COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION,interesting latest news..

 

Press material Wednesday 23 March 2022   ● European Council   23/03/2022 21:33 | Press release | Invitation letter by President Charles Michel to the members of the European Council ahead of their meeting on 24 and 25 March 2022   Dear colleagues, Our European Council on 24 and 25 March will start with a session on Thursday at 4:30 pm with the participation of President Biden. Together we will address Russia's ongoing military aggression against Ukraine. After the traditional exchange with the President of the European Parliament, we will pursue our exchange on Ukraine in a subsequent session, where we will be joined virtually by President Zelensky. As the war progresses, we are seeing Russia increasingly attack the civilian population and target hospitals, schools and shelters. These war crimes must stop immediately. Those responsible, and their accomplices, will be held to account in accordance with international law. In our meeting, we will discuss how to best support Ukraine in these dramatic circumstances. The Ukrainian people have bravely stepped up to defend their country. But humanitarian needs within Ukraine are growing dramatically. And millions have had to flee their homes and leave their loved ones behind. We must continue to provide humanitarian, political, financial and material support to Ukraine. We will also examine the specific support we can offer Ukrainian refugees and their hosts. Sanctions are one of the main tools at our disposal to exert pressure on Russia to change its course of action. So far, we have adopted some of the strongest measures ever against Russia and Belarus. Along with our international allies, we have shown a united front. We must now ensure that these sanctions are not circumvented. We stand ready to move quickly on further coordinated sanctions. Against this backdrop, our meeting will also be the occasion to prepare for the EU-China summit, to be held on 1 April 2022, where the war in Ukraine will be the main topic. A further foreign policy issue I would like us to address is the political crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The war in Ukraine also gives rise to various challenges for us within the EU, not least in terms of our energy policy. At our meeting in Versailles, we agreed to phase out our dependency on Russian gas, oil and coal imports as soon as possible. We must now take immediate action to safeguard our energy supply for the coming winter. I would also like us to urgently tackle how, in the weeks and months to come, we can ease the pressure of high energy prices on our citizens and businesses. Our European Council meeting will be an occasion to strengthen our Single Market, which continues to be our primary asset for sustainable growth, job creation and for accelerating our green and digital transitions. Addressing rising food prices and ensuring food security within our Single Market is also a critical issue for us to tackle. During our discussions on Security and Defence, I expect us to endorse the Strategic Compass, which sets out a security and defence perspective for the next decade. And lastly, on COVID-19, I would like us to briefly take stock of the latest coordination efforts to combat the pandemic. I look forward to seeing you in Brussels. One month of war. One month of death, destruction, and suffering. One month of Russian terror against the people of Ukraine. And one month of the dem… Press material Wednesday 23 March 2022   ● European Council   23/03/2022 19:25 | Speech | Report by President Charles Michel to the European Parliament plenary session   One month of war. One month of death, destruction, and suffering. One month of Russian terror against the people of Ukraine. And one month of the democratic world rising up, with full force, to condemn Russia and to stand against this barbaric and immoral war. Mariupol. Like other cities, Mariupol will forever be engraved in the history of martyr towns. A theatre bombed, an art school bombed where so many people took refuge, 90% of the city damaged or destroyed, residents held hostage by Russian troops, no food, no water, no electricity, no heating. Mariupol. One month ago a vibrant city. Today, in ruins. Russia is responsible for this war. Russia alone. Targeting women, children, civilians. These are crimes, and those responsible will face international justice. No impunity. We are not alone in condemning this brutal war. Far from it. The EU — alongside our partners and allies — is rock-solid in our solidarity for Ukraine. For one month, an international coalition has risen up to denounce this war — nations, businesses, citizens, the United Nations. Together, we have one common goal: to defeat Vladimir Putin. Putin thought he would conquer Ukraine in a few days and he was wrong. He thought he would divide the EU and our allies and he was wrong, because the people of Ukraine are fighting bravely, defending their homes and the future of their children. Defending their democracy and defending our European common values. The European Union, with our allies we stand as one and we are taking action against the Kremlin. With our international partners, we have imposed the heaviest sanctions we have ever adopted. Hitting the financial system. Crippling key economic sectors and cracking down on supporters of the regime. Freezing Russia's foreign reserves, banning banks from SWIFT. The rouble has plummeted; multinationals are fleeing. Sanctions on Russian companies and on decision makers, propagandists, oligarchs. Freezing their EU assets, banning their travel in the EU, targeting their yachts, their villas, their private jets. We are implementing these sanctions and working to close the loopholes that provide an escape for Russia, and we are prepared to do more, to starve Putin’s war machine. As we speak, the Ukrainian people are battling for their freedom. We will not abandon them. Because this is our political and moral duty. They are fighting not only for themselves, but for our common values and principles. In Versailles, two weeks ago, we decided to increase our humanitarian, political, financial and material support to Ukraine. Over 3 million people have fled to the EU, mostly women and children, and we are welcoming them with dignity. We will continue to offer them any assistance they need and to show solidarity with the countries on the front line. We will also continue to provide military equipment to Ukraine, with €1 billion already mobilised through the European Peace Facility. We also have a very powerful tool in our Association Agreement with Ukraine, and we must make the most of it. Just last week, we continued our support in the energy sector by connecting Ukraine — and Moldova — to our European electricity grid. We have also worked intensely on the diplomatic front to try to end this war. President Macron and Chancellor Scholz have also played an important role in our diplomatic efforts. I speak to President Zelenskyy nearly every day, and I have spoken with President Putin multiple times. The goal is clear: this war must end. Our Ukrainian friends are also asking for another kind of help — political help. Ukraine is part of our European family. We agreed to support the European choice of Ukraine and its right to choose its own destiny. We have decided to immediately strengthen our bonds and deepen our partnership and to support Ukraine in pursuing its European path. We have proposed to launch a Ukraine Solidarity Trust Fund and an international donors’ conference to provide support to Ukraine for its immediate needs and to help rebuild a free and democratic Ukraine. Nous aurons l'occasion d'aborder ces thèmes demain lors de la réunion du G7 et du Conseil européen. Enfin, quelques éléments concernant cet agenda de Versailles qui, je le crois, représente un élan pour une ambition de souveraineté européenne. Nous savons tous ici que la promesse qui fonde le projet européen est celle de la paix et de la prospérité. Nous savons tous ici que les dernières années, on s'est assemblés avec le Conseil, on a travaillé de concert pour engager la transformation du projet européen en termes de prospérité, prenant en compte l'agenda climatique, prenant en compte l'agenda numérique. Et nous savons combien le Covid a fait pression sur nous, a révélé nos forces, montré nos faiblesses et nous a engagés à montrer plus de solidarité encore, plus d'ambition encore, pour cet agenda européen. Nous avons, à Versailles, identifié nos points de force, nos points de faiblesse et identifié l'agenda et la méthode de travail pour progresser au départ du Conseil, nous le souhaitons, avec la Commission et le Parlement, en étroite coordination. Il y a trois points particulièrement que je souhaite mettre en évidence. Le premier point, nous le voyons brutalement, mais ne le découvrons pas avec cette guerre: nous avons une faiblesse sur le plan énergétique et cela montre la justesse de ce choix lié au Green Deal, à notre ambition d'être davantage indépendant sur ce sujet à l'avenir. Mais sans attendre cette neutralité climatique, il nous appartient immédiatement de prendre les mesures pour renforcer dans ce domaine notre résilience, notre indépendance, de sortir progressivement de notre dépendance, spécialement au gