out and left behind. Last fall we released the Enterprise AI Strategy, a roadmap to harness AI’s benefits to advance our foreign policy and to strengthen this institution.  And as I said, if you look around the federal government, I’m happy to report that this department is leading the way.  And indeed, other agencies and departments are looking to the work that we’ve been doing.  Now, I think there are two major reasons why we want to focus on AI and its use here in the department.  First, and maybe most fundamentally, freeing up so much of our talent to focus on what’s really essential, to focus on the more strategic work, to help ensure that more routine tasks that technology can take on, that’s what’s happening, and they can spend less time face-to-screen, and more time face-to-face.  We can automate simple, routine tasks; we can summarize and translate research.  Something that would take normally days, even weeks can be done in a manner of seconds.  We’ll talk about this a little bit later, too – media monitoring.  Truly, already some extraordinary things the technology we’re deploying is helping us to do. All of this you’ll have an opportunity to get into in some detail today.  Second, I think we can use this technology to actually improve our analysis, to unearth new insights.  We’ve seen already, as we’ve been testing things out, using AI as a tool for helping negotiations in multilateral organizations – we’ll talk about that.  Using it as a way to combat disinformation, one of the poisons in the international system today. So we’ll get into all of this in a little while, but what I’ve seen already gives me a tremendous sense of excitement about the potential, but also, again, a caution to make sure that we’re proceeding wisely, securely, safely, and that we are focused on some of the challenges and risks, as well as the opportunities. Ultimately, this is a tool.  AI is a tool.  And it’s only as good and as effective as the people using it, and of course it’s only as good as the inputs that go into it.  FSI is integrating AI into its training, including safety, including responsible use.  And, of course, it’s critical that we attract and retain the best possible talent to help us in the integration of technology. So you’re already seeing in a number of places missions using AI to support our work, and we’re going to celebrate the 2024 Data and AI for Diplomacy awardees today to recognize work that’s already been done, hopefully to inspire more work to help each of us actually visualize how this can be a part of the work that we’re doing at the department. And I’m also very pleased that we’re launching AI.State, a central hub for all things AI at the department.  It offers formal and informal training, including already videos that are up there to help folks get started.  It’s a home for all of our internal State Department AI tools – libraries of prompts and use cases.  And I would just say, try it out.  I’d encourage everyone to test it out, to try it out, to explore it, to try to learn from it, and also lend your own ideas and input, because this is something that will continue to be iterative and a work in progress. Basically, three words to help guide us:  Just get started.  And I think once you do, your imaginations will really take flight and you’ll begin to see more and more how the extraordinary technology that’s before us can have a profound impact on the work that we’re all doing. In 1860, upon receiving the first telegraph, the British prime minister at the time, Lord Palmerston, reportedly said:  “My God.  This is the end of diplomacy.”  (Laughter.)  Every single technological breakthrough that we’ve had – whether it was the telegraph, the telephone, the radio, the internet – people have been concerned about what it means for their way of doing business, their way of life, their job.  And of course, disruptive, transformative technologies can have negative impacts that we have to guard against.  But I see this profoundly – AI, other technologies we’re deploying – as a way to strengthen what we’re doing, to strengthen our diplomacy, to better serve our country, to better serve our people, to better advance our interests in what is an increasingly complex world.  And so that’s what we really want to talk about today, and start a conversation, and continue it through the day and through the days and weeks ahead. So thank you all for being here this morning.  Thanks to all those who are listening in.  Matthew, why don’t we start a conversation?  (Applause.) MR GRAVISS:  Yeah, let’s – let’s dive in.  So you talked about the modernization – the modernization agenda, you talked about the AI strategy that came out last fall.  Taking it back a little further, after you sworn in as the Secretary of State, your first engagement with the workforce, one thing that stuck out to me was your commitment to leaving the organization, the institution better than when you found it.  And we deployed a number of AI technologies over the last few years.  How do you see – why do you see AI as being critical to advancing our foreign policy objectives? SECRETARY BLINKEN: So I think there are a couple of things that are worth reflecting on, and maybe just to start it at 60,000 feet. One of the things that struck me actually last time I was in government during the Obama administration in the work that we’re doing was the essential role of technology in helping us to get the right answers.  And one of the challenges I think that we have – well, let me just speak for myself, that I have – is, of course, I’m not trained in science and technology for the most part, and I suspect that most of us that’s the case.  It tends to be that folks who are working foreign policy, working diplomacy are more trained in other skills.  And increasingly, it became evident to me as we working on these issues, including at the White House as part of the deputies committee, that virtually everything we were doing had as at least a part of its answer, some kind of technological or scientific solution. And as I’ve said to some of you, I got to the point where I needed scientists and technologists at the table just to tell me whether I needed scientists and technologists at the table.  (Laughter.)  So we made a big effort, particularly the last few years of that administration, to do just that, to bring in extraordinary experts, but also to help us understand how we could use technology to more effectively advance our work, both in terms of the efficiencies that we needed to have within our departments and agencies, but also to problem solve, to take something like how do you better monitor an arms control agreement, how do you think about dealing with massive flows of refugees and keeping people connected, how do you build genuinely effective food security, health security, how do you think about the role that technology can play in advancing so many of these core missions.  Fast forward to where we are now, and fast forward to what I think is change at a genuinely exponential rate.  Moore’s Law has been blown up.  And when you look at AI in particular, it’s truly extraordinary.  I think two things are really compelling.  One is – for me, at least, I’ve been doing this for more than 30 years now – I can’t remember a period of time when we had a greater multiplicity of challenges and a greater complexity of challenges and an interconnectedness among those challenges.  What I’ve seen already in the way we’re looking at and using AI is an ability to make greater sense more quickly of all of that complexity, to see the interconnections more immediately, and so help us make sense of the world and where we want to take it.  Second, Matthew, I think we’ve talked a lot – and it’s also a big focus of the modernization agenda – how do we deal with a time when all of us, all of you are being asked to do more with less, precisely because there’s so much more on our plates.  It’s more complicated, and yet we’re challenged for resources, even though we’re fighting for them every single day.  If we can have technology like AI that genuinely frees up people’s time to make sure that some of these more routine tasks that can be done quickly and — that otherwise, if we were doing them, would take a lot longer, that is an incredible source of freedom and opportunity for the workforce to make sure that it’s focused on what really matters, and to use the value added that we bring to each task truly to the fore. So we were already seeing through the work that we’re doing, including some of the beta testing of our chatbot, the extraordinary savings and time that this can bring.  This is just the beginning, and I think the opportunities are extraordinary.  MR GRAVISS:  I think about that in the context of operational effectiveness.  I’m an engineer, so naturally I think about effectiveness and efficiency: on the effectiveness side, the ability to process just so much more data, our team across the globe is producing communications, thousands a day, and the ability to synthesize that is paramount, given the multiplicity of challenges and complexity of challenges. During the demo we saw one of our brilliant data scientists talk through the ability to synthesize 30 cables quickly.  For all you FSOs that are transitioning this summer, the ability to come to speed provided you’re – the person who you’re replacing left a structured set of data even – either in a SharePoint site or anywhere, I mean — SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, this is incredible.  We saw this – I just saw this yesterday.  Some of you may have seen this – and just to pick up on what Matthew is saying.  So one of the challenges we all face – we’re doing transitions at an embassy, and you have someone who is departing, someone who is coming in.  The person coming in has to pick up the portfolio and, hopefully, in a way that doesn’t involve reinventing the wheel that someone spent the past three years building.  So as Matthew was saying, we saw one small demonstration of this.  The outgoing person leaves behind 30, 40, 50 cables worth of work in a particular area – let’s say its energy.  The incoming person trying to make sense of what the host country is looking for in terms of collaboration with us on energy, who the key players are, where we can have – be – have the strongest possible relationship, what they hope for from the United States, what they may be looking for from others, all of this is embedded in all of these cables.  Now, if you had to go through all of them and try to pick out the critical elements, and you were doing that by reading them, taking notes, then trying to put all these notes together, that’s days, maybe weeks’ worth of work.  With one or two prompts that I saw on the – on our desktop computer in my office, in about five seconds that work together in an incredibly coherent and cohesive way, basically giving the incoming officer all the information that he or she needed about how to approach this problem, what the critical elements were for the host government, who the critical players were and actors were that officers had already engaged. So a small example and, of course, this was, what, this was – Matthew, this is like 30 cables worth of work? MR GRAVISS:  Right. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So imagine if its 100, 200, 500 cables worth of work that someone had produced over a few years.  You can just see the incredible efficiency and time that this brings to bear.  MR GRAVISS:  I always – on any trip to an embassy, one of the things that I always say is every post has somebody who can play the guitar.  It’s not in their position description.  They – somebody can play the guitar.  That’s for sure.  And what we’re seeing in the AI space is inevitably – even if it’s not in somebody’s job jar, somebody can do this AI work.  Somebody is leaning in, even if they’re not an expert, they’re trying it out; they’re exploring; they’re willing to figure it out.  And I think the trick is how do we share that across the rest of the mission.  The other thing that was really enlightening was this is not resident in one section of a post, right? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah. MR GRAVISS:  We’re seeing this with the diplomatic technology officers.  We’re seeing this in PD sections – a lot in PD sections.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, that’s extraordinary.  I mean, this is another thing I’ve seen, and I know Liz and her team have been working with this.  We have one program that we’re using that is able to basically ingest a million articles every day from around the world, to be able to do that in a couple hundred countries in over a hundred languages and then immediately translate, synthesize, and give you a clear picture of what’s happening in the information space immediately – work, again, that would take hours or actually be impossible to do with that many inputs on a daily basis.  So this is an incredible tool for our PD officers.  Similarly, the ability to take social media platforms and sites and immediately, I think, take all of that in, translate it as necessary into English, and give our PD officers an incredible resource for understanding what’s actually happening in the information space in a given place on a given issue at a given time.  MR GRAVISS:  Super innovative.  It’s called Northstar and was launched a couple of months ago, and so would encourage everybody to check that out.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  And is that something that people actually have access to now? MR GRAVISS:  People have access to it.  Absolutely.  People can go right now and get access.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Great.  MR GRAVISS:  Yeah, it’s a fantastic innovation focused on saving time.  And what we’re seeing – and you’ll hear from Under Secretary Allen and others in the panel following this, but the ability to summarize in the media space and then use that time that you saved to call the reporter, find out a little more context around why they wrote that article, maybe shape the next article.  It’s repurposing that time to the higher value asks that we want our experts in diplomacy doing, right?  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, and I think that’s really the most critical point in many ways.  This is – one of the things that I know, again, people are understandably and inevitably concerned about is, are we going to be looking at this room in 10 or 15 years and seeing a physical manifestation of a chatbot and no one else – (laughter) – and the answer is we’re not.  And that’s because this technology is not a substitute for us.  It’s a complement to our work.  It’s an ability to make us more effective.  It’s an ability, as Matthew was saying, to really free us up to focus on the value add that only we, only you can bring to our work based on unique expertise that you have, based on the contacts, the engagements that you have; based on our basic humanity which really can’t be replaced.  So I think if we look at it in that way, you can see the extraordinary benefits to the work that you’re doing and the work that you will be doing, not a threat.  So this is really critical because, again, I know there’s a lot of anxiety whenever we’re integrating new technology into our work.  MR GRAVISS:  So let’s dive into a little bit on that because we’ve covered operational effectiveness, operational efficiency, the sky is the limit.  It’s so exciting.  There’s also some risks, as you mentioned in your opening.  Are there particular risks that you’re thinking about, that you’re concerned about, that as we deploy this kind of technology we need to be focused on?  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So I think there are a few, and I – and, again, folks are already very focused on this.  One, of course, is just our cyber security and making sure that as we integrate technology, including AI, we’re also not opening the door to greater risk, particularly when it comes to cyber security.  So this is something we have to be extraordinarily attentive to.  We have extraordinary chief information officer and an entire team that works on this, but we have to make sure that we have a secure environment.  And then we also have to be very, very cognizant of some of the potential downsides of technology, including make sure that we’re not in some ways deep-rooting or accelerating things like bias in what we do and in how we approach issues.  This is critical.  And I think many, many discussions out there in thinking about our awareness of all of these challenges as we integrate the technology to make sure that we’re mitigating any of the downsides as we maximize the benefits.  Those are two that jump out.  I know everyone is focused a lot as well on some of the broader threats that the misuse, the mal-use of AI could pose, including to our national security, enabling other countries, enabling other groups to weaponize technology in very, very dangerous ways.  Of course, we’re cognizant of that.  But I think if you look at this, as long as we’re focused on these potential downsides, as long as we’re thinking up front about them and taking the necessary steps to mitigate, the potential benefits far outweigh what we have to be rightly concerned about.  MR GRAVISS:  The – you talk about team sport when it comes to diplomacy all the time internationally.  And we can extend that down into this space – team sport – in terms of responsible use, mitigating bias.  Everybody – every employee is going to have a responsibility to ensure that they’re using the technology the right way.  And we have a – as you mentioned – a phenomenal chief information officer that – the StateChat, which is the name of the chatbot that you mentioned earlier; we got a lot of cybersecurity experts from Diplomatic Security, from Diplomatic Technology that are focused on making sure that we’re doing that right.  We also have a responsible AI team that’s focused on that.  So it’s really important that we recognize both the opportunities and the risks, and that we focus on that. Let’s talk about – a little bit more about the workforce.  So imagine you are new to this game, right, and you’re questioning, like, how can it help me?  Any advice for the newest person to jump in to this space? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, it comes back to the three words I said earlier:  Just get started.  Again, all of us, especially you get to a certain age, you have a lot of trepidation about new technology, even as you watch your kids have incredible facility with it.  There’s a natural apprehension.  Just get started.  Plunge in. The great thing about what you’ve already designed is the fact that we have available to everyone some pretty basic tools to help you just get started, to give you basic guidance and information on what a good prompt is, and how to use the technology.  And then play around with it, experiment with it, try it out. And what I’ve seen, at least in my own relatively limited experience, but nonetheless, as I’ve played around with this – and I suspect pretty much everyone in this room, maybe at home has tried out a large language model – your imagination takes over.  And then it becomes something that you just get more and more into.  And you’re trying to refine the questions you’re asking, the inputs that you’re putting in.  And you start to see, right before you, the almost instantaneous results. But the most important thing is this.  If you just get started, and if you take advantage of the great work that Matthew and his team have done to put together some tools to help you do that, I suspect that people will become extremely enthusiastic about AI and all the potential that it has for the work that we’re doing. MR GRAVISS:  Again, team sport.  So a shout out to Ambassador Polaschik and the Foreign Service Institute.  And I think everybody in the department got an email yesterday on all the training opportunities within the AI space, which is – they’ve really leaned in, and that’s exciting.  It is about just starting, and asking yourself, “Can AI help with that?”  I ask that to myself, ask my team too, who is more advanced in this technology space.  But, hey, can AI help with that?  And if not, okay, keep moving.  If it can, hey, there’s an opportunity.  Let’s explore. And if I can nerd out for a second, one of the cool things about StateChat is we can actually analyze the prompts that people are putting in, tens of thousands of prompts, so we can understand how the power users are using it, and then we can package that up and message that as training material for the rest of the workforce.  So go to AI.State, check out the information.  Just start, and you’re not alone.  Lots of resources to support you. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, and I think you heard from Matthew two critical words:  Nerd out.  Go ahead.  (Laughter.)  Everyone has their inner nerd somewhere, so nerd out on this, and see where it takes you. MR GRAVISS:  So as we wrap up here, I just want to ask you about 5 to 10 years from now.  Like, what does the State Department, what does diplomacy look like for us as we have these kind of tools in our pocket? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Look, I think this is where our imaginations really need to carry us, because I think if we were sitting here 10 years ago, so much of what we’re doing today – I suspect few people would have actually imagined that.  I’m not sure anyone would have seen a decade ago that we would be standing up an entire bureau to deal with cyber and digital policy and emerging technology, that we’d have a new bureau on global health, that we’d be reorganized in the way that we are on climate or, for that matter, on China. So part of this is trying to anticipate where we’re going to be, what the critical issues will be to get ahead of them, and to organize ourselves in the most effective way possible to deal with them.  But I think, as you’re looking at technology like AI, what is now something that’s just in its infancy, where we’re really touching the tip of the potential, the tip of possibilities, I would see this as being totally, thoroughly, fully integrated into the work that we’re doing every day.  And we’re not even thinking about it or asking ourselves about it.  It is almost in the natural flow of work. And just as there was a transition that was made not so very long ago if you walked around the State Department – a few decades ago – well, you’d still see typewriters on desks.  And then we got those really big Wang computers that some of us remember fondly that looked like something out of Star Trek.  Now all of the technology that we take for granted and assume, that was not the case. I think everything that we’re just touching and starting to experiment with will be fully part of what we do.  But what I hope the impact really is, is the impact that we’ve been talking about, which is to truly free us up, all of us, up more to focus on what really matters, to use the unique qualities that all of us can bring to these challenges fully to the forefront, and to maximize the time we spend on what’s really important, and to minimize the time on things that normally take so much time but actually divert us from the core of what our work should be and our mission is.  That’s the – that’s the potential, and you can already see it, but I think it takes probably someone with a much better imagination than mine to really see where we’ll be in 10 years.  In fact, Matthew, maybe you have a thought on that, since you’re doing this day in, day out. MR GRAVISS:  Well, when you have an 80,000-person workforce, not all the ideas have to come from the stage.  And – did you see how I escaped out of that one?  (Laughter.)  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  It’s good, really good.  Great diplomat, too.  (Laughter.) MR GRAVISS:  So we are seeing the greatest innovation happening in the field, we really are.  And the more the field is jumping into this technology and using it, the more we’re able to soak that up and then share that with other embassies, other missions across the globe.  That’s what I’m most excited about, and that’s our technology roadmap, has had that philosophy, is get it out, make sure it’s secure, let people learn, explore, and inevitably the most amazing use cases are going to creep to the top, and then it’s our job to make sure, in a rapid way, that we get that and make it available to the rest of the department.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Yeah, and this is a really powerful thing, because we do have the tremendous benefit of our own scale and reach.  And the fact that we have 80,000 people – most of whom are deployed around the world in some 200 countries, and who as a result of that may be seeing different angles, different ways of using the technology – that’s a pretty rich source of experience, experimentation, data, and results to draw from.  But it only works if you and your team are working, because what I’ve found and I suspect many of us have found going around the world for many years is that inevitably, somewhere, somehow, someone has found the solution or at least the beginning of the solution to a problem that many people are grappling with.  But if that particular solution isn’t shared, if it just stays with that one person, that one group, in that one country, or that one place, then you have this reinvention of the wheel that has to go on time and time again.  Our ability to draw from the experience that people – that all of our teams are going to have, using, deploying, experimenting with AI all around the world, but then bringing it back and having these use cases, as you say, and especially the ones that are producing really interesting new things, come to the top but then be taken by you, shared across the enterprise – FSI also doing critical work to make sure that folks are up to speed and continue to be brought up to speed throughout their careers – that’s how this really works.  And that’s how it really becomes a powerful force in the life of the department. MR GRAVISS:  AI and analysis without communication helps one person, right?  Innovation without communication helps one person.  We’ve got to share it.  Mr. Secretary, thank you for an amazing conversation.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you, Matt.  (Applause.) Tags Artificial Intelligence Bureau of Cyberspace and Digital Policy Bureau of Diplomatic Technology Office of Management Strategy and Solutions Office of the Spokesperson Science, Technology, and Innovation The Secretary of State The United States and the Dominican Republic Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Aviation 06/28/2024 The United States and the Dominican Republic Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Aviation 06/28/2024 06:54 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson Today, Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose W. Fernandez and Minister of Tourism David Collado from the Dominican Republic met at the U.S. Department of State in Washington, D.C. to advance progress on our countries’ bilateral aviation cooperation. The delegations, representing the departments of Commerce, State, and Transportation and the Dominican Ministry of Tourism and Institute of Civil Aviation, signed a Memorandum of Consultations, marking the conclusion of negotiations on a bilateral Air Transport Agreement (also known as an “Open Skies” agreement) between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Dominican Republic. This proposed agreement, once signed and entered into force, will meet the highest standard of aviation transportation agreements, opening the door for the United States and the Dominican Republic to expand our two countries’ bilateral aviation relationship. The Under Secretary emphasized the U.S. government’s intentions to work closely with the Dominican Republic delegation to complete the necessary domestic processes with a view to expeditiously signing and bringing the proposed agreement into force. For further information and press inquiries, please contact the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs Press Office at: EB-Press-Inquiry@state.gov. Information on U.S. aviation policy and Open Skies agreements is available on the Department of State’s website here: https://www.state.gov/civil-air-transport-agreements/. Deputy Secretary Campbell’s Meeting with German State Secretary Bagger 06/28/2024 Deputy Secretary Campbell’s Meeting with German State Secretary Bagger 06/28/2024 07:02 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller: Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell met today with German Foreign Office State Secretary Thomas Bagger. Deputy Secretary Campbell and State Secretary Bagger coordinated on preparations for the upcoming NATO Washington Summit. They discussed priorities in the Indo-Pacific, including maintaining peace and stability in the South China Sea and across the Taiwan Strait, urging the PRC to cease shipments of dual-use goods to Russia for use in its war against Ukraine, and maritime and security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. The United States and the Dominican Republic Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Aviation 06/28/2024 The United States and the Dominican Republic Advance Cooperation on Bilateral Aviation 06/28/2024 06:54 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson Today, Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose W. Fernandez and Minister of Tourism David Collado from the Dominican Republic met at the U.S. Department of State in Washington, D.C. to advance progress on our countries’ bilateral aviation cooperation. The delegations, representing the departments of Commerce, State, and Transportation and the Dominican Ministry of Tourism and Institute of Civil Aviation, signed a Memorandum of Consultations, marking the conclusion of negotiations on a bilateral Air Transport Agreement (also known as an “Open Skies” agreement) between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Dominican Republic. This proposed agreement, once signed and entered into force, will meet the highest standard of aviation transportation agreements, opening the door for the United States and the Dominican Republic to expand our two countries’ bilateral aviation relationship. The Under Secretary emphasized the U.S. government’s intentions to work closely with the Dominican Republic delegation to complete the necessary domestic processes with a view to expeditiously signing and bringing the proposed agreement into force. For further information and press inquiries, please contact the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs Press Office at: EB-Press-Inquiry@state.gov. Information on U.S. aviation policy and Open Skies agreements is available on the Department of State’s website here: https://www.state.gov/civil-air-transport-agreements/. Seychelles National Day 06/29/2024 Seychelles National Day 06/29/2024 12:02 AM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Seychelles National Day hide Seychelles National Day Press Statement June 29, 2024 I extend my warmest congratulations to the people of Seychelles on the forty-eighth anniversary of your independence. Seychelles has been a stalwart defender of a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Africa. We are proud to work together with you to thwart pirates and traffickers of illicit drugs that threaten the tranquility and well-being of the Indian Ocean region. We applaud the Seychellois government’s exemplary work to preserve the country’s natural ecosystems and unique marine environment while promoting a sustainable blue economy. We greatly value the partnership between Seychelles and the United States, a relationship that was deepened by the 2023 reopening of the U.S. Embassy in Victoria, and we wish you a joyous celebration of your National Day. Tags Bureau of African Affairs Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Seychelles Seychelles National Day 06/29/2024 Seychelles National Day 06/29/2024 12:02 AM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Seychelles National Day hide Seychelles National Day Press Statement June 29, 2024 I extend my warmest congratulations to the people of Seychelles on the forty-eighth anniversary of your independence. Seychelles has been a stalwart defender of a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic Africa. We are proud to work together with you to thwart pirates and traffickers of illicit drugs that threaten the tranquility and well-being of the Indian Ocean region. We applaud the Seychellois government’s exemplary work to preserve the country’s natural ecosystems and unique marine environment while promoting a sustainable blue economy. We greatly value the partnership between Seychelles and the United States, a relationship that was deepened by the 2023 reopening of the U.S. Embassy in Victoria, and we wish you a joyous celebration of your National Day. Tags Bureau of African Affairs Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Seychelles On Mongolia’s Recent Parliamentary Elections 06/29/2024 On Mongolia’s Recent Parliamentary Elections 06/29/2024 10:07 AM EDT Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson The United States congratulates the people of Mongolia on participating in the June 28 parliamentary elections and successfully continuing the proud tradition of exercising their democratic right to vote.  The United States looks forward to working with Mongolia’s newly elected members of the State Great Khural and its incoming government. LGBTQI+ Special Envoy Stern’s Travel to Ireland 06/29/2024 LGBTQI+ Special Envoy Stern’s Travel to Ireland 06/29/2024 04:07 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson From June 30 to July 2, Special Envoy to Advance the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons Jessica Stern will travel to Dublin, Ireland. Special Envoy Stern will meet with senior Irish government officials to discuss Ireland’s efforts to advance LGBTQI+ equality via multilateral fora and domestically to address discrimination and provide mental health support for LGBTQI+ individuals.  SE Stern will also meet with Irish parliamentarians to discuss legislative approaches and best practices to strengthen political support for advancing LGBTQI+ equality in Ireland. Additionally, Special Envoy Stern will meet with LGBTQI+ activists and non-governmental organizations that led the country’s successful public referendum for marriage equality and continue to advocate for dignity and respect in Ireland and across Europe. SE Stern will participate in a fireside chat with former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar, moderated by Ambassador Claire Cronin, as part of the Embassy’s Le Chéile 100 series.  Le Chéile 100 is a series of fireside chats to honor the centenary of U.S. and Irish diplomatic relations, facilitating conversations between thought leaders from government, business, sports, culture, and civil society to explore the history and future of the deep relationship between the United States and Ireland. For further information, please follow SE Stern on X at @US_SE_LGBTQI and contact DRL-Press@state.gov. LGBTQI+ Special Envoy Stern’s Travel to Ireland 06/29/2024 LGBTQI+ Special Envoy Stern’s Travel to Ireland 06/29/2024 04:07 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson From June 30 to July 2, Special Envoy to Advance the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons Jessica Stern will travel to Dublin, Ireland. Special Envoy Stern will meet with senior Irish government officials to discuss Ireland’s efforts to advance LGBTQI+ equality via multilateral fora and domestically to address discrimination and provide mental health support for LGBTQI+ individuals.  SE Stern will also meet with Irish parliamentarians to discuss legislative approaches and best practices to strengthen political support for advancing LGBTQI+ equality in Ireland. Additionally, Special Envoy Stern will meet with LGBTQI+ activists and non-governmental organizations that led the country’s successful public referendum for marriage equality and continue to advocate for dignity and respect in Ireland and across Europe. SE Stern will participate in a fireside chat with former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar, moderated by Ambassador Claire Cronin, as part of the Embassy’s Le Chéile 100 series.  Le Chéile 100 is a series of fireside chats to honor the centenary of U.S. and Irish diplomatic relations, facilitating conversations between thought leaders from government, business, sports, culture, and civil society to explore the history and future of the deep relationship between the United States and Ireland. For further information, please follow SE Stern on X at @US_SE_LGBTQI and contact DRL-Press@state.gov. U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Lenderking’s Travel to Saudi Arabia and Oman 06/29/2024 U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Lenderking’s Travel to Saudi Arabia and Oman 06/29/2024 05:34 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking is traveling to Saudi Arabia and Oman this week to continue discussions with partners regarding recent Houthi detentions of UN, diplomatic, and international NGO staff and efforts to secure an immediate end to reckless Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and surrounding waterways.  Houthi detentions and attacks threaten progress toward achieving a durable resolution to the conflict in Yemen and obstruct the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Yemenis and people in need across the region. The United States strongly supports a lasting, inclusive peace in Yemen for the Yemeni people. Special Envoy Lenderking plans to meet with counterparts to discuss steps to de-escalate the current situation and support the Yemeni people. Democratic Republic of the Congo National Day 06/30/2024 Democratic Republic of the Congo National Day 06/30/2024 12:02 AM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Democratic Republic of the Congo National Day hide Democratic Republic of the Congo National Day Press Statement June 30, 2024 On behalf of the United States of America, I extend best wishes to the Congolese people and the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo on the 64th anniversary of your independence. I congratulate the Congolese people in particular on their commitment to peaceful democratic engagement and for ensuring that their voices were heard in the recent elections. In the year ahead we look forward to deepening our partnership to advance our shared goals, including peace and security, respect for human rights, improved health and educational outcomes, a strong economy, and people-centered conservation of the Congo Basin. Tags Bureau of African Affairs Democratic Republic of the Congo Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Democratic Republic of the Congo National Day 06/30/2024 Democratic Republic of the Congo National Day 06/30/2024 12:02 AM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Democratic Republic of the Congo National Day hide Democratic Republic of the Congo National Day Press Statement June 30, 2024 On behalf of the United States of America, I extend best wishes to the Congolese people and the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo on the 64th anniversary of your independence. I congratulate the Congolese people in particular on their commitment to peaceful democratic engagement and for ensuring that their voices were heard in the recent elections. In the year ahead we look forward to deepening our partnership to advance our shared goals, including peace and security, respect for human rights, improved health and educational outcomes, a strong economy, and people-centered conservation of the Congo Basin. Tags Bureau of African Affairs Democratic Republic of the Congo Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Travel to Türkiye by Special Advisor on International Disability Rights Sara Minkara 06/30/2024 Travel to Türkiye by Special Advisor on International Disability Rights Sara Minkara 06/30/2024 08:08 AM EDT Office of the Spokesperson Special Advisor on International Disability Rights (SAIDR) Sara Minkara will travel to Istanbul and Ankara, Türkiye, June 30 – July 3 to advance the inclusion of persons with disabilities across several policy areas. During her trip, SAIDR Minkara will promote the inclusion of persons with disabilities in crisis response and recovery, NATO, and the media.  SAIDR Minkara’s travel reinforces the role of the United States as the strategic partner of choice for promoting greater economic and social participation for persons with disabilities around the globe. For further information, please follow the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor on X and Facebook at @StateDRL, or email DRL-Press@state.gov. Travel to Türkiye by Special Advisor on International Disability Rights Sara Minkara 06/30/2024 Travel to Türkiye by Special Advisor on International Disability Rights Sara Minkara 06/30/2024 08:08 AM EDT Office of the Spokesperson Special Advisor on International Disability Rights (SAIDR) Sara Minkara will travel to Istanbul and Ankara, Türkiye, June 30 – July 3 to advance the inclusion of persons with disabilities across several policy areas. During her trip, SAIDR Minkara will promote the inclusion of persons with disabilities in crisis response and recovery, NATO, and the media.  SAIDR Minkara’s travel reinforces the role of the United States as the strategic partner of choice for promoting greater economic and social participation for persons with disabilities around the globe. For further information, please follow the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor on X and Facebook at @StateDRL, or email DRL-Press@state.gov. Public Schedule – July 1, 2024 06/30/2024 Public Schedule – July 1, 2024 06/30/2024 08:57 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson                                         ***THE DAILY PUBLIC SCHEDULE IS SUBJECT TO CHANGE*** SECRETARY ANTONY J. BLINKEN 10:30 a.m. Secretary Blinken participates in a conversation on U.S. foreign policy at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. (POOLED PRESS COVERAGE) The conversation will be streamed live on the  Department homepage and the Department YouTube channel. DEPUTY SECRETARY KURT M. CAMPBELL Deputy Secretary Campbell attends meetings and briefings at the Department of State. DEPUTY SECRETARY FOR MANAGEMENT AND RESOURCES RICHARD R. VERMA Deputy Secretary Verma attends meetings and briefings at the Department of State. ACTING UNDER SECRETARY FOR POLITICAL AFFAIRS JOHN BASS Acting Under Secretary Bass has no public appointments. BRIEFING SCHEDULE 1:30 p.m. Department Press Briefing with Principal Deputy Spokesperson Vedant Patel. (OPEN PRESS COVERAGE) The Department Press Briefing will be streamed live on the  Department homepage and the Department YouTube channel. Burundi National Day 07/01/2024 Burundi National Day 07/01/2024 12:01 AM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Burundi National Day hide Burundi National Day Press Statement July 1, 2024 On behalf of the United States of America, I wish to congratulate the people of the Republic of Burundi as you celebrate 62 years of independence. The United States remains committed to working with the Burundians to strengthen our bilateral relationship, foster economic growth and opportunity, improve food security, and promote positive health outcomes. We look forward to working with Burundi to support the protection of and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and democratic institutions as the country approaches Parliamentary elections in 2025. Tags Bureau of African Affairs Burundi Office of the Spokesperson Burundi National Day 07/01/2024 Burundi National Day 07/01/2024 12:01 AM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Burundi National Day hide Burundi National Day Press Statement July 1, 2024 On behalf of the United States of America, I wish to congratulate the people of the Republic of Burundi as you celebrate 62 years of independence. The United States remains committed to working with the Burundians to strengthen our bilateral relationship, foster economic growth and opportunity, improve food security, and promote positive health outcomes. We look forward to working with Burundi to support the protection of and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and democratic institutions as the country approaches Parliamentary elections in 2025. Tags Bureau of African Affairs Burundi Office of the Spokesperson Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution 07/01/2024 Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution 07/01/2024 02:54 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Brookings Institution HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution hide Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution Remarks July 1, 2024 MS ROUSE:  Good morning, everyone.  I’m Cecilia Rouse.  I’m the president of the Brookings Institution.  Thank you all who are joining us here today in Falk Auditorium and to the many more who are joining in online.  It is my absolute pleasure to welcome you to a special conversation with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken for a wide-ranging discussion of the challenges and opportunities for American diplomacy around the world.  Tony, thank you for – so much for making the time to be with us this morning.  We are so honored to welcome you back to Brookings.  Secretary Blinken has served as the 71st U.S. Secretary of State since 2021.  He has had a long and distinguished career in public service, beginning at the State Department during the Clinton Administration.  Over the years, he has held important roles at the National Security Council, as staff director of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee under then-Senator Joe Biden, as national security advisor to then-Vice President Biden, and as deputy secretary of state during the Obama administration.  We are especially grateful to engage with Secretary Blinken at this time of immense international challenges and just ahead of the 75th NATO summit, to be held here in Washington next week. There is a lot of ground to cover in the foreign policy landscape: the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, strategic competition with China, and the influence of our very own elections this fall.  In this discussion, we look forward to getting the Secretary’s perspective on how the U.S. can use diplomacy as well as other tools to build a more peaceful world and address threats to democracy and stability.  To help us navigate these issues in the next 45 minutes, I’m delighted to have Suzanne Maloney moderate the discussion.  Suzanne is the vice president and director of the Foreign Policy program at Brookings.  As a former advisor to senior department officials and a member of the policy planning staff, Suzanne knows well the challenges that the Secretary must confront.  So before we begin, I would like to recognize that today’s event is part of Brookings’ long-running Alan and Jane Batkin International Leaders Forum run by our Foreign Policy program.  This program brings together world leaders and officials at Brookings for the thoughtful exchange of ideas on critical policy issues.  Please note that we are streaming live and on the record.  You can share your thoughts via social media using the hashtag #foreignpolicy.  Following the conversation, we will have a brief Q&A and our staff will pass around mics in the room.  For those viewing online, please send your questions to events@brookings.edu.  Thank you, and I hand things over to Suzanne.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thanks. (Applause.) MS MALONEY:  Thanks, Cece, and thanks to all those of you in the room for waiting patiently as we got things underway here this morning, and especially to all those of you online.  Secretary, it’s wonderful to have you back here at Brookings again.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  MS MALONEY:  It’s been a little over a year since we last saw you in our halls, and you’ve been awfully busy since that time.  The United States is playing a critical role in coordinating with partners and allies around the world and dealing with two major wars, navigating a complex –and at times turbulent relationship with China, and contending with a host of crises from Haiti, Sudan, North Korea and the South China Sea.  I hope we’ll have an opportunity to touch on some of these specific issues as we go.   But I really did want to start off at the 50,000-foot level around the state of the international system and the role of America in the world today.  You and I both came of age at a time when the Cold War was ending, and we have spent the past 30 years at a – in a period that’s been marked by many challenges: by horrific attacks on the American homeland, two major wars in the Middle East.  But the world has also experienced significant progress during that period: lifting of large swaths of humanity out of poverty, reduction in the frequency and intensity of interstate conflict.  And we seem to be building an order where cooperation and liberalization were bolstered by both economic interdependence and the waning of some adversarial ideologies.  And yet, as you have previewed in a number of the speeches and remarks that you’ve made since taking office, we’re also now facing something of an inflection point.  The Cold – post-Cold War era is giving way to something new.  Can you describe the strategic landscape today and how the United States and the Biden administration have sought to address this complicated new era that we are finding ourselves in? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, thank you, Suzanne, and thanks to everyone for being here this morning.  It’s so good to see so many friends, colleagues, familiar faces, in this place where I’ve spent a little bit of time over the past 30 years.  It’s always good to be back at Brookings.  So I think you’re exactly right: we are at an inflection point.  We are at a point where the post-Cold War era is over and there is a race, a competition on, to shape what comes next.  We see that in the emergence or reemergence of great power competition.  We see that in so many global challenges that have come to the fore and are interconnected.  There’s a greater multiplicity and complexity of challenges and interconnectedness of challenges than any time since I’ve been doing this in the last 30 years.  And the question is:  How are we going to approach them?  How are we going to try to shape them? We come into this with a couple of premises.  One is that when our country is not engaged, when we’re not leading, then either one of two things.  Either someone else is, and probably not in a way that advances our own interests and values, or maybe, just as bad, no one is, and then you tend to have vacuums that are more likely to be filled by bad things before they’re filled with good things.  So there’s a premium on our engagement and on our leadership. But the flip side is this:  More than at any time since I’ve been doing this this last 30 years, there’s also a premium on finding new ways to cooperate, to collaborate, to communicate.  Because we do not have – as powerful as we are – the capacity to meet these challenges effectively alone.  And so we’ve worked very hard to re-energize, to reinvigorate, and in many ways to reimagine these alliances and partnerships. I think, Suzanne, if you step back and look at the road that we’ve traveled just over the last three and a half years, it’s very easy to forget where we were three and a half years ago.  Obviously, we had a global health crisis and a country that was quite literally paralyzed by COVID.  We had an economic recession, the worst since the Great Depression – and not just here, of course, but globally.  We had alliances and partnerships that were deeply damaged and frayed.  We had China, that was moving forward in ways that were not being effectively addressed.  And I think what we’ve seen in the last few years is an extraordinary re-emergence here from – obviously from COVID, and putting that in the rearview mirror.  Our own economy now, by far the most successful economy of the major democracies. GDP growth exceeds that of the next three countries combined.  Major investments made – which I’ll come to in one second – that are making a powerful difference; and, as I look around the world and go around the world, alliances, partnerships that are much stronger than they were just three and a half years ago.  Basically, as we’ve looked at it, we wanted to do two things, and the President’s been determined to do two things:  Make these investments in ourselves, which we’ve done; but also make these investments in our alliances and partnerships, which we’ve done.  And the basic idea is when you do that, as we’ve done, you can deal with the multiplicity of challenges from a position of strength, not a position of weakness.  We live in a very dangerous world.  We’ve had all of these trends that have emerged – not just in the last few years, but over the last couple of decades, this move from the post-Cold War era into a new era, where of course you have extraordinary forces moving at a rapidity that we’ve never seen – technology, information technology.  And it creates, I think, for a lot of people a sense of destabilization, not knowing where your North Star is.  But in order to deal with that, doing it from a position of strength, investing at home, investing in our partnerships – that’s the foundation that we’ve set, and I think if you go through each of the different problem sets that we’re facing, you can see how approaching them from a position of strength actually makes us more effective in delivering results and doing what the American people need us to do for them. MS MALONEY:  I want to drill down a little bit on that point.  We’ve had on this stage both National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, and more recently Deputy National Security Advisor Daleep Singh, both times in conversations with Brookings economists, both times talking about industrial policy, about economic statecraft.  And that has been a major element of the administration’s approach to so many of the challenges that we face around the world.  Can you tell us a little bit about how it is that the foreign policy bureaucracy has now really taken on economics as a core element of both strength at home and strength abroad? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, we’re seized with this because we have to be, for two reasons:  One, yes, I see this every place I go.  Our strength at home manifests itself directly and clearly in our strength abroad.  As country after country has seen the kinds of investments we’ve made in ourselves – whether it’s in our own infrastructure, to make sure that our roads, our bridges, our communications are leading the way; when they look at what we’ve done with the CHIPS and Science Act, the investment in the most critical technology for the 21st century; when they look at what we’ve done with the IRA, which despite some early challenges now I think is seen incredibly positively by most countries around the world; the investments we’re making in the kind of technology and the kind of manufacturing that’s going to dominate 21st-century economies – that is seen as a very positive proof point for the United States.  And it increases the desire of countries around the world to work with us. What have we seen in the last three and a half years?  We’ve seen more foreign direct investment coming into this country than at any time in our history.  And in three and a half years, we have more than a trillion dollars in foreign direct investment, which exceeds by almost a quarter of a trillion dollars what we saw in the previous four years.  That’s a sign of strength, that’s a sign of attractiveness of the United States.  But as we’re going around the world, we also have to make sure that we get the flip side right.  So one of the challenges that we have right now – I was in China recently.  We have deep concerns, as you know, about China’s overcapacity, trying to export their way out of their own economic challenges, and doing it in a way that saturates our market in critical industries, in critical sectors, where we’re investing right now in goods that are underpriced and designed basically to price out our own manufacturers from these sectors, from these industries – whether it’s solar panels, whether it’s electric vehicles, electric vehicle batteries, et cetera.  Our job, our responsibility is to make sure that we’re defending our workers, defending our industries, and defending our communities.  And that’s exactly what we’re doing. But here’s the difference:  It’s one thing when we’re doing this alone.  It’s one thing when the United States is carrying that fight as 20, 25 percent of the world’s GDP.  When we’re aligned with others, when we’re working with Europeans, when we’re working with Asian partners and other partners, all of whom have some – are facing some of the same challenges, and all of the sudden we’re aligning 50 or 60 percent of the world’s GDP against this problem, we’re going to be a lot more effective.  And that’s the other big thing that I think we’ve seen over the last three and a half years: a much greater alignment, a much greater convergence between us and key partners in Europe, in Asia, and beyond on how to tackle some of these challenges, including some of the challenges posed by China, and of course, the challenges posed by Russia.  MS MALONEY:  I do want to come to the question of alliances in just a moment to talk more about the upcoming NATO summit, but I did want to ask you about an issue that is much in the news these days, especially over the course of the past couple of days.  Since the debate between President Biden and former President Trump, there has been a sense of strong discussion and lots of views being elicited.  You have worked with President Joe Biden for decades.  Can you tell us what you think friends and foes around the world should know about American leadership today under President Biden? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, I think what the world knows, the world has experienced over three and a half years – not one night – is exactly the kind of leadership that he’s brought to bear on problems that are common for so many countries, particularly so many of the democracies around the world.  And as I’ve seen it, again, going around the world, there’s a desire, there’s a thirst for American engagement, for American leadership.  Even when we have disagreements with countries, they still want us in this and even leading to try to get to a better place.  And they’ve seen a president who has reinvested America – reinvested America in the world, reinvested in these alliances, in these partnerships, in ways that they seek and want.  If you look at surveys around the world for what they’re worth, you see again and again and again that confidence in American leadership has gone up dramatically over the last three and a half years.  That doesn’t just happen.  It’s the product of choices.  It’s the product of policies that we pursue.  It’s the product of our engagement.  And they see President Biden having led the way in all of those different areas and in ways that are bringing people together and focused in the same way on the challenges that we have before us and that are common to so many other countries.  So what I’m – what I’m seeing, what I’m hearing is, again, people are looking at the last three and a half years.  They’re looking at policies.  They’re looking at policy choices.  And for the most part, they like the choices and the policies that this president is pursuing.  MS MALONEY:  Well, as we’ve talked about, alliances are critical.  The NATO summit is coming up in just a week, celebrating 75 years of that Alliance, and we’ll do it here in Washington.  But there are also real questions about the future of NATO, about the place of Ukraine.  And this administration has done an amazing job, I think, in foreseeing the crisis that was to come, mobilizing friends and allies around the world; but we are at a point where the Ukrainians don’t appear to be making progress on the battlefield.  The war appears to be ground to something of a standstill in terms of territory lost and gained.  And the Ukrainians themselves are obviously quite frustrated about their – the level of assistance that they’ve received from the West – grateful, but also frustrated.  And there was an interview yesterday in which President Volodymyr Zelenskyy talked about the sense that he has that Ukraine and the West have different understandings of what victory means.  Can you give us a sense of what you see as victory, what the NATO Alliance is prepared to commit to do in terms of ensuring that there is, in fact, a victory in Ukraine that preserves Ukrainian sovereignty and that positions the West in an advantageous way vis-à-vis Russia?  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Sure.  And let’s remember where we started, where we were – again, very important and easy to forget.  In February of 2022, as the Russians attacked Ukraine, the real fear, the real concern was that they would succeed in their objective.  And remember what Putin’s objective was:  It was to literally erase Ukraine from the map, to end its future as an independent country, to subsume it into the greater Russia.  That hasn’t happened and will not happen, and that’s because of two things.  It’s because, of course, of the extraordinary courage and resilience of Ukrainians, but it’s also because 50 countries, more than 50 countries, came together – led by the United States – in support of Ukraine, in its defense.  So that’s already a huge success, because given where we were and given where this could have gone, where people thought it would go, it hasn’t gone there and it’s not going to go there.  But as we look ahead, I think we have to focus on, yes, this question:  What is success?  And for me, for us, I think success is very clear.  It’s a Ukraine that is a strong, successful country, increasingly integrated with the West, and a country that can stand on its own feet militarily, economically, democratically.  And we have the policies in place to make it – to make sure that that’s exactly what happens.  Militarily, yes, of course, Ukraine has to deal with the ongoing aggression right now.  And again, we have so many countries that continue to rally to its side, to make sure that it has what it needs, when it needs it to continue to ward off the Russian aggression.  But it’s also critical that Ukraine develop the capability to deter and defend against aggression going forward over many years.  President Biden led the way in getting now more than 30 countries to agree to negotiate bilateral security agreements with Ukraine over a decade.  And these agreements – now, I think nearly 20 have actually been negotiated and signed, including by the President and President Zelenskyy just a few weeks ago in Italy on the margins of the G7 – these are long-term commitments to helping Ukraine develop a strong deterrent and defense capacity.  They also tell Vladimir Putin that he can’t outwait Ukraine, he can’t outwait all of Ukraine’s partners.  At the same time, Ukraine is developing its own defense industrial base in a way that will enable it to help provide for itself.  And we’re trying to drive private sector investment into Ukraine to make sure that its economy can grow and thrive.  We’ve already seen through the Black Sea that Ukraine is exporting as much as it was before February of 2022.  There is extraordinary potential in Ukraine’s economy with the right investment.  Now, of course, for both its military capacity and its economic capacity, you’ve got to make sure that you have air defenses in place to try to protect the areas in which you’re making investments.  We’re driving that.  I think you’ll see more news on that in the coming weeks as we get to the NATO summit actually next week. And then finally, standing strongly democratically.  The fact that the European Union has opened the accession process with Ukraine is the best guarantee that Ukraine will continue to make the necessary reforms to strengthen and deepen its democracy.  The end result is a successful country and a country that as it stands on its own in these three areas is the strongest possible rebuke to Vladimir Putin. MS MALONEY:  Well, you’ve obviously done a lot to both rely upon and invest in the transatlantic relationship in managing both the challenge of Ukraine and the larger challenge of Russia.  That is a relationship that’s underpinned by a long history, deep mutual interests, but also some sense of shared values.  How do you sort of look at the future of that relationship at a time where we do see the rise of right-wing parties and their potential impact on the viability of that Alliance and the effectiveness of that Alliance?  We’ve just seen the results of the first round of elections in France, a country that you know well.  How concerned are you about changing trends of populism and right-wing governments that might come to the fore in Europe? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So I think first, again, to put things in focus, just looking at the state of the Alliance itself, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, we’ll have a 75th anniversary party here in Washington in a week’s time.  And, of course, we want to celebrate 75 years of the most successful defensive alliance in history.  But the main purpose is to focus on the way forward for this Alliance, and I think it’s a very opportune time to remind people of why NATO matters, why it’s so important, and why the investments that we and so many other countries are making in it make a difference. And it really comes back to something very basic that was at the heart of the formation of the Alliance to begin with, and that’s the power of collective defense.  The power of Article 5 that says an attack on one is an attack on all is the strongest possible deterrent to aggression, the strongest and most effective way to prevent war in the first place, to avoid conflict in the first place, because any would-be aggressor knows that an attack on any one member means they’re going to have to deal with every member of the Alliance.  And so I think reminding all of our citizens of the importance of that and how it’s been so successful for 75 years and how it remains foundational to our security going forward is an important moment. We have an Alliance that is bigger than it was just a few years ago, now 32 members – Finland and Sweden – that I think for most people that would have been unimaginable just a few years ago.  We have an Alliance that’s stronger and has greater investment in it than it’s ever had.  We now have 23 countries that are meeting the 2 percent of GDP committed to defense mark that was set at the Wales Summit back in 2014.  There were just nine countries in 2021 that met the mark.  We’re now at 23, an 18 percent increase in defense investment by the Allies across the Alliance.  And also, a thing that – things that people in this room know very well but that may be a little bit harder to translate for so many of our citizens, a very deliberate and effective effort to make sure that the Alliance in its plans, in its programs, in its posture was effectively positioned to deal with the threats of this moment.  And you’ll see more of that at the summit.  Those plans are now in place.  They’re being resourced and the Alliance is moving to make sure that we have the right defenses across the Alliance where they’re needed, where they’re mattered. So this has been a clear trajectory for the last three and a half years.  I don’t actually see that changing irrespective of the politics of the moment in Europe.  We have very strong allies, very strong partners.  We just came from Italy, where Italy has played a major and very effective role in continuing to strengthen the Alliance.  I think you’ve heard affirmations from various political parties in Europe of their ongoing commitment to it irrespective of where they’re coming from.  So I have confidence that we’ll continue to carry that forward.  And the reason, again, for that is because it’s manifestly in the interests of the people that all of us have to represent. MS MALONEY:  I’d like to shift now to China.  Obviously, this has been a big focus of the administration’s attention over the course of the past three and a half years.  There have been moments of profound tension – the spy balloon amongst them – and there have been at least some efforts to try to stabilize the relationship, to invest in improving and strengthening the high-level communication channels that have existed and that have been expanded.  What is your sense of how long that relationship can be stabilized?  Are we – we are in a competitive situation with the Chinese.  We are going to find moments of friction all over the world.  Are we able, in fact, to sustain that kind of stability, or are we likely to cycle through in a kind of erratic phase of crisis to stabilization and back and forth? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So I think that there’s an expectation, both from the American people and from people around the world, that we’ll do everything we can to manage what is arguably the most complex and consequential relationship of any in the world, manage it responsibly.  And that means a few things.  It means being very clear and standing up effectively to the areas where we have profound disagreements and would take the world in different directions, and that’s what we’ve done.  It also means trying to find wherever we can areas of cooperation where it’s clearly in the interests of our people, Chinese people, people around the world for us to cooperate.  We’ve done that too, and I’ll come back to that in a second.  And it means not only recognizing but embracing the fact that, yes, we are in an intense competition, an intense competition to shape what the international environment looks like over the coming decades.  And for Americans, there’s nothing pejorative about the word “competition.”  It’s actually at the heart of our own system, provided it’s fair and provided that we approach it effectively.  And this comes back to the basic foundational propositions that President Biden had coming in.  Whether it’s China, whether it’s any of these other challenges, we’re going to approach it from a position of strength.  We’re going to approach it having made investments in ourselves that put us in a much stronger position in dealing with some of the challenges that China poses.  We’re going to approach it having reinvested in our alliances and partnerships and having reimagined some of them in order to be genuinely fit for purpose, because we know we’re so much more effective in dealing with these challenges if we’re doing it with others.  And that’s exactly what we’ve done. So I think we’re in – we’re at a place now that we were not at three and a half years ago, four years ago, where we can approach this with tremendous confidence, acknowledging the difficulties, acknowledging the challenges, but knowing that we’ve made the right investments in ourselves and that we’ve made the right investments in allies and partners.  As I’m looking at Europe, as I’m looking at critical partners in Asia, as I said before, the convergence in the approach – both the shared recognition of what the challenge is and, increasingly, a shared view on what to do about it – that’s much greater than it’s ever been. There’s something else that’s changed, and I think, again, you’ll see this at the NATO summit.  We have four partners from the Indo-Pacific coming to the NATO summit, as they have for the last three years: Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Korea.  This is one manifestation and one recognition of something that really is new, which is that increasingly partners in Europe see challenges halfway around the world in Asia as being relevant to them, just as partners in Asia see challenges halfway around the world in Europe as being relevant to them.  Prime Minister Kishida put it best in the wake of the Russian aggression against Ukraine.  He said what happens in Europe today could happen in Asia tomorrow.  And, of course, you see the relationship between Russia and China that has profound repercussions for Europe, when unfortunately you have China making in effect investments in Russia’s defense industrial base in ways that are allowing it to continue the aggression – not providing arms directly to Russia, but providing all the inputs necessary for it to sustain this war: 70 percent of the machine tools imported by China – excuse me, by Russia – coming from China; 90 percent of the microelectronics being imported by Russia coming from China; a massive production now that we’ve seen of tanks, of munitions, of missiles, again, enabled by this defense industrial base despite the important impact that sanctions and export controls have had.  Well, for Europe, that means that one of the – arguably the biggest security threat that they face, the biggest since the end of the Cold War, China’s playing a role in fueling that.  Our partners in Asia, again, understand that if you allow aggression to go unchecked anywhere, it becomes a greater threat everywhere.  A would-be aggressor who sees that Russia’s being allowed to proceed with impunity in Europe may get their own ideas in a very different part of the world.  So we now have – and, of course, we have the relationship between Russia and North Korea that’s evolved, as well as with Iran.  So you now see – and this has also been a very deliberate part of our policy – a breaking down of the silos between European alliances, Asian alliances, and even more broadly as we work in countries – and not just countries – other partners from other parts of the world.  I think that’s going to create a very powerful edifice with these fit-for-purpose coalitions – different sizes, different shapes, focused on different discrete challenges where different countries may bring specific things to the table.  That’s part of the new landscape, the new geometry that we’ve put in place. MS MALONEY:  I want to ask you just a little bit about the – how you assess Chinese intentions.  They’re obviously working to sustain the Russian war effort in Ukraine.  They have invested in a huge military – conventional military buildup as well as a nuclear buildup.  You said that the United States is approaching the relationship from a position of strength and confidence, and we’re prepared to compete.  Are the Chinese looking to compete or are they looking to dominate? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, look, I think China’s objectives are clear.  Over time, over the coming decades, they would like to be the leading country, the dominant country, in the international system militarily, economically, diplomatically.  That’s clear.  And if their vision for the world actually matched ours or matched many other countries, that would be one thing.  But they have a different vision, a different vision of what that future looks like.  And so we disagree, and we’re going to compete very vigorously to make sure that we’re the ones who are effectively shaping that future. Now, again, this is something that’s – that defies being put on a bumper sticker.  You can’t simply put it on the back of your car.  The complexity of it, the fact that our countries and so many of our societies are so intertwined, means that, again, there are going to be areas where we’re in vigorous competition.  There are areas where we’re clearly going to be contesting.  But there are also areas where we’re going to be cooperating because, again, it’s in our mutual interest.  And there’s a demand signal from countries around the world. One example, and we’re – we’ll see where this goes.  The number one killer of Americans aged 18 to 49 is fentanyl, a synthetic opioid – not car accidents, not heart attacks or cancer or guns.  Fentanyl.  And of course, we know that much of the fentanyl that’s coming into this country is the product of perfectly legal chemicals, or precursors, being manufactured halfway around the world in China, being sent close to our borders in Mexico, and then being diverted and synthesized into an opioid that comes in and kills Americans.  Forty percent of Americans – 40 percent, nearly half the country – knows someone who has died from an opioid overdose.  That’s the magnitude of the problem. So there are two ways of dealing with this.  One is to simply go as hard as we can to stop, disrupt, disable, these networks, the companies that are engaged in this practice.  And of course, we’ve done that and we’ll continue to do that.  But the other way is to try to elicit greater cooperation, and that’s also exactly what President Biden has done.  When he met with President Xi in – at the end of last year, San Francisco, on the margins of APEC, one of the big subjects was exactly this, fentanyl, synthetic opioids. And one of the propositions that he put to President Xi was this: Look, this problem that we’re facing, where America’s been really the canary in the coal mine, is now spreading to many other parts of the world.  Markets are so saturated here that the criminal enterprises that are engaged in this have worked to make markets in other places – in Asia, in Europe, in Latin America.  And you’re going to have more and more countries insisting that you engage responsibly in dealing with this challenge.  So whether you want to do something with us or for us almost doesn’t matter because so many others are going to be insisting that you do. And what we’re seen – and so we want to work together on this, and we’d like to see Chinese leadership on this.  And we have seen real progress, not yet sufficient.  We have to see over time if it’s sustained and it makes a difference.  But in terms of putting forward new regulations, in terms of taking down some of the companies that were illicitly engaged in the diversion of these precursors, these ingredients for fentanyl, prosecuting people who are engaged in this practice, setting up a working group with us to try to make sure that we’re focused on it day in day out – that’s happened and that’s good.  That’s progress. We also put together, and this gets back to these coalitions that we’re trying to form precisely because this problem is spreading around the world and more and more countries are concerned about it, as well as with other kinds of drugs – ketamine, methamphetamines, others that are afflicting so many societies.  We know we have to deal with this collectively because it’s the definition of a transnational problem.  The United States put together a coalition that now includes more than 150 countries and organizations where we are meeting almost day in day out, developing best practices, developing common approaches, and working to make a difference to stop the flows of these precursors and other things that are going into what is a devastating killer. So I cite that only because I think it’s so important that we don’t lose sight of the fact that the complexity of the challenges, the complexity of the relationship, is such that we have to be able to act on it in each of these different areas: the competition, the contestation, the cooperation. MS MALONEY:  Thank you.  I want to switch to another part of the world and to another transnational threat, that of terrorism.  You’ve spent an awful lot of time in the Middle East since October 7th and the horrific attacks that killed more than 1,200 Israelis and took another 250 Israelis hostage and dual nationals.  You’ve been deeply involved with the diplomatic effort to try to bring an end to the war and to bring about the release of those still held against their will in Gaza. President Biden put forward an announcement just about a month ago of a plan that would have – that would lead to a durable ceasefire over phases and in the release of those remaining hostages.  What is your sense of the likelihood that that plan can in fact come to fruition?  And if it cannot, is there a plan B?  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  I think the proposal that President Biden put forward is achievable, doable, which doesn’t mean it will be achieved, doesn’t mean it will be done, but it can be and it should be.  And what we saw after he put out the proposal is quite remarkable.  We’ve seen virtually the entire world come together in support of that proposal, country after country standing up, saying, yes, we support this; this is the way forward.  This is the way to end the conflict in Gaza.  This is the way to get the hostages home.  This is the way to put us on a path to more durable security, more durable peace, a better future for Palestinians, for Israelis, and actually for the entire region.  And so everyone came together in support with one exception, and that was Hamas, which came back with a – most charitably a “yes, but,” trying to impose new conditions, moving the line, actually coming back on positions it had already agreed to and trying to – trying to get more.  So we’ve been in an intense effort with the Egyptians, with the Qataris to see if we could close the gaps that Hamas created in not saying yes to a proposal that everyone, including the Israelis, had said yes to.  And we’re working that almost literally as we speak. I believe that it is, yes, achievable and it would be the best play forward, the quickest way to end the conflict in Gaza, to stop the violence, to massively surge assistance, to get everyone home, including American hostages.  But it’s also true that one individual, likely buried hundreds of feet underground in Gaza, has the decision-making power to say yes or no.  And right now, in not saying yes, Mr. Sinwar is not only holding on to the Israeli, American, and other hostages; he’s continuing to make a hostage of Palestinian children, women, and men who are caught in a horrific crossfire of Hamas’s making. So the question that I can’t answer for you is will he get to yes.  The world is looking for it.  The world is asking for it.  The world is demanding it.  Now, if not, of course, we’re looking at what comes next, and I think what’s critical is this.  We’ll see.  We’ve heard the Israelis talk about a significant downshift in their operations in Gaza.  It remains to be seen.  We do know this:  One way or another, when this conflict ends, it cannot and must not end with a vacuum in Gaza.  It has to end in a way that makes sure that there are clear, coherent, achievable plans for Gaza’s governance, for its security, and of course to start to help people to rebuild their lives that have been so decimated and destroyed. We’ve been working over the last months with partners throughout the region to develop those plans, and as I said a couple of weeks ago when I was last in the region, a lot of that work has now turned into concrete ideas, concrete proposals that we’re sharing with partners in the region – again, as we speak – to try to flesh things out and to try to make sure that we have the broadest possible agreement on what the right way forward is.  So the post-conflict plans are critical because if we get to a moment where the conflict really does shift dramatically, and hopefully the best possible thing would be the ceasefire, if we’re not ready, if the region’s not ready, then you’re going to have a vacuum.  And as I said before, vacuums tend to get filled by bad things before they get filled with good things.  And we know that there are three things that are unacceptable for Gaza’s future: an Israeli occupation; Hamas perpetuating its leadership; or chaos, anarchy, lawlessness, which is what we’re seeing in big parts of Gaza today.  Absent concrete plans to have an alternative to that, that – one of those three things is going to happen.  And given all of the extraordinary suffering that we’ve seen to date, that should be unacceptable, and it’s unacceptable to us. MS MALONEY:  And the plans that you’ve been discussing with regional partners and others, are they ready to go?  If for some reason Sinwar were to suddenly have a flash of humanity and accept the plan for a ceasefire and release the hostages, would we have – be able to move immediately to put the security, the governance, and the start of a reconstruction program in place?  Or are we likely to be outpaced by other adversaries in the region who in past conflicts have moved more quickly than the international community? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, we’re determined not to be outpaced, which is exactly why we’re leaning into this.  It’s exactly why we’ve been calling on so many of the concerned countries to engage in this effort.  We really started back in January with many Arab partners on this.  We’ve told the Israelis that we expect them to develop their own plans, their own ideas.  And we’ve not seen enough of that from Israel.  But no, precisely because we don’t want to be caught off guard by this.  This is exactly what all of our diplomats are deeply engaged in as we speak so that we are ready when we get the moment, and we need to get that moment as quickly as possible.  MS MALONEY:  One last question before I turn it over to the audience for just a few questions before we unfortunately will have to let Secretary Blinken go back to his very busy day.  We have with us in the audience former U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Jeff Feltman.  We were speaking before the festivities began here about the prospects for significant action in Lebanon.  The Israelis seem to be signaling that quite heavily right now, particularly as they downshift in Gaza, that they will have more capabilities to apply to dealing with a threat that is posed by Hizballah that has forced at least 55,000 Israelis out of their homes in the north.  How imminent do you rate that threat, and what is it that the United States is doing to try to develop diplomatic alternatives to a military solution to Hizballah, which we know has been quite elusive over the decades? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  One of our primary objectives from day one – since October – was to do everything we could to make sure that this conflict didn’t spread, didn’t escalate, including and notably to the north, to Lebanon, to Hizballah, and then maybe beyond.  And so this too is a place of intense focus.  And I think you have a paradox in this moment, which is that at least in our judgement none of the main actors actually want a war.  Israel doesn’t want a war, although they may well be prepared to engage in one if necessary from their perspective to protect their interests, but they don’t want one.  I don’t believe Hizballah actually wants a war.  Lebanon certainly doesn’t want a war because it would be the leading victim in such a war.  And I don’t believe that Iran wants a war, in part because it wants to make sure that Hizballah’s not destroyed and that it can hold onto Hizballah as a card if it needs it, if it ever gets into a direct conflict with Israel.  So on the one hand, no one actually wants a war.  On the other hand, you have forces – momentum that may be leading in that direction and which we are determined to try to arrest.  You have as you said, Suzanne, 60,000 or so Israelis who have been forced from their homes in northern Israel.  Israel has affectively lost sovereignty in the northern quadrant of its country because people don’t feel safe to go to their homes.  You have many Lebanese in southern Lebanon who have also been chased from their homes.  And absent doing something about the insecurity, people won’t have the confidence to go back.  And that requires two things.  It requires first and foremost, of course, stopping the firing across the border that’s endangering people, but it also requires an agreement reached through diplomacy to try to deal with some of the elements that are causing this ongoing insecurity, including making sure that forces, for example, are pulled back so that they can’t endanger people every single day and that people have the confidence to proceed.  Here, again, the United States has been deeply engaged in trying to advance this diplomacy, but it also underscores why a ceasefire in Gaza is so critical.  Hizballah, of course, has tied what it’s doing to the situation in Gaza and has said that if there’s a ceasefire in Gaza, it will stop firing into Israel.  Now, that’s – it shouldn’t be firing to begin with.  It’s wrong in and of itself.  But it’s also a reality.  So it only underscores why getting that ceasefire could also be critical to further enabling the diplomacy to try to create conditions in which the diplomacy can really resolve this problem, get people back to their homes in Israel, in southern Lebanon, and have something that’s more enduring in terms of keeping things calm.  By the way, Red Sea – the Houthis – same thing.  Iran, Iranian-aligned militia groups – so much of this is tied to Gaza, and I think it underscores why it’s clearly in the strategic interests of Israel as well to effectively bring this to a close.  MS MALONEY:  Thank you so much.  We have just two minutes so I’m going to try to take two very, very quick questions from our audience here in sequence and then leave it to Secretary Blinken to close us out.  If I can give my colleague, Lynn Kuok, our Lee Kuan Yew Chair for Southeast Asia Studies here at Brookings, the first question.  QUESTION:  Thank you very much, Suzanne, and thank you, Secretary Blinken.  You mentioned several times the greater convergence with Asian partners.  That, I think, may well be the case for northeast Asia – and you mentioned how Japan and South Korea are joining the NATO summit, and of course, there’s strong recognition that the two theaters – the Indo-Pacific as well as Euro-Atlantic – are linked.  But I would suggest that the picture is rather less clear in Southeast Asia.  Many of the countries there have not taken a strong stance on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and in a recent poll China for the very first time ever has edged past the United States in being the region’s choice of partner.  If the region were forced to choose, how do you think the – how do you think the U.S. losing ground to China in Southeast Asia hurts U.S. goals in the broader Indo-Pacific region?  And what is being done about it?  Thank you.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So I’m seeing something different.  And I acknowledge the complexity of it.  And you’re right, it’s not a uniform picture, but I’m seeing something different.  Look at the relationship – again, just over the last few years – that’s evolved between the United States and the Philippines.  Look at the relationship that’s evolved between the United States and Vietnam – and in different, sometimes quieter ways, relationships with other countries in Southeast Asia.  I think we’re in a very different place, and I think it’s the product of a recognition on the part of a number of countries at some of the challenges that China poses to them, and that they have a real issue with – notably, China’s action in the South China Sea, which affects the interests of many countries.  We see that most prominently with the Philippines, but it’s of course not just the Philippines.  I think countries also recognize that the number-one provider of foreign direct investment in those countries is actually the United States.  We understandably talk a lot about trade – that’s important – but countries also see that the FDI that’s going to them and coming from the United States is making a huge difference in the kinds of investments they can make in their own future.  And this is something that they not only want to sustain, they want to build. And look, we’ve been very clear with many partners and many countries:  We’re not asking countries to choose, we’re simply trying to make sure that we’re providing a clear choice, and what I believe in most cases is actually a better choice.  The more we’re able to do that, the more they see that, I have no doubt where they’ll go.  Now, again, you – sometimes that’s a little bit more quiet.  Sometimes it’s a little bit more vocal.  But the trajectory is clear. The last thing I’ll say on this is this:  There is also room for everyone, which is to say if there are investments that are being made in infrastructure, in connectivity, in the future, that investment is desperately needed.  As long as it’s – it’s the kind of investment that creates a race to the top, not a race to the bottom, not piling debt on country after country, not bringing in your own workers to build a project, not doing something that turns out to have really shoddy standards so that it falls apart in a few years, not ignoring the environment, not ignoring the rights of workers – if that’s the kind of investment that’s being made, then bring it on, it’s great – from anywhere, including from China. I think countries, though, are also eyes-wide-open about the fact that when it comes to China, there is a fusion between the military and civilian sectors, and anything that quote/unquote “civilian investment” does automatically becomes the property of the state and the property of the military.  And that’s of concern to countries as well. So I see us, again, in a very different place than we were just a few years ago in these relationships, in these partnerships – both individually with a number of countries, but also with some of the critical institutions like ASEAN, where we’ve had extraordinary ASEAN summits, including here in Washington, that President Biden has hosted, to continue to build those relationships.  And then individual countries in the region are also part of different collections of countries and organizations that we put together to deal with discrete problems.  Many of these countries want support, assistance with their own maritime domain awareness – a fancy way of saying what’s happening in the seas around them, upon which they’re so dependent.  We see many countries afflicted with the scourge of illegal, unregulated fishing, where industries are being decimated.  We and other countries have provided assistance there so that they can gain control of their own seas and their own waters.  All of these things are making a difference every day, and of course, climate’s a whole other subject where so many countries are looking for partnership and the kind of partnership that we’re working to provide. MS MALONEY:  I think we have time for one more question.  I’m looking for someone from our early career staff here at Brookings, perhaps.  I see a hand up right there, and I’m sorry, I can’t call on you by name, but a mike will be coming to you in just a moment. QUESTION:  Hi.  Sopiko, a research analyst at Brookings, originally from Georgia.  Thank you for the discussion.  And Secretary Blinken, as we approach the 75th NATO summit in Washington, D.C., South Caucasus remains a region of strategic importance.  In the light of the recent developments, including ongoing tension between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Georgia’s upcoming election in October 2024, so-called foreign agent law, infrastructure deals in the Black Sea with China, and shifting geopolitical dynamics – meaning reduced Russia influence and increased Western engagement in Armenia – how does the U.S. view the influence and interests of the global powers in the region?  Thank you so much. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thanks.  Well, you’re very right to point to the region and to point to a tremendous amount of movement in the region.  And we have, I think, both real concerns but also real opportunities.  You mentioned the foreign agent law in Georgia.  We and many other countries have not only expressed our deep concerns about it, especially its passage; we’ve taken action to manifest those concerns.  And I think you’re likely to see more of that.  I think it’s clearly antithetical to the European direction that Georgia wants to take, and that clearly the majority of the Georgian people want to take. Armenia and Azerbaijan – there is an extraordinary opportunity, potential to realize a peace agreement between the countries that ends decades of conflict and actually creates in the region, I think, a tremendous opportunity for economic connectivity, for economic growth, for connecting countries both east, west, north, and south.  Azerbaijan has a critical role to play in that.  We have invested intensely in our own – with our own diplomacy in trying to help bring Azerbaijan and Armenia to a peace agreement.  We’ve done that in very close collaboration, coordination with the European Union, and I think that that’s something that really is within reach.  I was speaking just about a week ago to President Aliyev on this.  I think that’s achievable, and it’s manifestly in the interests of both Azerbaijan and Armenia, as well as the broader region. So we’re attuned to the challenges, including some of the ones you’ve expressed in Georgia.  We’re also very focused on some of the opportunity, and the opportunity is real.  Thank you. MS MALONEY:  Before I close out our conversation today, I want to ask all of you to help us by staying in your seats while we bring Secretary Blinken and his colleagues to their vehicles, and so if you could just stay put in just a moment.  But first let me – please join me in thanking Secretary Blinken, his amazing team, and the amazing team at Brookings that made this possible.  (Applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you. Tags Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution 07/01/2024 Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution 07/01/2024 02:54 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State Washington, D.C. Brookings Institution HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution hide Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution Remarks July 1, 2024 MS ROUSE:  Good morning, everyone.  I’m Cecilia Rouse.  I’m the president of the Brookings Institution.  Thank you all who are joining us here today in Falk Auditorium and to the many more who are joining in online.  It is my absolute pleasure to welcome you to a special conversation with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken for a wide-ranging discussion of the challenges and opportunities for American diplomacy around the world.  Tony, thank you for – so much for making the time to be with us this morning.  We are so honored to welcome you back to Brookings.  Secretary Blinken has served as the 71st U.S. Secretary of State since 2021.  He has had a long and distinguished career in public service, beginning at the State Department during the Clinton Administration.  Over the years, he has held important roles at the National Security Council, as staff director of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee under then-Senator Joe Biden, as national security advisor to then-Vice President Biden, and as deputy secretary of state during the Obama administration.  We are especially grateful to engage with Secretary Blinken at this time of immense international challenges and just ahead of the 75th NATO summit, to be held here in Washington next week. There is a lot of ground to cover in the foreign policy landscape: the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, strategic competition with China, and the influence of our very own elections this fall.  In this discussion, we look forward to getting the Secretary’s perspective on how the U.S. can use diplomacy as well as other tools to build a more peaceful world and address threats to democracy and stability.  To help us navigate these issues in the next 45 minutes, I’m delighted to have Suzanne Maloney moderate the discussion.  Suzanne is the vice president and director of the Foreign Policy program at Brookings.  As a former advisor to senior department officials and a member of the policy planning staff, Suzanne knows well the challenges that the Secretary must confront.  So before we begin, I would like to recognize that today’s event is part of Brookings’ long-running Alan and Jane Batkin International Leaders Forum run by our Foreign Policy program.  This program brings together world leaders and officials at Brookings for the thoughtful exchange of ideas on critical policy issues.  Please note that we are streaming live and on the record.  You can share your thoughts via social media using the hashtag #foreignpolicy.  Following the conversation, we will have a brief Q&A and our staff will pass around mics in the room.  For those viewing online, please send your questions to events@brookings.edu.  Thank you, and I hand things over to Suzanne.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thanks. (Applause.) MS MALONEY:  Thanks, Cece, and thanks to all those of you in the room for waiting patiently as we got things underway here this morning, and especially to all those of you online.  Secretary, it’s wonderful to have you back here at Brookings again.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  MS MALONEY:  It’s been a little over a year since we last saw you in our halls, and you’ve been awfully busy since that time.  The United States is playing a critical role in coordinating with partners and allies around the world and dealing with two major wars, navigating a complex –and at times turbulent relationship with China, and contending with a host of crises from Haiti, Sudan, North Korea and the South China Sea.  I hope we’ll have an opportunity to touch on some of these specific issues as we go.   But I really did want to start off at the 50,000-foot level around the state of the international system and the role of America in the world today.  You and I both came of age at a time when the Cold War was ending, and we have spent the past 30 years at a – in a period that’s been marked by many challenges: by horrific attacks on the American homeland, two major wars in the Middle East.  But the world has also experienced significant progress during that period: lifting of large swaths of humanity out of poverty, reduction in the frequency and intensity of interstate conflict.  And we seem to be building an order where cooperation and liberalization were bolstered by both economic interdependence and the waning of some adversarial ideologies.  And yet, as you have previewed in a number of the speeches and remarks that you’ve made since taking office, we’re also now facing something of an inflection point.  The Cold – post-Cold War era is giving way to something new.  Can you describe the strategic landscape today and how the United States and the Biden administration have sought to address this complicated new era that we are finding ourselves in? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, thank you, Suzanne, and thanks to everyone for being here this morning.  It’s so good to see so many friends, colleagues, familiar faces, in this place where I’ve spent a little bit of time over the past 30 years.  It’s always good to be back at Brookings.  So I think you’re exactly right: we are at an inflection point.  We are at a point where the post-Cold War era is over and there is a race, a competition on, to shape what comes next.  We see that in the emergence or reemergence of great power competition.  We see that in so many global challenges that have come to the fore and are interconnected.  There’s a greater multiplicity and complexity of challenges and interconnectedness of challenges than any time since I’ve been doing this in the last 30 years.  And the question is:  How are we going to approach them?  How are we going to try to shape them? We come into this with a couple of premises.  One is that when our country is not engaged, when we’re not leading, then either one of two things.  Either someone else is, and probably not in a way that advances our own interests and values, or maybe, just as bad, no one is, and then you tend to have vacuums that are more likely to be filled by bad things before they’re filled with good things.  So there’s a premium on our engagement and on our leadership. But the flip side is this:  More than at any time since I’ve been doing this this last 30 years, there’s also a premium on finding new ways to cooperate, to collaborate, to communicate.  Because we do not have – as powerful as we are – the capacity to meet these challenges effectively alone.  And so we’ve worked very hard to re-energize, to reinvigorate, and in many ways to reimagine these alliances and partnerships. I think, Suzanne, if you step back and look at the road that we’ve traveled just over the last three and a half years, it’s very easy to forget where we were three and a half years ago.  Obviously, we had a global health crisis and a country that was quite literally paralyzed by COVID.  We had an economic recession, the worst since the Great Depression – and not just here, of course, but globally.  We had alliances and partnerships that were deeply damaged and frayed.  We had China, that was moving forward in ways that were not being effectively addressed.  And I think what we’ve seen in the last few years is an extraordinary re-emergence here from – obviously from COVID, and putting that in the rearview mirror.  Our own economy now, by far the most successful economy of the major democracies. GDP growth exceeds that of the next three countries combined.  Major investments made – which I’ll come to in one second – that are making a powerful difference; and, as I look around the world and go around the world, alliances, partnerships that are much stronger than they were just three and a half years ago.  Basically, as we’ve looked at it, we wanted to do two things, and the President’s been determined to do two things:  Make these investments in ourselves, which we’ve done; but also make these investments in our alliances and partnerships, which we’ve done.  And the basic idea is when you do that, as we’ve done, you can deal with the multiplicity of challenges from a position of strength, not a position of weakness.  We live in a very dangerous world.  We’ve had all of these trends that have emerged – not just in the last few years, but over the last couple of decades, this move from the post-Cold War era into a new era, where of course you have extraordinary forces moving at a rapidity that we’ve never seen – technology, information technology.  And it creates, I think, for a lot of people a sense of destabilization, not knowing where your North Star is.  But in order to deal with that, doing it from a position of strength, investing at home, investing in our partnerships – that’s the foundation that we’ve set, and I think if you go through each of the different problem sets that we’re facing, you can see how approaching them from a position of strength actually makes us more effective in delivering results and doing what the American people need us to do for them. MS MALONEY:  I want to drill down a little bit on that point.  We’ve had on this stage both National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, and more recently Deputy National Security Advisor Daleep Singh, both times in conversations with Brookings economists, both times talking about industrial policy, about economic statecraft.  And that has been a major element of the administration’s approach to so many of the challenges that we face around the world.  Can you tell us a little bit about how it is that the foreign policy bureaucracy has now really taken on economics as a core element of both strength at home and strength abroad? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, we’re seized with this because we have to be, for two reasons:  One, yes, I see this every place I go.  Our strength at home manifests itself directly and clearly in our strength abroad.  As country after country has seen the kinds of investments we’ve made in ourselves – whether it’s in our own infrastructure, to make sure that our roads, our bridges, our communications are leading the way; when they look at what we’ve done with the CHIPS and Science Act, the investment in the most critical technology for the 21st century; when they look at what we’ve done with the IRA, which despite some early challenges now I think is seen incredibly positively by most countries around the world; the investments we’re making in the kind of technology and the kind of manufacturing that’s going to dominate 21st-century economies – that is seen as a very positive proof point for the United States.  And it increases the desire of countries around the world to work with us. What have we seen in the last three and a half years?  We’ve seen more foreign direct investment coming into this country than at any time in our history.  And in three and a half years, we have more than a trillion dollars in foreign direct investment, which exceeds by almost a quarter of a trillion dollars what we saw in the previous four years.  That’s a sign of strength, that’s a sign of attractiveness of the United States.  But as we’re going around the world, we also have to make sure that we get the flip side right.  So one of the challenges that we have right now – I was in China recently.  We have deep concerns, as you know, about China’s overcapacity, trying to export their way out of their own economic challenges, and doing it in a way that saturates our market in critical industries, in critical sectors, where we’re investing right now in goods that are underpriced and designed basically to price out our own manufacturers from these sectors, from these industries – whether it’s solar panels, whether it’s electric vehicles, electric vehicle batteries, et cetera.  Our job, our responsibility is to make sure that we’re defending our workers, defending our industries, and defending our communities.  And that’s exactly what we’re doing. But here’s the difference:  It’s one thing when we’re doing this alone.  It’s one thing when the United States is carrying that fight as 20, 25 percent of the world’s GDP.  When we’re aligned with others, when we’re working with Europeans, when we’re working with Asian partners and other partners, all of whom have some – are facing some of the same challenges, and all of the sudden we’re aligning 50 or 60 percent of the world’s GDP against this problem, we’re going to be a lot more effective.  And that’s the other big thing that I think we’ve seen over the last three and a half years: a much greater alignment, a much greater convergence between us and key partners in Europe, in Asia, and beyond on how to tackle some of these challenges, including some of the challenges posed by China, and of course, the challenges posed by Russia.  MS MALONEY:  I do want to come to the question of alliances in just a moment to talk more about the upcoming NATO summit, but I did want to ask you about an issue that is much in the news these days, especially over the course of the past couple of days.  Since the debate between President Biden and former President Trump, there has been a sense of strong discussion and lots of views being elicited.  You have worked with President Joe Biden for decades.  Can you tell us what you think friends and foes around the world should know about American leadership today under President Biden? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, I think what the world knows, the world has experienced over three and a half years – not one night – is exactly the kind of leadership that he’s brought to bear on problems that are common for so many countries, particularly so many of the democracies around the world.  And as I’ve seen it, again, going around the world, there’s a desire, there’s a thirst for American engagement, for American leadership.  Even when we have disagreements with countries, they still want us in this and even leading to try to get to a better place.  And they’ve seen a president who has reinvested America – reinvested America in the world, reinvested in these alliances, in these partnerships, in ways that they seek and want.  If you look at surveys around the world for what they’re worth, you see again and again and again that confidence in American leadership has gone up dramatically over the last three and a half years.  That doesn’t just happen.  It’s the product of choices.  It’s the product of policies that we pursue.  It’s the product of our engagement.  And they see President Biden having led the way in all of those different areas and in ways that are bringing people together and focused in the same way on the challenges that we have before us and that are common to so many other countries.  So what I’m – what I’m seeing, what I’m hearing is, again, people are looking at the last three and a half years.  They’re looking at policies.  They’re looking at policy choices.  And for the most part, they like the choices and the policies that this president is pursuing.  MS MALONEY:  Well, as we’ve talked about, alliances are critical.  The NATO summit is coming up in just a week, celebrating 75 years of that Alliance, and we’ll do it here in Washington.  But there are also real questions about the future of NATO, about the place of Ukraine.  And this administration has done an amazing job, I think, in foreseeing the crisis that was to come, mobilizing friends and allies around the world; but we are at a point where the Ukrainians don’t appear to be making progress on the battlefield.  The war appears to be ground to something of a standstill in terms of territory lost and gained.  And the Ukrainians themselves are obviously quite frustrated about their – the level of assistance that they’ve received from the West – grateful, but also frustrated.  And there was an interview yesterday in which President Volodymyr Zelenskyy talked about the sense that he has that Ukraine and the West have different understandings of what victory means.  Can you give us a sense of what you see as victory, what the NATO Alliance is prepared to commit to do in terms of ensuring that there is, in fact, a victory in Ukraine that preserves Ukrainian sovereignty and that positions the West in an advantageous way vis-à-vis Russia?  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Sure.  And let’s remember where we started, where we were – again, very important and easy to forget.  In February of 2022, as the Russians attacked Ukraine, the real fear, the real concern was that they would succeed in their objective.  And remember what Putin’s objective was:  It was to literally erase Ukraine from the map, to end its future as an independent country, to subsume it into the greater Russia.  That hasn’t happened and will not happen, and that’s because of two things.  It’s because, of course, of the extraordinary courage and resilience of Ukrainians, but it’s also because 50 countries, more than 50 countries, came together – led by the United States – in support of Ukraine, in its defense.  So that’s already a huge success, because given where we were and given where this could have gone, where people thought it would go, it hasn’t gone there and it’s not going to go there.  But as we look ahead, I think we have to focus on, yes, this question:  What is success?  And for me, for us, I think success is very clear.  It’s a Ukraine that is a strong, successful country, increasingly integrated with the West, and a country that can stand on its own feet militarily, economically, democratically.  And we have the policies in place to make it – to make sure that that’s exactly what happens.  Militarily, yes, of course, Ukraine has to deal with the ongoing aggression right now.  And again, we have so many countries that continue to rally to its side, to make sure that it has what it needs, when it needs it to continue to ward off the Russian aggression.  But it’s also critical that Ukraine develop the capability to deter and defend against aggression going forward over many years.  President Biden led the way in getting now more than 30 countries to agree to negotiate bilateral security agreements with Ukraine over a decade.  And these agreements – now, I think nearly 20 have actually been negotiated and signed, including by the President and President Zelenskyy just a few weeks ago in Italy on the margins of the G7 – these are long-term commitments to helping Ukraine develop a strong deterrent and defense capacity.  They also tell Vladimir Putin that he can’t outwait Ukraine, he can’t outwait all of Ukraine’s partners.  At the same time, Ukraine is developing its own defense industrial base in a way that will enable it to help provide for itself.  And we’re trying to drive private sector investment into Ukraine to make sure that its economy can grow and thrive.  We’ve already seen through the Black Sea that Ukraine is exporting as much as it was before February of 2022.  There is extraordinary potential in Ukraine’s economy with the right investment.  Now, of course, for both its military capacity and its economic capacity, you’ve got to make sure that you have air defenses in place to try to protect the areas in which you’re making investments.  We’re driving that.  I think you’ll see more news on that in the coming weeks as we get to the NATO summit actually next week. And then finally, standing strongly democratically.  The fact that the European Union has opened the accession process with Ukraine is the best guarantee that Ukraine will continue to make the necessary reforms to strengthen and deepen its democracy.  The end result is a successful country and a country that as it stands on its own in these three areas is the strongest possible rebuke to Vladimir Putin. MS MALONEY:  Well, you’ve obviously done a lot to both rely upon and invest in the transatlantic relationship in managing both the challenge of Ukraine and the larger challenge of Russia.  That is a relationship that’s underpinned by a long history, deep mutual interests, but also some sense of shared values.  How do you sort of look at the future of that relationship at a time where we do see the rise of right-wing parties and their potential impact on the viability of that Alliance and the effectiveness of that Alliance?  We’ve just seen the results of the first round of elections in France, a country that you know well.  How concerned are you about changing trends of populism and right-wing governments that might come to the fore in Europe? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So I think first, again, to put things in focus, just looking at the state of the Alliance itself, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, we’ll have a 75th anniversary party here in Washington in a week’s time.  And, of course, we want to celebrate 75 years of the most successful defensive alliance in history.  But the main purpose is to focus on the way forward for this Alliance, and I think it’s a very opportune time to remind people of why NATO matters, why it’s so important, and why the investments that we and so many other countries are making in it make a difference. And it really comes back to something very basic that was at the heart of the formation of the Alliance to begin with, and that’s the power of collective defense.  The power of Article 5 that says an attack on one is an attack on all is the strongest possible deterrent to aggression, the strongest and most effective way to prevent war in the first place, to avoid conflict in the first place, because any would-be aggressor knows that an attack on any one member means they’re going to have to deal with every member of the Alliance.  And so I think reminding all of our citizens of the importance of that and how it’s been so successful for 75 years and how it remains foundational to our security going forward is an important moment. We have an Alliance that is bigger than it was just a few years ago, now 32 members – Finland and Sweden – that I think for most people that would have been unimaginable just a few years ago.  We have an Alliance that’s stronger and has greater investment in it than it’s ever had.  We now have 23 countries that are meeting the 2 percent of GDP committed to defense mark that was set at the Wales Summit back in 2014.  There were just nine countries in 2021 that met the mark.  We’re now at 23, an 18 percent increase in defense investment by the Allies across the Alliance.  And also, a thing that – things that people in this room know very well but that may be a little bit harder to translate for so many of our citizens, a very deliberate and effective effort to make sure that the Alliance in its plans, in its programs, in its posture was effectively positioned to deal with the threats of this moment.  And you’ll see more of that at the summit.  Those plans are now in place.  They’re being resourced and the Alliance is moving to make sure that we have the right defenses across the Alliance where they’re needed, where they’re mattered. So this has been a clear trajectory for the last three and a half years.  I don’t actually see that changing irrespective of the politics of the moment in Europe.  We have very strong allies, very strong partners.  We just came from Italy, where Italy has played a major and very effective role in continuing to strengthen the Alliance.  I think you’ve heard affirmations from various political parties in Europe of their ongoing commitment to it irrespective of where they’re coming from.  So I have confidence that we’ll continue to carry that forward.  And the reason, again, for that is because it’s manifestly in the interests of the people that all of us have to represent. MS MALONEY:  I’d like to shift now to China.  Obviously, this has been a big focus of the administration’s attention over the course of the past three and a half years.  There have been moments of profound tension – the spy balloon amongst them – and there have been at least some efforts to try to stabilize the relationship, to invest in improving and strengthening the high-level communication channels that have existed and that have been expanded.  What is your sense of how long that relationship can be stabilized?  Are we – we are in a competitive situation with the Chinese.  We are going to find moments of friction all over the world.  Are we able, in fact, to sustain that kind of stability, or are we likely to cycle through in a kind of erratic phase of crisis to stabilization and back and forth? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So I think that there’s an expectation, both from the American people and from people around the world, that we’ll do everything we can to manage what is arguably the most complex and consequential relationship of any in the world, manage it responsibly.  And that means a few things.  It means being very clear and standing up effectively to the areas where we have profound disagreements and would take the world in different directions, and that’s what we’ve done.  It also means trying to find wherever we can areas of cooperation where it’s clearly in the interests of our people, Chinese people, people around the world for us to cooperate.  We’ve done that too, and I’ll come back to that in a second.  And it means not only recognizing but embracing the fact that, yes, we are in an intense competition, an intense competition to shape what the international environment looks like over the coming decades.  And for Americans, there’s nothing pejorative about the word “competition.”  It’s actually at the heart of our own system, provided it’s fair and provided that we approach it effectively.  And this comes back to the basic foundational propositions that President Biden had coming in.  Whether it’s China, whether it’s any of these other challenges, we’re going to approach it from a position of strength.  We’re going to approach it having made investments in ourselves that put us in a much stronger position in dealing with some of the challenges that China poses.  We’re going to approach it having reinvested in our alliances and partnerships and having reimagined some of them in order to be genuinely fit for purpose, because we know we’re so much more effective in dealing with these challenges if we’re doing it with others.  And that’s exactly what we’ve done. So I think we’re in – we’re at a place now that we were not at three and a half years ago, four years ago, where we can approach this with tremendous confidence, acknowledging the difficulties, acknowledging the challenges, but knowing that we’ve made the right investments in ourselves and that we’ve made the right investments in allies and partners.  As I’m looking at Europe, as I’m looking at critical partners in Asia, as I said before, the convergence in the approach – both the shared recognition of what the challenge is and, increasingly, a shared view on what to do about it – that’s much greater than it’s ever been. There’s something else that’s changed, and I think, again, you’ll see this at the NATO summit.  We have four partners from the Indo-Pacific coming to the NATO summit, as they have for the last three years: Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Korea.  This is one manifestation and one recognition of something that really is new, which is that increasingly partners in Europe see challenges halfway around the world in Asia as being relevant to them, just as partners in Asia see challenges halfway around the world in Europe as being relevant to them.  Prime Minister Kishida put it best in the wake of the Russian aggression against Ukraine.  He said what happens in Europe today could happen in Asia tomorrow.  And, of course, you see the relationship between Russia and China that has profound repercussions for Europe, when unfortunately you have China making in effect investments in Russia’s defense industrial base in ways that are allowing it to continue the aggression – not providing arms directly to Russia, but providing all the inputs necessary for it to sustain this war: 70 percent of the machine tools imported by China – excuse me, by Russia – coming from China; 90 percent of the microelectronics being imported by Russia coming from China; a massive production now that we’ve seen of tanks, of munitions, of missiles, again, enabled by this defense industrial base despite the important impact that sanctions and export controls have had.  Well, for Europe, that means that one of the – arguably the biggest security threat that they face, the biggest since the end of the Cold War, China’s playing a role in fueling that.  Our partners in Asia, again, understand that if you allow aggression to go unchecked anywhere, it becomes a greater threat everywhere.  A would-be aggressor who sees that Russia’s being allowed to proceed with impunity in Europe may get their own ideas in a very different part of the world.  So we now have – and, of course, we have the relationship between Russia and North Korea that’s evolved, as well as with Iran.  So you now see – and this has also been a very deliberate part of our policy – a breaking down of the silos between European alliances, Asian alliances, and even more broadly as we work in countries – and not just countries – other partners from other parts of the world.  I think that’s going to create a very powerful edifice with these fit-for-purpose coalitions – different sizes, different shapes, focused on different discrete challenges where different countries may bring specific things to the table.  That’s part of the new landscape, the new geometry that we’ve put in place. MS MALONEY:  I want to ask you just a little bit about the – how you assess Chinese intentions.  They’re obviously working to sustain the Russian war effort in Ukraine.  They have invested in a huge military – conventional military buildup as well as a nuclear buildup.  You said that the United States is approaching the relationship from a position of strength and confidence, and we’re prepared to compete.  Are the Chinese looking to compete or are they looking to dominate? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, look, I think China’s objectives are clear.  Over time, over the coming decades, they would like to be the leading country, the dominant country, in the international system militarily, economically, diplomatically.  That’s clear.  And if their vision for the world actually matched ours or matched many other countries, that would be one thing.  But they have a different vision, a different vision of what that future looks like.  And so we disagree, and we’re going to compete very vigorously to make sure that we’re the ones who are effectively shaping that future. Now, again, this is something that’s – that defies being put on a bumper sticker.  You can’t simply put it on the back of your car.  The complexity of it, the fact that our countries and so many of our societies are so intertwined, means that, again, there are going to be areas where we’re in vigorous competition.  There are areas where we’re clearly going to be contesting.  But there are also areas where we’re going to be cooperating because, again, it’s in our mutual interest.  And there’s a demand signal from countries around the world. One example, and we’re – we’ll see where this goes.  The number one killer of Americans aged 18 to 49 is fentanyl, a synthetic opioid – not car accidents, not heart attacks or cancer or guns.  Fentanyl.  And of course, we know that much of the fentanyl that’s coming into this country is the product of perfectly legal chemicals, or precursors, being manufactured halfway around the world in China, being sent close to our borders in Mexico, and then being diverted and synthesized into an opioid that comes in and kills Americans.  Forty percent of Americans – 40 percent, nearly half the country – knows someone who has died from an opioid overdose.  That’s the magnitude of the problem. So there are two ways of dealing with this.  One is to simply go as hard as we can to stop, disrupt, disable, these networks, the companies that are engaged in this practice.  And of course, we’ve done that and we’ll continue to do that.  But the other way is to try to elicit greater cooperation, and that’s also exactly what President Biden has done.  When he met with President Xi in – at the end of last year, San Francisco, on the margins of APEC, one of the big subjects was exactly this, fentanyl, synthetic opioids. And one of the propositions that he put to President Xi was this: Look, this problem that we’re facing, where America’s been really the canary in the coal mine, is now spreading to many other parts of the world.  Markets are so saturated here that the criminal enterprises that are engaged in this have worked to make markets in other places – in Asia, in Europe, in Latin America.  And you’re going to have more and more countries insisting that you engage responsibly in dealing with this challenge.  So whether you want to do something with us or for us almost doesn’t matter because so many others are going to be insisting that you do. And what we’re seen – and so we want to work together on this, and we’d like to see Chinese leadership on this.  And we have seen real progress, not yet sufficient.  We have to see over time if it’s sustained and it makes a difference.  But in terms of putting forward new regulations, in terms of taking down some of the companies that were illicitly engaged in the diversion of these precursors, these ingredients for fentanyl, prosecuting people who are engaged in this practice, setting up a working group with us to try to make sure that we’re focused on it day in day out – that’s happened and that’s good.  That’s progress. We also put together, and this gets back to these coalitions that we’re trying to form precisely because this problem is spreading around the world and more and more countries are concerned about it, as well as with other kinds of drugs – ketamine, methamphetamines, others that are afflicting so many societies.  We know we have to deal with this collectively because it’s the definition of a transnational problem.  The United States put together a coalition that now includes more than 150 countries and organizations where we are meeting almost day in day out, developing best practices, developing common approaches, and working to make a difference to stop the flows of these precursors and other things that are going into what is a devastating killer. So I cite that only because I think it’s so important that we don’t lose sight of the fact that the complexity of the challenges, the complexity of the relationship, is such that we have to be able to act on it in each of these different areas: the competition, the contestation, the cooperation. MS MALONEY:  Thank you.  I want to switch to another part of the world and to another transnational threat, that of terrorism.  You’ve spent an awful lot of time in the Middle East since October 7th and the horrific attacks that killed more than 1,200 Israelis and took another 250 Israelis hostage and dual nationals.  You’ve been deeply involved with the diplomatic effort to try to bring an end to the war and to bring about the release of those still held against their will in Gaza. President Biden put forward an announcement just about a month ago of a plan that would have – that would lead to a durable ceasefire over phases and in the release of those remaining hostages.  What is your sense of the likelihood that that plan can in fact come to fruition?  And if it cannot, is there a plan B?  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  I think the proposal that President Biden put forward is achievable, doable, which doesn’t mean it will be achieved, doesn’t mean it will be done, but it can be and it should be.  And what we saw after he put out the proposal is quite remarkable.  We’ve seen virtually the entire world come together in support of that proposal, country after country standing up, saying, yes, we support this; this is the way forward.  This is the way to end the conflict in Gaza.  This is the way to get the hostages home.  This is the way to put us on a path to more durable security, more durable peace, a better future for Palestinians, for Israelis, and actually for the entire region.  And so everyone came together in support with one exception, and that was Hamas, which came back with a – most charitably a “yes, but,” trying to impose new conditions, moving the line, actually coming back on positions it had already agreed to and trying to – trying to get more.  So we’ve been in an intense effort with the Egyptians, with the Qataris to see if we could close the gaps that Hamas created in not saying yes to a proposal that everyone, including the Israelis, had said yes to.  And we’re working that almost literally as we speak. I believe that it is, yes, achievable and it would be the best play forward, the quickest way to end the conflict in Gaza, to stop the violence, to massively surge assistance, to get everyone home, including American hostages.  But it’s also true that one individual, likely buried hundreds of feet underground in Gaza, has the decision-making power to say yes or no.  And right now, in not saying yes, Mr. Sinwar is not only holding on to the Israeli, American, and other hostages; he’s continuing to make a hostage of Palestinian children, women, and men who are caught in a horrific crossfire of Hamas’s making. So the question that I can’t answer for you is will he get to yes.  The world is looking for it.  The world is asking for it.  The world is demanding it.  Now, if not, of course, we’re looking at what comes next, and I think what’s critical is this.  We’ll see.  We’ve heard the Israelis talk about a significant downshift in their operations in Gaza.  It remains to be seen.  We do know this:  One way or another, when this conflict ends, it cannot and must not end with a vacuum in Gaza.  It has to end in a way that makes sure that there are clear, coherent, achievable plans for Gaza’s governance, for its security, and of course to start to help people to rebuild their lives that have been so decimated and destroyed. We’ve been working over the last months with partners throughout the region to develop those plans, and as I said a couple of weeks ago when I was last in the region, a lot of that work has now turned into concrete ideas, concrete proposals that we’re sharing with partners in the region – again, as we speak – to try to flesh things out and to try to make sure that we have the broadest possible agreement on what the right way forward is.  So the post-conflict plans are critical because if we get to a moment where the conflict really does shift dramatically, and hopefully the best possible thing would be the ceasefire, if we’re not ready, if the region’s not ready, then you’re going to have a vacuum.  And as I said before, vacuums tend to get filled by bad things before they get filled with good things.  And we know that there are three things that are unacceptable for Gaza’s future: an Israeli occupation; Hamas perpetuating its leadership; or chaos, anarchy, lawlessness, which is what we’re seeing in big parts of Gaza today.  Absent concrete plans to have an alternative to that, that – one of those three things is going to happen.  And given all of the extraordinary suffering that we’ve seen to date, that should be unacceptable, and it’s unacceptable to us. MS MALONEY:  And the plans that you’ve been discussing with regional partners and others, are they ready to go?  If for some reason Sinwar were to suddenly have a flash of humanity and accept the plan for a ceasefire and release the hostages, would we have – be able to move immediately to put the security, the governance, and the start of a reconstruction program in place?  Or are we likely to be outpaced by other adversaries in the region who in past conflicts have moved more quickly than the international community? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, we’re determined not to be outpaced, which is exactly why we’re leaning into this.  It’s exactly why we’ve been calling on so many of the concerned countries to engage in this effort.  We really started back in January with many Arab partners on this.  We’ve told the Israelis that we expect them to develop their own plans, their own ideas.  And we’ve not seen enough of that from Israel.  But no, precisely because we don’t want to be caught off guard by this.  This is exactly what all of our diplomats are deeply engaged in as we speak so that we are ready when we get the moment, and we need to get that moment as quickly as possible.  MS MALONEY:  One last question before I turn it over to the audience for just a few questions before we unfortunately will have to let Secretary Blinken go back to his very busy day.  We have with us in the audience former U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Jeff Feltman.  We were speaking before the festivities began here about the prospects for significant action in Lebanon.  The Israelis seem to be signaling that quite heavily right now, particularly as they downshift in Gaza, that they will have more capabilities to apply to dealing with a threat that is posed by Hizballah that has forced at least 55,000 Israelis out of their homes in the north.  How imminent do you rate that threat, and what is it that the United States is doing to try to develop diplomatic alternatives to a military solution to Hizballah, which we know has been quite elusive over the decades? SECRETARY BLINKEN:  One of our primary objectives from day one – since October – was to do everything we could to make sure that this conflict didn’t spread, didn’t escalate, including and notably to the north, to Lebanon, to Hizballah, and then maybe beyond.  And so this too is a place of intense focus.  And I think you have a paradox in this moment, which is that at least in our judgement none of the main actors actually want a war.  Israel doesn’t want a war, although they may well be prepared to engage in one if necessary from their perspective to protect their interests, but they don’t want one.  I don’t believe Hizballah actually wants a war.  Lebanon certainly doesn’t want a war because it would be the leading victim in such a war.  And I don’t believe that Iran wants a war, in part because it wants to make sure that Hizballah’s not destroyed and that it can hold onto Hizballah as a card if it needs it, if it ever gets into a direct conflict with Israel.  So on the one hand, no one actually wants a war.  On the other hand, you have forces – momentum that may be leading in that direction and which we are determined to try to arrest.  You have as you said, Suzanne, 60,000 or so Israelis who have been forced from their homes in northern Israel.  Israel has affectively lost sovereignty in the northern quadrant of its country because people don’t feel safe to go to their homes.  You have many Lebanese in southern Lebanon who have also been chased from their homes.  And absent doing something about the insecurity, people won’t have the confidence to go back.  And that requires two things.  It requires first and foremost, of course, stopping the firing across the border that’s endangering people, but it also requires an agreement reached through diplomacy to try to deal with some of the elements that are causing this ongoing insecurity, including making sure that forces, for example, are pulled back so that they can’t endanger people every single day and that people have the confidence to proceed.  Here, again, the United States has been deeply engaged in trying to advance this diplomacy, but it also underscores why a ceasefire in Gaza is so critical.  Hizballah, of course, has tied what it’s doing to the situation in Gaza and has said that if there’s a ceasefire in Gaza, it will stop firing into Israel.  Now, that’s – it shouldn’t be firing to begin with.  It’s wrong in and of itself.  But it’s also a reality.  So it only underscores why getting that ceasefire could also be critical to further enabling the diplomacy to try to create conditions in which the diplomacy can really resolve this problem, get people back to their homes in Israel, in southern Lebanon, and have something that’s more enduring in terms of keeping things calm.  By the way, Red Sea – the Houthis – same thing.  Iran, Iranian-aligned militia groups – so much of this is tied to Gaza, and I think it underscores why it’s clearly in the strategic interests of Israel as well to effectively bring this to a close.  MS MALONEY:  Thank you so much.  We have just two minutes so I’m going to try to take two very, very quick questions from our audience here in sequence and then leave it to Secretary Blinken to close us out.  If I can give my colleague, Lynn Kuok, our Lee Kuan Yew Chair for Southeast Asia Studies here at Brookings, the first question.  QUESTION:  Thank you very much, Suzanne, and thank you, Secretary Blinken.  You mentioned several times the greater convergence with Asian partners.  That, I think, may well be the case for northeast Asia – and you mentioned how Japan and South Korea are joining the NATO summit, and of course, there’s strong recognition that the two theaters – the Indo-Pacific as well as Euro-Atlantic – are linked.  But I would suggest that the picture is rather less clear in Southeast Asia.  Many of the countries there have not taken a strong stance on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and in a recent poll China for the very first time ever has edged past the United States in being the region’s choice of partner.  If the region were forced to choose, how do you think the – how do you think the U.S. losing ground to China in Southeast Asia hurts U.S. goals in the broader Indo-Pacific region?  And what is being done about it?  Thank you.  SECRETARY BLINKEN:  So I’m seeing something different.  And I acknowledge the complexity of it.  And you’re right, it’s not a uniform picture, but I’m seeing something different.  Look at the relationship – again, just over the last few years – that’s evolved between the United States and the Philippines.  Look at the relationship that’s evolved between the United States and Vietnam – and in different, sometimes quieter ways, relationships with other countries in Southeast Asia.  I think we’re in a very different place, and I think it’s the product of a recognition on the part of a number of countries at some of the challenges that China poses to them, and that they have a real issue with – notably, China’s action in the South China Sea, which affects the interests of many countries.  We see that most prominently with the Philippines, but it’s of course not just the Philippines.  I think countries also recognize that the number-one provider of foreign direct investment in those countries is actually the United States.  We understandably talk a lot about trade – that’s important – but countries also see that the FDI that’s going to them and coming from the United States is making a huge difference in the kinds of investments they can make in their own future.  And this is something that they not only want to sustain, they want to build. And look, we’ve been very clear with many partners and many countries:  We’re not asking countries to choose, we’re simply trying to make sure that we’re providing a clear choice, and what I believe in most cases is actually a better choice.  The more we’re able to do that, the more they see that, I have no doubt where they’ll go.  Now, again, you – sometimes that’s a little bit more quiet.  Sometimes it’s a little bit more vocal.  But the trajectory is clear. The last thing I’ll say on this is this:  There is also room for everyone, which is to say if there are investments that are being made in infrastructure, in connectivity, in the future, that investment is desperately needed.  As long as it’s – it’s the kind of investment that creates a race to the top, not a race to the bottom, not piling debt on country after country, not bringing in your own workers to build a project, not doing something that turns out to have really shoddy standards so that it falls apart in a few years, not ignoring the environment, not ignoring the rights of workers – if that’s the kind of investment that’s being made, then bring it on, it’s great – from anywhere, including from China. I think countries, though, are also eyes-wide-open about the fact that when it comes to China, there is a fusion between the military and civilian sectors, and anything that quote/unquote “civilian investment” does automatically becomes the property of the state and the property of the military.  And that’s of concern to countries as well. So I see us, again, in a very different place than we were just a few years ago in these relationships, in these partnerships – both individually with a number of countries, but also with some of the critical institutions like ASEAN, where we’ve had extraordinary ASEAN summits, including here in Washington, that President Biden has hosted, to continue to build those relationships.  And then individual countries in the region are also part of different collections of countries and organizations that we put together to deal with discrete problems.  Many of these countries want support, assistance with their own maritime domain awareness – a fancy way of saying what’s happening in the seas around them, upon which they’re so dependent.  We see many countries afflicted with the scourge of illegal, unregulated fishing, where industries are being decimated.  We and other countries have provided assistance there so that they can gain control of their own seas and their own waters.  All of these things are making a difference every day, and of course, climate’s a whole other subject where so many countries are looking for partnership and the kind of partnership that we’re working to provide. MS MALONEY:  I think we have time for one more question.  I’m looking for someone from our early career staff here at Brookings, perhaps.  I see a hand up right there, and I’m sorry, I can’t call on you by name, but a mike will be coming to you in just a moment. QUESTION:  Hi.  Sopiko, a research analyst at Brookings, originally from Georgia.  Thank you for the discussion.  And Secretary Blinken, as we approach the 75th NATO summit in Washington, D.C., South Caucasus remains a region of strategic importance.  In the light of the recent developments, including ongoing tension between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Georgia’s upcoming election in October 2024, so-called foreign agent law, infrastructure deals in the Black Sea with China, and shifting geopolitical dynamics – meaning reduced Russia influence and increased Western engagement in Armenia – how does the U.S. view the influence and interests of the global powers in the region?  Thank you so much. SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thanks.  Well, you’re very right to point to the region and to point to a tremendous amount of movement in the region.  And we have, I think, both real concerns but also real opportunities.  You mentioned the foreign agent law in Georgia.  We and many other countries have not only expressed our deep concerns about it, especially its passage; we’ve taken action to manifest those concerns.  And I think you’re likely to see more of that.  I think it’s clearly antithetical to the European direction that Georgia wants to take, and that clearly the majority of the Georgian people want to take. Armenia and Azerbaijan – there is an extraordinary opportunity, potential to realize a peace agreement between the countries that ends decades of conflict and actually creates in the region, I think, a tremendous opportunity for economic connectivity, for economic growth, for connecting countries both east, west, north, and south.  Azerbaijan has a critical role to play in that.  We have invested intensely in our own – with our own diplomacy in trying to help bring Azerbaijan and Armenia to a peace agreement.  We’ve done that in very close collaboration, coordination with the European Union, and I think that that’s something that really is within reach.  I was speaking just about a week ago to President Aliyev on this.  I think that’s achievable, and it’s manifestly in the interests of both Azerbaijan and Armenia, as well as the broader region. So we’re attuned to the challenges, including some of the ones you’ve expressed in Georgia.  We’re also very focused on some of the opportunity, and the opportunity is real.  Thank you. MS MALONEY:  Before I close out our conversation today, I want to ask all of you to help us by staying in your seats while we bring Secretary Blinken and his colleagues to their vehicles, and so if you could just stay put in just a moment.  But first let me – please join me in thanking Secretary Blinken, his amazing team, and the amazing team at Brookings that made this possible.  (Applause.) SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you. Tags Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations Celebrates Ribbon Cutting for New U.S. Embassy in Nassau, The Bahamas 07/01/2024 Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations Celebrates Ribbon Cutting for New U.S. Embassy in Nassau, The Bahamas 07/01/2024 03:31 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson Chargé d’Affaires Kimberly R. Furnish, Department of State’s Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations (OBO) Principal Deputy Director J. Douglas Dykhouse, U.S. Northern Command Brigadier General Maurizio Calabrese, U.S. Mission personnel, and Bahamian officials, gathered during the Embassy Nassau’s July 4th celebration to recognize the near completion of the new U.S. embassy in Nassau with a ribbon cutting. A symbol of the United States’ commitment to The Bahamas and the Caribbean region, the new embassy will enable the continuation and expansion of the mission’s important bilateral relationship. An estimated $80 million was invested in the local economy throughout the project, and more than 160 local workers were employed during its construction. The new embassy design is inspired by local Bahamian architecture and focuses on a visually appealing and accessible experience for staff and visitors that adds to the integrity of the existing neighborhood. Energy-efficient features include LED lighting, solar panels, storm water collection system for onsite re-use, water cooled chillers, sun control and shading devices on the façade to reduce energy usage, and indigenous landscape plantings. The art collection is a true cross-cultural collaboration, featuring works by both U.S. and Bahamian artists. Of note are site-specific wood sculptures including a 200-year-old tamarind tree repurposed from the site whose transformation promotes conversations around storytelling and Bahamian mythology. The result is an embassy that combines cultural sensitivity, functionality, and sustainability to ensure that the facility not only meets the operational requirements of the diplomatic mission but also serves as a model of innovation and responsible development in international diplomacy. Ennead Architects of New York was the design architect, and Caddell Construction of Montgomery, Alabama, constructed the embassy, with Integrus Architecture of Seattle serving as the Architect of Record. Learn more about the project at https://oboportfolio.state.gov/nassau/. OBO provides the most effective facilities for United States diplomacy abroad. Since the start of the Department’s Capital Security Construction Program in 1999, OBO has completed 180 new diplomatic facilities and has more than 50 active projects in design or construction worldwide. For further information, please contact Meghan Sebold at OBOExternalAffairs@state.gov or visit https://www.state.gov/obo. Canada Day 07/01/2024 Canada Day 07/01/2024 06:30 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Canada Day hide Canada Day Press Statement July 1, 2024 On behalf of the United States of America, I congratulate our friends and neighbors in Canada as you celebrate the 157th anniversary of Canadian confederation. Our common commitment to democracy, people-to-people ties, and our shared history have built a partnership that is unequalled. We work together to strengthen security and build prosperity internationally, in the Western Hemisphere, and at home. We are committed to addressing global climate change and fostering the deep transformation and resiliency of our supply chains necessary to build a new North American clean energy economy. We are also committed to social and economic inclusion and development, and to cooperating internationally to advance those values that characterize both of our nations. I am confident that in the year ahead, the strong and enduring neighborly bonds between our nations will grow ever stronger. Je souhaite une joyeuse Fête du Canada à nos amies et voisines du Canada. I wish our Canadian neighbors a happy Canada Day. Tags Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs Canada Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Canada Day 07/01/2024 Canada Day 07/01/2024 06:30 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Canada Day hide Canada Day Press Statement July 1, 2024 On behalf of the United States of America, I congratulate our friends and neighbors in Canada as you celebrate the 157th anniversary of Canadian confederation. Our common commitment to democracy, people-to-people ties, and our shared history have built a partnership that is unequalled. We work together to strengthen security and build prosperity internationally, in the Western Hemisphere, and at home. We are committed to addressing global climate change and fostering the deep transformation and resiliency of our supply chains necessary to build a new North American clean energy economy. We are also committed to social and economic inclusion and development, and to cooperating internationally to advance those values that characterize both of our nations. I am confident that in the year ahead, the strong and enduring neighborly bonds between our nations will grow ever stronger. Je souhaite une joyeuse Fête du Canada à nos amies et voisines du Canada. I wish our Canadian neighbors a happy Canada Day. Tags Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs Canada Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State U.S. Department of State Exchange Programs in Support of the NATO Alliance  07/01/2024 U.S. Department of State Exchange Programs in Support of the NATO Alliance  07/01/2024 06:47 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…U.S. Department of State Exchange Programs in Support of the NATO Alliance  hide U.S. Department of State Exchange Programs in Support of the NATO Alliance  Media Note July 1, 2024 In support of the 2024 North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Summit in Washington, DC, and in celebration of the 75th anniversary of NATO, the U.S. Department of State announces the launch of two International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) exchanges that will bring more than 40 current and emerging leaders from NATO member states and aspirant countries to the United States to engage with Americans across the country on the 2024 NATO Washington Summit objectives.  Leading up to the July 2024 NATO Washington Summit, 14 “NATO Youth Leaders” will participate in an IVLP exchange from July 1 to July 10, 2024, visiting New York, NY; Pensacola, Florida; and Washington, DC. Participants will engage with American counterparts on global youth perspectives on NATO, the impact of global security issues on local U.S. communities, and public-private partnerships in transatlantic security.  The program will also include special visits to the U.S. Mission to the United Nations, the United States Military Academy West Point, and the National September 11 Memorial and Museum. This program aims to foster a diverse, multilateral network of Transatlantic Youth Leaders.  At the conclusion of the program, the participants will attend the NATO Public Forum in Washington, DC.   From October 21 to November 1, 2024, more than 30 public officials, academics, and security analysts from NATO member states and aspirant countries will visit Washington, DC; Norfolk, VA; and Colorado Springs, CO, for an IVLP exchange focused on the enduring legacy of NATO and the historic impact of the alliance’s collective defense clause, Article 5.  Participants will engage with their American counterparts on takeaways from the NATO 2024 Summit in Washington, DC, strategies to counter military and non-military threats posed by disinformation, cyber-attacks, and other modern-day challenges.  For press inquiries, please contact the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs at ECA-Press@state.gov.    Tags Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs Education Programs North Atlantic Treaty Organization Office of the Spokesperson Inauguration of President Mulino in Panama 07/01/2024 Inauguration of President Mulino in Panama 07/01/2024 07:06 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Inauguration of President Mulino in Panama hide Inauguration of President Mulino in Panama Press Statement July 1, 2024 The United States congratulates José Raúl Mulino on his inauguration as President of the Republic of Panama.  Through this election, the Panamanian people expressed their collective aspirations for prosperity, security, and democratic governance. The United States reaffirms our long-standing partnership with Panama.  We look forward to continuing to work together to strengthen institutions, advance inclusive economic growth, and promote good governance and citizen security.  We will also work to strengthen the close collaboration between our two countries to address the unprecedented level of irregular migration through the Darién and dissuade would-be migrants from attempting this extremely dangerous journey. We stand ready to support Panama as it seeks to deliver a more prosperous, secure future for all Panamanians. Tags Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs Elections Office of the Spokesperson Panama The Secretary of State Inauguration of President Mulino in Panama 07/01/2024 Inauguration of President Mulino in Panama 07/01/2024 07:06 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Inauguration of President Mulino in Panama hide Inauguration of President Mulino in Panama Press Statement July 1, 2024 The United States congratulates José Raúl Mulino on his inauguration as President of the Republic of Panama.  Through this election, the Panamanian people expressed their collective aspirations for prosperity, security, and democratic governance. The United States reaffirms our long-standing partnership with Panama.  We look forward to continuing to work together to strengthen institutions, advance inclusive economic growth, and promote good governance and citizen security.  We will also work to strengthen the close collaboration between our two countries to address the unprecedented level of irregular migration through the Darién and dissuade would-be migrants from attempting this extremely dangerous journey. We stand ready to support Panama as it seeks to deliver a more prosperous, secure future for all Panamanians. Tags Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs Elections Office of the Spokesperson Panama The Secretary of State Department Press Briefing – July 1, 2024 07/01/2024 Department Press Briefing – July 1, 2024 07/01/2024 07:35 PM EDT Vedant Patel, Principal Deputy Spokesperson HomeDepartment Press Briefing – July 1, 2024 hide Department Press Briefing – July 1, 2024 July 1, 2024 1:37 p.m. EDT MR PATEL: Good afternoon, everybody. QUESTION: Good afternoon. MR PATEL: I don’t have anything off the top, Matt, so if you want to kick us off. QUESTION: You have nothing off the top at all? MR PATEL: Nothing off the top. QUESTION: Okay. All right. Let’s just start with the situation in the Middle East. And what’s your understanding of where things stand at the moment? MR PATEL: Well, Matt, we continue to work closely with partners in Egypt and Qatar. Our understanding is that they are still pressing their Hamas interlocutors to see that any gaps that exist as it relates to the ceasefire deal that we’ve been talking about for so long, that there might be ways to close that gap. And we’re still hopeful, and we’re watching that space very closely. The President and the Secretary were clear when they laid this out. We believe that this three-phase ceasefire proposal that Israel has made to Hamas and that the UN Security Council has endorsed is the best way to end the violence in Gaza and ultimately end the conflict, and we’re continuing to push to try and close this deal. QUESTION: Right, but you’ve seen the latest from Hamas that they don’t – that it’s not good enough, right? MR PATEL: Matt, I’m not going to get into the ins and outs. QUESTION: You haven’t? I’m not asking you to get into it. Have you seen it? MR PATEL: I’m not aware of a recent proposal or communication from Hamas aside from the one a number of weeks ago. But again, I’m not going to negotiate or get into the back and forth on this publicly. What I will just say, and again, is that our viewpoint that the time for haggling is over and it’s time for a ceasefire. We and our partners agree that the deal has to be grounded in the principles of the ceasefire proposal that the entire international community already supports, and Hamas has previously agreed to similar iterations of this proposal. So they need to sign on to the version that was shared in front of them. QUESTION: Okay. And then last one, just on the north – Israel’s north, Lebanon’s south. MR PATEL: Yeah. QUESTION: What’s the current – what’s your current concern about the possibility of a broader conflict there? MR PATEL: So I don’t have a prognosis to offer, Matt, but restoring the calm along the Blue Line, it continues to remain a top priority for us and it must be of utmost importance to Lebanon and Israel as well. We continue to be concerned by the level of violence, and we’re continuing to work towards a diplomatic solution that would allow Israeli and Lebanese citizens to return to their homes and live in peace and security. When the President laid out that ceasefire that we were just talking about, Matt, he said in his remarks that a ceasefire and a hostage deal in Gaza will accelerate the possibility of progress, including lasting security among Israel’s northern border with Lebanon. And so that’s something we’re going to continue to work towards. QUESTION: Thank you. MR PATEL: Leon. QUESTION: Yeah, just to follow up on Gaza. What do you make of the evacuation orders, again, that were released today in Khan Younis and Rafah? You’ve always said that you were against all displacement of populations, and the poor Palestinians have been going up, down, east, west, and now again they have just fled – now they came back, now they have to leave again. What do you make of those orders to — MR PATEL: So, of course, Leon, when it comes to one of our key tenets of this conflict, the Secretary was very clear in Tokyo that there can be no permanent displacement of Gazans. Of course, over the course of this military operation that the IDF is conducting – and I will let them speak to specific logistical parameters – as those operations are being conducted, it is of course pertinent that civilians and non-militants be asked to appropriately evacuate for safety concerns. But again, these are all logistical parameters that the IDF can speak to. When it comes to the tenet of how we’ve been talking about Rafah, there has been no change in our policy. We continue to believe that any major military incursion into Rafah we would be opposed to, but yet, we have yet to see any kind of incursion to take place thus far. Yeah, Camilla. QUESTION: Thank you, Vedant. Just back to Lebanon. MR PATEL: Yeah. QUESTION: We’ve seen a couple of alerts go out from U.S. Embassy Beirut over the last few days, and the most recent today was one about flight restrictions. Can you just give us a little bit more detail at all on – or any kind of insight into possible preparations for Americans as things continue to be very tense on the border there? I know that you can’t get into too much detail, but what can we expect in terms of, like, the kind of options that State has to help Americans if need be and needs to pivot at the last minute? MR PATEL: So let me say a couple of things. First, for those who may not be tracking, the country of Lebanon as a whole currently is a – at the Travel Advisory warning level of Level 3: Reconsider Travel. But the specific region of southern Lebanon is at a Level 4; it’s at a Level 4: Do Not Travel level, as is Lebanon’s border with Syria, as well as refugee settlements throughout Lebanon. We undertake this kind of work and planning at all of our – first, to – let me say that when it comes to our Travel Advisory warnings, we make those assessments and changes based on circumstances on the ground, and we’ll continue to assess what situations are like should there need to be any kind of change in Travel Advisory warning. When it comes to supporting American citizens, we have no higher priority than the safety and security of U.S. citizens overseas, and in many countries the security environment remains complex and can change quickly. Any citizen traveling abroad anywhere, our message to them has always been that they should enroll in Smart Traveler to be best informed about any communication from the U.S. Government. We also encourage that in Lebanon, that U.S. citizens have their own departure plans in place. And we don’t have any announcement to make on ay evacuation of private citizens from Lebanon, but what I can say is that the U.S. Government remains diligent in planning and preparing for any and all possible emergency contingencies. And this is work that happens not just in Lebanon but at all of our diplomatic facilities, at our embassies and consulates, around the world. This is what we do, and it’s part of our contingency planning. But I wouldn’t speak to any more specifics beyond that. QUESTION: And just given that these alerts have gone out in the last few days or within a week, do we read that as there being – there has been an escalation in the past few days? Or is this just a culmination of what — MR PATEL: This is the State Department and the U.S. Government wanting to offer American citizens in the country and in the region, and those who may have loved ones in the country, in the region, to have the most informed information as possible and have the best avenues to stay in touch with the U.S. Government. Nick. QUESTION: A different region but somewhat related. MR PATEL: Can I see if anybody else has anything else? Then I will come back to you. Simon, did you have — QUESTION: No, not on this region. QUESTION: I have one. MR PATEL: Okay. Kylie, go ahead. QUESTION: It was reported over the weekend that the U.S. proposed new language to bridge the gaps. You were saying you’ve been working to bridge the gaps between Hamas and Israel for a hostage release and ceasefire. Can you share with us if that new proposal was signed off on by Israel before the U.S. put it forth? Or did you guys share it with both sides, like just where that stands at this moment? MR PATEL: So I’m not going to get into the specifics of where we are in our conversations with Israel and other regional partners. I will leave it at what I said to Matt, that our partners in Qatar and Egypt continue to press Hamas interlocutors on ways to close this gap. The President and the Secretary have all been engaged on this directly, and we continue to feel strongly that the ceasefire proposal that the President laid out a number of weeks ago continues to be the best way to get a surge in humanitarian assistance, release all the remaining hostages, and perhaps most importantly, get us on a path to greater and broader diplomatic conversations that has the potential to get this region out of these countless cycles of violence that we’ve been experiencing. QUESTION: So no time frame for expectations as to when the two sides might get back? MR PATEL: No. I wouldn’t speak to a time frame for the specifics of the deliberations from up here. QUESTION: Okay. MR PATEL: All right. Go ahead. QUESTION: Thank you, Vedant. Secretary Blinken today at Brookings stressed again the need for a plan for the day after, and without it, it will be chaos or may – and he also said that there’s three things that the U.S. will not accept: Israeli occupation, Hamas getting back to power, or chaos. But what we hear from the Israeli Government all the time, that they are not ready yet to discuss such plans, and they’re not – they don’t want this Gaza Strip to be ruled by Hamas or even the PLO. And we know that you’ve been – stated many times, you or Matt, that you are stressing the Israelis and keep talking with them about this. Did you reach anywhere with them? Are they going to talk to you about their future plans for the day after? MR PATEL: So we have stressed the importance of there being some plans for the day after. This is nothing new. This is something that the Secretary has been engaged on for a number of months now and has been a key piece of the shuttle diplomacy that he’s been engaged on in the region. It’s not for me to speak to the Israelis or to the foreign policy and the policies that they’re interested in pursuing. But what I can say from our perspective is that in every conversation that we’ve had with our partners in Israel and other regional partners, we have stressed the principles that the Secretary laid out in Tokyo last fall. And part of that, we have stressed that there is a responsibility to have a plan for a day after to ensure that these things can come to fruition, that Hamas can no longer use Gaza as a springboard for terrorism on the Israeli people, that Israel can no longer be an occupying power for Gaza, that there – we get us on a path to a diplomatic solution and get us on a path to two states that have equal measures of integrity and security for Israelis and Palestinians. And these are conversations we’ll continue to have. QUESTION: But are they susceptible to this push? Because publicly, they – it seems not. MR PATEL: It should come as no surprise that over the course of this conflict, we of course had policy disagreements and – with our partners in Israel. But we’ll continue to engage on these conversations. But we have stressed at every turn that there is a responsibility and a need to make sure that there is a plan for a day after. Michel, go ahead. QUESTION: Vedant, Arab League assistant secretary-general has said during the weekend that the league’s member-states concurred that the labeling of Hizballah as a terrorist organization should no longer be employed. Do you agree with the Arab League on this? MR PATEL: So I have seen those reports, Michel, and we’re looking into them. But let me just say unequivocally that there is no question that Hizballah remains a dangerous terrorist organization and a destabilizing force in the Middle East. We believe that there is no reason to take steps to remove such a designation, and we have continued to urge governments around the world to designate, ban, or restrict Hizballah. Sixteen governments from across the world have heeded this call since 2019, and we’ll continue to have those conversations. But again, I just want to reiterate, in our point of view, Hizballah remains a very dangerous terrorist organization. Simon, I saw you had your hand up. QUESTION: Yeah. Just moving to a slightly separate subject. MR PATEL: Sure. QUESTION: Just since this is the first briefing you’ve had since the debate on Thursday, there’s obviously been a lot of responses over the President’s performance. I know this isn’t the White House, but I also want to note that the Secretary doesn’t have any events this week where we’ll have a chance to ask him directly, so this is a forum to try and ask. And he was asked about this this morning – not by a journalist, I should say – at Brookings Institution, about – globally there has been a – as well as domestically, there has been some response to the President’s performance on the debate stage. It’s raised – raising some questions about his ability to lead, to respond to crises. From this building’s point of view, is there anything you want to say in response to that? MR PATEL: I think Secretary Blinken laid out our point of view on this pretty clearly. And so I would just echo what he said. And to give just a snippet, the Secretary was pretty clear and succinct that the world and world leaders know the President, they know the policies that he pursues and he champions, and they like and believe in the policies that we’re pursuing. And next week, we’ll – the Washington area has the great opportunity to host NATO leaders for the 75th NATO summit, which I think will be another opportunity to talk about this administration’s commitment to having a seat at the table, this administration’s commitment to showing that American engagement matters. And so we’ll continue to have those conversations, but I will leave punditry and electioneering to others in D.C. QUESTION: And have you had any contacts from allies or other countries expressing concern over this performance and asking to sort of – for reassurance? MR PATEL: Again, I have no diplomatic conversations to speak to, but I will just echo again that world leaders know this President, and they know this is a President who has worked at the cross-section of foreign policy for decades, and they know and believe in the policies that he and this administration are pursuing. QUESTION: Well, leaving aside the punditry and electioneering, what was your reaction? What was the reaction of this building? MR PATEL: Matt, it’s really not appropriate for me to be offering any commentary on something like a debate from up here, and I think you’ve been covering the State Department long enough to know that. QUESTION: Yeah. But the question’s got to be asked. MR PATEL: I appreciate you asking it, I guess, but I’m going to politely — QUESTION: Well, no, you actually don’t appreciate that. MR PATEL: I’m going to – no, no. Matt, I do — QUESTION: (Inaudible). MR PATEL: I do appreciate any question you ask. QUESTION: No, you don’t. And “appreciate” is a much-overused word. MR PATEL: But I will politely – I will politely decline to comment on — QUESTION: Okay, fair enough. But so to follow up on something, you’ve heard absolutely nothing? You’re not aware of anything that any foreign government has said since Thursday night to you or to anyone you’re not aware of about what happened? MR PATEL: That is correct. QUESTION: Nothing? MR PATEL: Correct. QUESTION: Okay. QUESTION: Just one – one more question on this. MR PATEL: Go ahead. QUESTION: And this building, have you guys given any guidance to your top diplomats who are serving in a political capacity – because they’ve been picked by this President – in terms of how they should be answering questions about if Biden will remain the nominee from their interlocutors overseas? MR PATEL: People who are employees of the State Department – whether they are Schedule C, whether they are a presidentially nominated person in that position – are well aware of what their roles and responsibilities are in speaking to domestic politics in any kind of official capacity. QUESTION: So that’s not a yes or a no. MR PATEL: Go ahead, Sam. QUESTION: Yeah, on – I had another question, but tagging onto the debate question, is it some concern in this building that not just a lot of the international community but even president – former President Trump said that no, Israel is the one that’s ensuring that the war – that the attack in Gaza continues there? Is there some concern that there’s going to be a broader consensus contrary to the claims of the – of the State Department, the administration that Hamas is the holdup here? MR PATEL: I’m not sure I – I’m not sure I fully understand your question, Sam. What exactly are you asking? QUESTION: Well, that there was some substance in the debate, and — MR PATEL: As there tend to be in presidential debates. QUESTION: And – yeah, and Trump – and Biden depicted Hamas as the lone holdout for preventing a stop to the fighting, and Trump said no, actually, Israel is the holdout. And then he quickly added that – that it should continue to kill Palestinians. So although he took a very militaristic perspective, he actually acknowledged the underlying truth shared by a great deal of the international community that, in fact, it is Israel that is holding up a stop to the conflict. MR PATEL: So — QUESTION: Is that – that must be a concern to you. MR PATEL: It is not. Any person on any particular debate stage is of course entitled to whatever opinion they want. When it comes to the current ongoing conflict in Gaza, we remain incredibly committed of continuing to work with partners in Qatar, partners in Egypt, partners in Israel to see what can be done to close the gap as it relates to the ceasefire proposal that the President laid out a number of weeks ago. We continue to believe that that is the best path forward to get hostages released, to get a surge of humanitarian aid into Gaza, and as well as to get us onto a path of diplomacy to have greater conversations for peace and stability in the region. I want to come back to Kylie real quick because — QUESTION: The Biden — MR PATEL: — I was – I did not mean to be so flippant in moving on. I was just trying to work the room. QUESTION: Yeah. MR PATEL: So again, just to – let me reiterate from – there – we have not provided or provisioned any guidance from the State Department to talk about any issues as it relates to domestic politics outside of, on an annual basis, bureaus within the State Department and through the interagency create materials to how to talk about elections in the democracy context, but not in a – the – offering punditry or analysis. So again, I just want to reiterate that any person serving in any capacity, in an official capacity – whether they are a Foreign Service officer, a Civil Service officer, a Schedule C employee, or a Senate-confirmed position – are well aware of what the – and whether they are ambassadors or not – are well aware of what is acceptable to talk about while wearing their official duties, when they are representing the department in an official capacity. Nick. QUESTION: You said you weren’t aware of any particular foreign reaction to the debate, but the Polish foreign minister tweeted afterwards, among other things, with, like, a reference to the Roman Empire, “It’s important to manage one’s ride into the sunset.” So do you have any reaction to that? And then I’ve got a separate question. MR PATEL: You should ask the Polish foreign minister. I think I’ve exhaustively spoken to this political issue to the extent that I can. I really don’t have any other commentary to offer. QUESTION: Okay. QUESTION: Well, I don’t think you’ve spoken exhaustively about riding into the sunset. MR PATEL: (Laughter.) That is true. That is true. I will let you ask your follow-up before I — QUESTION: Okay, kind of the same region and tangentially related — MR PATEL: Yeah. QUESTION: — to the Lebanon questions. U.S. bases in Europe were put on heightened alert over the weekend. Are there any concerns about U.S. citizens there, or is this limited to military personnel, or is there any increased danger — MR PATEL: So on installations I will let my colleagues at the Department of Defense speak to any posture change or any – anything as it relates to their facilities. What I can say about our embassies and consulate is that there has been no change in operating status of missions in the region. We, of course, closely monitor and evaluate threat information and adjust our security and operating postures accordingly. I will also say that we have a pretty strong track record of adjusting our operating postures swiftly when needed. So I just don’t have any assessment to offer at this time. Like I said, our diplomatic facilities continue to be under the same posture that they were. QUESTION: And one more on Europe. MR PATEL: Yeah. QUESTION: Do you have any reactions to the first round of French parliamentary elections? And separately, Hungarian Prime Minister Orban said that he is now forming an alliance with right-wing groups in Austria and the Czech Republic. They’re calling it the patriots of Europe, and that it would be the largest right-wing group in European politics. Do you have any comment on that? MR PATEL: So on your second question, I don’t. And on your first question, I’m just not going to get ahead of the French process. What I can say is that France is a vital partner. It’s our oldest ally with whom we have a long and proud history of democratic values. We have full confidence that – and strength in France’s democratic institution and processes, and we intend to continue our close collaboration with the French Government across the full spectrum of foreign policy priorities. QUESTION: Can I just get back to the embassy question in Europe? MR PATEL: Sure. QUESTION: You said there’s no change in operating status, but is there any change at all to security status? MR PATEL: There is not. There is not. QUESTION: There’s none? MR PATEL: There is not. QUESTION: So all embassies are open, there isn’t, like, a heightened security — MR PATEL: Well, whether they are open or not, Matt, I’d have to go through a litany of lists. But to Nick’s question in linking it to the status and posture that our — QUESTION: Yeah, related to this, there is not – there is — MR PATEL: Correct, no. There has been no change linked to that, correct. QUESTION: All right, thank you. MR PATEL: Yeah. QUESTION: This is — MR PATEL: Camilla. QUESTION: Just, also related, just out of interest, would the – the reporting is that the U.S. military bases are on heightened alert and a pretty high level of alert, some reporting saying the highest in 10 years. Is it – is it normal for U.S. military bases to be put on such high alert and there to be no change in security status for embassies? Is that — MR PATEL: Well, they – you – I think we go down a rabbit hole of whether military installations and diplomatic facilities are necessarily always in the exact same place or not, which isn’t always the case. So — QUESTION: Just as a — MR PATEL: What – I just don’t want to get into hypotheticals. What I can say is that as it relates to our embassies and consulates, there is no change in operating status of missions that we have in the region. But when it comes to Travel Advisory warnings, when it comes to the safety and security of our citizens and our diplomats, when it comes to the operating status of our facilities – whether they are embassies or consulates – this is something that we closely monitor and evaluate, and it’s something that we monitor and evaluate in real time, and we have the ability to adjust our security and operating postures accordingly. We have the ability to do that swiftly when necessary. But I just have no updates for you in any posture change on our end. QUESTION: Okay, and just – well, I’m going to defer to other people who might have questions on the Middle East region, if you can come back to me. MR PATEL: Okay. All right. Shannon. QUESTION: Thank you. Same topic, really, but the worldwide caution alert that is in place right now, specifically advising the LGBTQI+ community that they could be at increased risk of threat traveling abroad through the month of June – it seems to be more focused on Pride celebrations. As we enter July, does the State Department believe that threat has lifted or will begin to lift? MR PATEL: I have no – first, let me just say I have no updates on that Pride – and I’m saying this broadly – sometimes it is observed at different times of the year, depending on what country you’re in. I understand that also to be the case sometimes in the various communities within the United States as well. So no, I’ve no – nothing to preview in terms of changing our posture there. Jalil, go – actually, hold on – before I come to you, Alex has had his hand up. I’ll come back to you. Go ahead. QUESTION: Thanks so much, Vedant. MR PATEL: Yeah. QUESTION: This one’s about the President’s leadership at the NATO summit next week. President Zelenskyy gave an interview to the U.S., an op-ed yesterday. He said that the U.S. doesn’t see Ukraine in NATO today because, he said, U.S. is afraid to quote/unquote “annoy Putin.” I know you guys have been talking about some sort of bridge within – upon on the summit. Why is it not convincing enough for the Ukrainians in terms of your intention to see Ukraine in NATO? MR PATEL: Well, I am certainly not going to speak for the Ukrainians, but let me just say that we have no problem holding Russia to account. I don’t even want to justify it by saying annoy. We have no problem holding Russia to account. And over the course of this conflict, since their brutal invasion into Ukraine, we have taken a number of steps from export controls, to sanctions to hold the Russian Federation accountable. On top of all that, we, of course, have offered so much support to our Ukrainian partners when it comes to security assistance, economic assistance, humanitarian assistance. And I will also just note for folks, because I believe you all weren’t able to attend because it was a President’s trip, but just two weeks ago the President signed a bilateral security agreement with President Zelenskyy underlying and reassuring our commitment to the people of Ukraine, because we believe that a commitment such as that one is critical to ensuring Ukraine’s security democratically, economically, and in a security sense as well. QUESTION: So just to be clear, so U.S. wants to see Ukraine in NATO and is not afraid of annoying Putin? MR PATEL: You have this Secretary of State and this President talk about how we believe that it is important there be a bridge to Ukraine’s membership in NATO. Of course, this bilateral security agreement is not a replacement for that, but it is one of the things that we view as part of that bridge to one day Ukraine being able to join NATO. Look, we have long said that we support and affirm NATO’s open door policy. QUESTION: Thank you. I have two more on South Caucasus. The Secretary spoke about Georgia today, and he said that we have taken some actions (inaudible) let’s talk about sanctions. And weeks – actually a couple days after the initial sanctions, the first tranche was announced, there are reports that Georgian security service chief was in the United States. You also guys have invited Georgia’s foreign minister to Washington next week. Aren’t you concerned you are sending out mixed messages? MR PATEL: What do you mean, Alex? QUESTION: By inviting officials and then telling us they were sanctioned officials – imposing visa restrictions. MR PATEL: Well, look, Alex, when it comes to Georgia – and I know we’ve spent a lot of time in this briefing room talking about some of the legislation that has recently passed – it’s important that also we continue to engage with appropriate officials when the Georgian Government – it is a country we continue to have a range of issues that we want to prioritize in the context of that bilateral relationship with them. And while, of course, when it comes – when it has come to this specific legislation, you’ve heard me and Matt talk about the many issues that we have and how we believe it is counter to Georgia’s own EU aspirations. It’s – we still believe it’s important to engage, and there continue to be other issues that we have no doubt we’ll talk about with them. QUESTION: Thank you. And finally on Azerbaijan, there have been some high-level engagements with Azerbaijan. The Secretary spoke with Aliyev, and last week James spent his days in Baku. Is there any concern that these high-level engagements keep happening without securing the release of political prisoners? MR PATEL: Alex, this is a long process and it requires us to have continued engagement, and it’s something that I would expect both the Secretary and Assistant Secretary O’Brien and others to be – continue to be focused on. Julia, you’ve had your hand up. I’ll come to you, Michel, right after. Go ahead, Julia. QUESTION: Thank you. I wanted to ask about the reported coup in Bolivia and the reports today that the former president is accusing the president of staging a self-coup to gain popularity. I was wondering what the State Department makes of this allegation and if the posture towards this is changing. MR PATEL: So we’re continuing to monitor the situation in Bolivia, as I imagine many in the international community are. We understand and have taken note the number of viewpoints that have emerged in recent days, and we welcome independent analysis into the events of June 26th. What I want to say broadly though is that these events in Bolivia make clear that democracy continues to remain fragile in some parts of our hemisphere, and the United States intends to work together in line with the OAS Charter and the Inter-American Democratic Charter to protect the democratic institutions of our countries and other countries. QUESTION: Are you concerned that if it does turn out to be a self-coup, that that will create even more instability in the area? MR PATEL: We said we’d welcome independent analysis of these events. I will let that process play out first before offering additional perspective. Guita, go ahead. QUESTION: Thank you, a question on the presidential elections in Iran, Vedant. The government claims that 40 percent – claims 40 percent participation, although the diaspora disputes that figure. I was wondering – now, there are two candidates that are going to the second round. One is the well-known hardline Saeed Jalili, and the other one has been presented as a reformist. I was wondering, what is the State Department’s overall assessment of the situation and this election? MR PATEL: So first let me just say, we’re not in a position to confirm or – any turnout number or speculate on what the implications of that might mean for the Iranian regime. Our viewpoint is that even the Iranian Government’s official numbers about turnout are most – like most other things as it relates to the Iranian regime, are unreliable. Our view is that these elections in Iran are not free and fair, and we have no expectation that these elections and whatever the outcome might be will lead to a fundamental change in Iran’s direction or lead the Iranian regime to offer more respect for human rights and more dignity for its citizens. So I just don’t have any prognosis to offer, Guita. QUESTION: Vedant, as you probably know, the Islamic Republic was allowed to have polling stations here on the U.S. soil. I was wondering if – what is that decision based on? It is a treaty? It is a diplomatic norm to allow another country to open – to have polling stations for their citizens on U.S. soil, especially that Canada did not allow such a thing and the U.S. is the – is probably the first country to impose major sanctions on Iran and is – has talked about Iran – the Islamic Republic as being – as conducting transnational suppression against the dissidents? So what is the decision to allow another country, especially in a case like Iran, to open – to have polling stations? MR PATEL: So I’m happy to check on any technical specifics on how such a process is determined. I’d have to get back to you on that. But let me just say that in this context foreign governments carrying out election-related activities in the U.S., they need to do so in a manner that is consistent with U.S. law and regulation. We respect the rights of Iranian citizens and the diaspora protesting Iran’s elections or choosing to participate in Iran’s elections. And I will also just note that the Iranians have conducted this kind of activity in the United States before, so this is nothing new, and as have a number of other governments, especially in the time that I have worked here as well. But I am happy to check about the specific technical process for you. QUESTION: Thank you, Vedant. QUESTION: Can I just ask you when that — QUESTION: A follow-on question? QUESTION: When you said that most figures released by the Iranian Government are unreliable, does that go – does that extend to uranium enrichment, centrifuge, numbers of centrifuges running, oil exports? MR PATEL: Well, I mean, in the context of that question, if you – specifically as it relates to its nuclear activities — QUESTION: Well, I was just wondering if — MR PATEL: — that is certainly — QUESTION: Do you believe anything that the Iranians — MR PATEL: That is certainly one of the reasons why we have insisted that the Iranian regime appropriately open its door to the IAEA as — QUESTION: Fair enough. So you — MR PATEL: — persistent to the agreements of the JCPOA. QUESTION: So you would say that it extends to that? You don’t believe them on anything? MR PATEL: They do not have a track record of credibility when it comes to — QUESTION: On anything? MR PATEL: I think that would be a fair assessment. QUESTION: Okay. MR PATEL: Yeah. Michel. QUESTION: Yeah, can we go back to Israel and Lebanon? MR PATEL: Sure. QUESTION: Some German newspapers have said today that Israel’s invasion of Lebanon is expected to be imminent or in two weeks. Do you have any signs that support such a prediction? MR PATEL: So I spoke to this a little bit when answering Matt’s question. I don’t have a prognosis to offer. What I can say is that restoring calm on the blue line is a top priority for the United States and it’s something that we think needs to be of the utmost importance to our partners in Israel and for Lebanon as well. We are concerned by the levels of violence and we’re continuing to work towards a diplomatic solution that would allow Israeli and Lebanese citizens to return home and to live in peace and security. It’s our viewpoint, again, that the ceasefire proposal that President Biden laid out when he gave remarks on it, it would accelerate the possibility of progress, and that includes lasting security along Israel’s northern border. QUESTION: And are you aware of any U.S. official or officials going to the region this week to — MR PATEL: I don’t have any travel to announce. Jalil. QUESTION: Thank you. MR PATEL: You’ve patiently been waiting. QUESTION: Two on Pakistan, one on Afghanistan. Pakistani parliament – the vice prime minister said that the U.S. did unsolicited interference when 368 congressmen favored and seven opposed that the elections were fair. Do you condemn such a statement by him that — MR PATEL: Are you talking about the House resolution, Jalil? Is that what you’re speaking to? QUESTION: Yes, the House resolution, Jalil? It wasn’t bipartisan, so I hope you can condemn it in strong terms. MR PATEL: Let me just say as a standard practice we’re not going to speak to pending congressional legislation. I will also note that in the United States of America and our democratic system, Congress is a separate but coequal branch of government. Let me just say broadly that when it comes to Pakistan, our most senior officials, whether that be Secretary Blinken, Assistant Secretary Lu, Ambassador Blome, we have consistently and privately and publicly urged Pakistan to respect the rights of its people in line with its constitution and international commitments, and we urge the Government of Pakistan to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of expression, freedom of association, peaceful assembly, and the freedom of religion as well. QUESTION: The United Nations arbitrary committee for detention just today said that Imran Khan detention is illegal and fake, and this is one issue that for last one year has brought, you know — MR PATEL: I’m aware. QUESTION: So like – so you don’t – from here standing, you don’t condemn that election frauds and you don’t condemn Imran Khan detention while the UN is doing it and your ambassador still has not visited the congressmen? So, like, where does – where is the State Department standing on so many of — MR PATEL: So I will – I’ll let the United Nations offer any clarity on the comments that they’ve provided. And in the case of Mr. Khan, you’ve heard us say this before: This is an internal matter for Pakistan. I don’t have any assessment to offer from up here. QUESTION: Just last one. Doha’s third conference is going. MR PATEL: One. QUESTION: And again, this issue is – I raise an alarm because I am just living right next to it. There’s a common saying: “You educate a man, you educate a family; you educate a woman, you educate a whole village.” MR PATEL: Mm-hmm. QUESTION: In my backyard, another terrorists are going to be raised in coming years, right, because when their moms are not educated – and you guys are still cooperating with the Taliban. Like, for me to even ask this question – there’s so much risk to me. MR PATEL: So is – Jalil, what’s your question? And I hope — QUESTION: So my question is that I feel so bad that while I’m raising this question in the State Department and putting my life at risk while raising such questions, that why is the U.S. giving any sort of support to the Taliban while the third year has started and women are without education? MR PATEL: So we’re – so we are not – I’m really not sure what your question was there, but how about this: How about I offer a little bit of an update from the Doha 3 conference. To take a step back, Special Representative Tom West and Special Envoy Rina Amiri are attending these UN-convened meetings in Doha on Afghanistan this week along with closest allies, dozens of countries, international organizations, and others are present. We committed to participating in this after receiving assurances from the UN that the discussion would meaningly address human rights, particularly the plight of women and girls; and, importantly, that there would be opportunities for engagement in Doha with Afghan women and civil society. QUESTION: But Vedant, the women education is not this typical answer that you’re reading to me and personally, I address to you that, Vedant — MR PATEL: So let me just — QUESTION: When women are not educated — MR PATEL: If you’re going to interrupt me, we’re going to stop taking your questions. QUESTION: No, no, not interrupting you, I just wanted – because phrasing to a little bit same — MR PATEL: No, you absolutely are. I’m happy to stop calling on you, Jalil. And let me move on to other questions. QUESTION: No, no, Vedant, I’m sorry if your feelings were — MR PATEL: If you’ll let me finish – if you let me finish, and then we’ve got a couple more hands that I would like to get through. QUESTION: My apologies. My apologies. MR PATEL: So at a session at the Doha 3 conference on the economy, Special Rep West and Special Envoy Amiri also made clear that the Afghan economy cannot grow while half the population’s rights are not respected. It is well known that the Taliban’s policies are robbing the Afghan economy of over a billion dollars per year in GDP. You had your hand in the back, and then I — QUESTION: Just a follow-up on that? MR PATEL: Sure, go ahead. Yeah. QUESTION: So the Taliban – one of the Taliban spokesperson tweeted that it was pledged that restrictions on banking and economic avenues should be lifted, citing most countries at the conference supporting that, including the U.S. Is that inaccurate? MR PATEL: So I don’t have a specific readout from the conference at the moment, Kylie, but what I can say is that Tom made clear that the primary reason private banks have reservations about doing more business in Afghanistan is reputational, and that it is rooted in the Taliban’s atrocious human rights conduct. We know that the Taliban often complains about sanctions, but given the broad general license issued by the Treasury Department, relief organizations as well as businesses have the leeway they need to support the Afghan people. QUESTION: So no restrictions on the banking and economic avenues that you can – that you are aware of at this time? MR PATEL: Correct. QUESTION: Okay. MR PATEL: I’m happy to check with the team and get back to you if we have a readout. QUESTION: And any update on the Swiss fund that was created more than two years ago? Like, how much of that money has actually been put to use in the country? MR PATEL: I don’t have a breakdown, but we’re happy to check with the team. QUESTION: Okay, thank you. MR PATEL: Yeah, go ahead. QUESTION: Thank you. MR PATEL: Yeah. QUESTION: The Islamic Resistance Front in Iraq announced on Sunday that it will target U.S. interests if a conflict erupts between Israel and Hizballah. What is your position and your response? MR PATEL: I’m sorry, I didn’t quite understand the first part of your question. Who? QUESTION: The Islamic Resistance Front in Iraq. MR PATEL: Okay. QUESTION: Announced on Sunday that it will target U.S. interests if a conflict erupts between Israel and Hizballah. MR PATEL: So first let me just say since October 7th, when we look at the whole region, the United States has prioritized de-escalation and ensuring that this conflict doesn’t spread. That continues to be the case. When it comes to Iraq, though, we expect and fully intend to work closely with our partners in Iraq, and this is something that Mr. Sudani and other leaders across the Government of Iraq have also made clear, that they would intend to hold interests or groups that choose to target American interests accountable. And that’s something that we’ll continue to push for as well. Jackson, go ahead. QUESTION: Thanks, Vedant. The Secretary at Brookings said that we should expect an announcement at the NATO summit regarding economic support for Ukraine. What would that look like? Can you specify what he meant? MR PATEL: No, because I’m not going to get ahead of the Secretary, and you all should tune in to the NATO summit next week. (Laughter.) Go ahead. QUESTION: Thanks, Vedant. Last week, the House Republicans in the Congress, they introduced an amendment to the foreign appropriating bill by – which says that if it’s passed, that it would designate Iraqi Supreme Judicial Council and its president as an Iranian-controlled asset. I understand that you are not commenting on the pending bill, but my question is on the reactions from Iraq. Foreign minister and also the acting parliament speaker, the president of Iraq, they reacted to this amendment and they said that – which the acting parliament said that if this passed, it will be a dangerous turning point in Baghdad and Washington relations. What’s your comment to these reactions? MR PATEL: So let me just again reiterate what you said. I’m not going to comment on pending legislation with Congress. What I can say, though, is that that is not the kind of relationship we believe that we have with the Government of Iraq. And over the course of our relationship, we – there are a number of areas in which we have worked closely with them, especially in the security and counterterrorism space, as well as energy and energy infrastructure, and we’ll continue to work with them and deepen our cooperation on those areas. QUESTION: And what would you – what’s the U.S. administration position on Iraq’s Supreme Judicial Council and also its president? Do you think that it’s an independent body or it’s an Iranian-controlled asset? MR PATEL: I’m happy to check back with the team for you. I don’t have anything specific on that. Go ahead, and then we’ll probably get a couple more and then we’re going to wrap. QUESTION: Thank you, Vedant. You just talked about the resolution passed in the House regarding Pakistan, but please correct me if I’m wrong: State Department also raised same questions regarding the credibility of Pakistani elections held in – this year and asking for the investigation of reports on massive rigging in those elections. You still asking those questions from the Pakistani Government? MR PATEL: This is something that we have continued to raise with our partners in Pakistan, yes. That continues to be an area of focus of ours. QUESTION: Sir, the Department of Homeland Security has identified over 400 immigrants from Central Asia and other region as subjects of concern due to their entry into the U.S. through an ISIS-linked human smuggling network. What measures are being taken to mitigate this threat and ensure national security? MR PATEL: So we’re aware of this report and this is something that my colleagues at the Department of Homeland Security can speak to in more detail. Let me just say, though, that we work very closely with international counterparts, including our partners in Central Asia, on issues like counterterrorism partnerships, exchange information on potential threats, and as well as improving screening capabilities. But I’ll let DHS speak to that more. QUESTION: Would you say something about the – sir, would you say something about the multiple bombings in Nigeria? Like, more than 50 people died; more than a hundred are injured. MR PATEL: So we condemn this horrific attack that took place in Borno on June 29th. These attacks show a disregard of human life and a reminder of the ongoing threat posed by terrorism in the region. We offer our condolences to the families of those killed and wish a full recovery to those who were injured. Goyal, go ahead. QUESTION: Thank you, sir. Two questions. This debate has been going on in India and also in the U.S., and even during Modi’s second term, Modi 2, and now it continues Modi 3. As far as U.S.-India relations are concerned, because of some countries don’t have good relations with the U.S. because they support terrorism and all those things, like Iran and North Korea, and among others, and – but India or Modi is friends with them or they deal with them because of the national needs of India, including with the Iran and also with the Soviet Union, with Mr. Putin, with Russia. So how are you going to deal with India-U.S. relations in this midst, sir? Because there are sanctions against those countries, but India or Modi is saying that we have a national need and we have to deal with them in our own, but as far as U.S. relations are concerned we are with the U.S. and we’ll be with the U.S. because largest democracy on the globe and the oldest democracy on the globe, and now we celebrate of course the Fourth of July. So where do we stand? MR PATEL: So let me just say you – this is something you have – this should be not new to you, Goyal, that India is a country in which we are deepening our relations with in a number of key spaces, especially as it relates to deepening our economic ties, deepening our security cooperation. The President had the opportunity briefly see Prime Minister Modi on the margins of the G7 a couple of weeks ago. So this is an area we will continue to cultivate this relationship. You are no stranger to the fact that we hosted India for a state visit last summer, and I imagine there’ll be a number of additional areas where we continue to deepen cooperation. National Security Advisor Sullivan just had a visit to Delhi a number of weeks ago as well. QUESTION: And second, sir – thank you. Prime Minister Modi has been trying, even during his second term, that India wants a good relation with Pakistan, neighboring country, because if we have good neighbors and we prospers and all that – India. And Modi said that now time have come for Pakistan to help for needs of their people, national needs, not just for military and not corruptions and all that. What I’m asking you now, because still now Mr. Sharif or (inaudible) has been trying to say that we not – want to have good relations with India. But India is saying, as in the last five years, that terrorism and talks cannot go together. Pakistan have to condemn terrorism fully against India – it’s still going on. So where do we stand as far as triangle U.S.-India, U.S.-Pakistan, and India-U.S. relations? MR PATEL: Well, we would hope that any country on the face of the planet condemns terrorism anywhere, but ultimately this is between India and Pakistan. Broadly, of course, we welcome any countries making more positive relations with their neighbors. But as it relates to this specifically, I just – I don’t have anything to offer. QUESTION: Thank you. MR PATEL: Go ahead, in the pink. QUESTION: Many women journalists in Israel who were reporting this weekend on the protest of ultra-Orthodox Jews against the supreme court’s order to enlist them for military service have complained publicly about insults and violence from these protesters who called them whores, among more insults. What is your reaction to these insults, to this violence towards women journalists? MR PATEL: So first let me just say any kind of violence or insult to journalists who are just doing their job – in this instance covering some protests – is fully unacceptable. Time and time again, you’ve heard us say that we believe it’s important and imperative for journalists to be able to do their job, especially in this region of the world. But beyond that, I don’t have – as it relates to the protests itself, I don’t have anything. That is a – it’s an internal matter for the Government of Israel. But unequivocally, journalists need to be able to do their jobs, and insults, name calling, and any kind of violence is unacceptable. All right. Thanks, everybody. (The briefing was concluded at 2:27 p.m.) Tags Afghanistan Azerbaijan Bolivia France Georgia India Iran Iraq Israel Lebanon Nigeria Office of the Spokesperson Pakistan Palestinian Territories Russia Ukraine United States Signs Arrangement with Panama to Implement Removal Flight Program 07/01/2024 United States Signs Arrangement with Panama to Implement Removal Flight Program 07/01/2024 10:03 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…United States Signs Arrangement with Panama to Implement Removal Flight Program hide United States Signs Arrangement with Panama to Implement Removal Flight Program Media Note July 1, 2024 Today, the United States and Panama announced the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) will begin a new U.S. Department of State-funded foreign assistance program to address irregular migration in the region. This program will help the Panamanian government to remove foreign nationals who do not have a legal basis to remain in Panama. This assistance seeks to reduce unprecedented irregular migration through the Darien region, through which over 520,000 migrants transited in 2023. The new arrangement between the United States and Panama advances collaboration on migration management, including support for safe and effective Panamanian repatriation operations that include protection screening. The removal flight program is part of the comprehensive regional approach to address irregular migration. Due to the unique mission set, DHS will support training and capacity building to strengthen and institutionalize safe, humane repatriation processes in Panama. “Irregular migration is a regional challenge that requires a regional response,” said Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro N. Mayorkas. “As the United States continues to secure our borders and remove individuals without a legal basis to remain, we are grateful for our partnership with Panama to manage the historic levels of migration across the Western Hemisphere.” Under the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection, the United States is working with 21 partners throughout the region to take coordinated actions to promote stability, expand lawful pathways and provide individuals with options to stay where they are, and humanely manage borders throughout the Americas. “Irregular migration affects each of our countries and there is a responsibility across the Western Hemisphere to help address it. Through the Los Angeles Declaration we have taken meaningful steps to expand lawful migration pathways as an alternative to irregular migration, to improve enforcement efforts, to support host communities and to strengthen protections for members of vulnerable populations,” said Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken. DHS continues to enforce U.S. immigration laws and deliver tough consequences for those who do not have a lawful basis to remain in the United States, consistent with international obligations. On June 4, President Biden issued a Proclamation to temporarily suspend the entry of certain noncitizens across the Southern border. As a result, the Border Patrol’s 7-day encounter average has decreased more than 40%, and DHS has operated more than 120 international repatriation flights to more than 20 countries. A majority of all Southwest Border encounters during the past three fiscal years resulted in a removal, return, or expulsion. The United States continues to urge migrants seeking to come to the United States to take advantage of the lawful pathways and processes that have been made available and significantly expanded.  People should not put their lives in the hands of callous smugglers and cross our border unlawfully only to be removed. Tags Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs Foreign Assistance Immigration Migration Office of the Spokesperson Secretary Blinken’s Call with Dutch Foreign Minister Veldkamp 07/02/2024 Secretary Blinken’s Call with Dutch Foreign Minister Veldkamp 07/02/2024 12:33 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Dutch Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp to congratulate him on his new role as Foreign Minister.  Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Veldkamp discussed the strong transatlantic partnership between the United States and the Netherlands, and underscored their shared unwavering commitment to Ukraine, NATO, and critical technology cooperation. Belarus Independence Day 07/03/2024 Belarus Independence Day 07/03/2024 12:01 AM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Belarus Independence Day hide Belarus Independence Day Press Statement July 3, 2024 On behalf of the United States of America, I send my heartfelt wishes to the people of Belarus on their official Independence Day. Those living in Belarus and those forced to leave their lives and loved ones behind in exile all deserve the opportunity to choose their own future. To those striving to help your communities achieve a society free of violence and repression, your dedication to providing a better life for your people is an inspiration to the world. We honor the courage of the 1,500 Belarusian political prisoners held captive simply for trying to exercise the freedoms independence is supposed to convey. We call for their unconditional release and our thoughts are particularly with their loved ones on this day. We stand with those who light the path to an independent, democratic, and sovereign Belarus, and we will continue to elevate their voices as they bravely persist through these difficult times. Tags Belarus Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Secretary Blinken’s Call with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba 07/03/2024 Secretary Blinken’s Call with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba 07/03/2024 02:32 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke today with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba.  The two discussed the situation on the battlefield and efforts to strengthen Ukraine’s integrated air defense.  They also condemned Russia’s continued attacks on Ukraine’s civilian energy infrastructure and spoke about solutions to improve resilience and energy security before the winter.  Secretary Blinken echoed support for Ukraine’s commitment to reforms as it pursues its goal of greater Euro-Atlantic integration at the upcoming NATO summit.  The Secretary emphasized the United States’ continuing support as Ukraine defends its sovereignty territory against Russia’s ongoing brutal aggression. United States Announces Significant New Military Assistance for Ukraine 07/03/2024 Military Assistance for Ukraine 07/03/2024 06:46 PM EDT Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…United States Announces Significant New Military Assistance for Ukraine hide United States Announces Significant New Military Assistance for Ukraine Press Statement July 3, 2024 The United States is sending Ukraine a significant new package of weapons and equipment to support the Ukrainian military as it continues to fight against Russian aggression.  This $150 million package provided under Presidential Drawdown Authority includes missiles for HAWK air defense systems, ammunition for High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS), 155mm and 105mm artillery rounds, 81mm mortar rounds, Tube-Launched, Optically-Tracked, Wire-Guided (TOW) missiles, Javelin and AT-4 anti-armor systems, small arms ammunition and grenades, demolitions equipment and munitions, tactical vehicles to tow and haul equipment, tactical air navigation systems and aircraft support equipment, night vision devices, and spare parts, maintenance, and other field and ancillary equipment.  This support will also help strengthen Ukraine’s air defenses against Russian attacks and reinforce Ukraine’s capabilities across the front lines. This is the seventh security assistance package the President has authorized to help Ukraine since signing the national security supplemental two months ago.  We will move this new assistance as quickly as possible to bolster Ukraine’s defense of its territory and its people.  As President Biden has made clear, the United States and the international coalition we have assembled will continue to stand with Ukraine. Tags Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs Bureau of Political-Military Affairs Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State Ukraine Secretary Blinken’s Call with UK Foreign Secretary Lammy 07/05/2024 Secretary Blinken’s Call with UK Foreign Secretary Lammy 07/05/2024 02:17 PM EDT Office of the Spokesperson HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases…Secretary Blinken’s Call with UK Foreign Secretary Lammy hide Secretary Blinken’s Call with UK Foreign Secretary Lammy Readout July 5, 2024 The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with new UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy today. The Secretary congratulated Foreign Secretary Lammy on his appointment. Secretary Blinken and Foreign Secretary Lammy emphasized the enduring and essential importance of the U.S.-UK special relationship in addressing the most pressing global challenges, including reaching an immediate and enduring ceasefire in Gaza, and supporting Ukraine against Russia’s brutal aggression. The Secretary noted that he looks forward to welcoming the Foreign Secretary to the NATO Summit in Washington next week. Tags Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs Office of the Spokesperson The Secretary of State United Kingdom The Week at State: June 28 - July 4, 2024 07/05/2024 View as a webpage  /  Share June 28 - July 4 Greetings, and we hope you had a safe and joyous U.S. Independence Day celebration. Here's what happened at State this past week. ⤵️ 💻 Secretary Blinken spoke about how the Department uses AI. 🕊️ The Department renamed two rooms after Secretaries of State Madeleine Albright and Colin Powell. 🇺🇸 Secretary Blinken discussed U.S. foreign policy at the Brookings Institution. Secretary Blinken Explains How the Department Uses Artificial Intelligence Secretary Blinken held a conversation with Chief Data and AI Officer Matthew Graviss about how the State Department is using Artificial Intelligence (AI). “The moment we’re in is critical because in so many ways the choices that we make now will define how technology is used, how it’s deployed, and to what effect for a long time into the future,” Secretary Blinken said. “And that’s why we have this intense focus on artificial intelligence, other technologies that are going to be shaping that future.” State Department Honors Two Trailblazing Secretaries of State The State Department dedicated two rooms in the Harry S. Truman building to Secretaries of State Madeleine Albright and Colin Powell. The Department renamed the Secretary’s Conference Room after Secretary Albright, the first woman to serve as America’s top diplomat, and the Treaty Room after Secretary Powell, the first Black Secretary of State.  “In their tenures as Secretary, both worked relentlessly to bring in the most talented people, the most talented public servants from all across the country, particularly from communities that had been long underrepresented in our government and in this Department,” Secretary Blinken said. “And that’s a lesson that I will also try to follow through on. And it’s not only because it’s the right thing to do, and it is; it’s because it’s the smart and necessary thing to do for our country and for our foreign policy.” Secretary Blinken Holds a Conversation on U.S. Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution On Monday, Secretary Blinken spoke at the Brookings Institution, where he discussed a broad range of U.S. foreign policy issues. The Secretary said:   “We are at an inflection point. We are at a point where the post-Cold War era is over and there is a race, a competition on, to shape what comes next. We see that in the emergence or reemergence of great power competition. We see that in so many global challenges that have come to the fore and are interconnected.”  The Secretary continued, “There’s also a premium on finding new ways to cooperate, to collaborate, to communicate. Because we do not have – as powerful as we are – the capacity to meet these challenges effectively alone.  And so we’ve worked very hard to re-energize, to reinvigorate, and in many ways to reimagine these alliances and partnerships.” The Landmark Civil Rights Act Turns 60 The historic Civil Rights Act turned 60 years old this week. Signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson on July 2, 1964, the Act was the culmination of a decades-long movement led by Martin Luther King Jr. to achieve equality for African Americans. The act outlaws discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex or national origin.  ShareAmerica, the Department’s public diplomacy site, invited several experts – including King’s daughter, Bernice King – to reflect on the legacy of this legislation. Egyptian Students Return from NASA Space Camp U.S. Embassy Minister Counselor for Public Diplomacy Ruben Harutunian hosted 11 Egyptian university students and two mentors who recently returned from NASA Space Camp in the United States. The students were members of three winning teams at a U.S Embassy-sponsored NASA Space Apps Hackathon event held in October at American University in Cairo. “We are pleased that these young Egyptians, who aspire to be leaders in STEM careers, were able to meet important people in the field of space exploration and expand their global perspectives,” Harutunian said. Cooperation in scientific fields such as space exploration, artificial intelligence, and science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education is a crucial part of the strong, strategic relationship between Egypt and the United States. News You May Have Missed The United States and Panama announce a new program to address irregular migration in the region.  The Department’s Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations holds a ribbon cutting for the new U.S. Embassy in Nassau, The Bahamas.  The United States and the Dominican Republic advance cooperation on bilateral aviation. USAID helped open a new IT center in Ghana that will improve education for 1,700 students.  The Coalition for Climate Entrepreneurship adds Extreme Tech Challenge as a new partner. The Department announced two International Visitor Leadership Program exchanges, marking NATO's 75th anniversary. 🔎 Looking Ahead July 9-11: NATO Summit July 16-18: Aspen Security Forum July 20: Space Exploration Day July 25: National Intern Day 👉 Note to Our Readers We welcome your feedback on this newsletter. Send us your thoughts to EmailTeam@state.gov. 📩 Useful links Travel advisories and updates on international travel for U.S. Citizens from the Department of State Did you know that you can invite a representative from the Department of State to speak at your school, business, agency or organization? Learn about what we do through the firsthand experience of one of our representatives.

read more:part one  https://politikinewsaaa.blogspot.com/2024/07/us-department-of-state-part-one.html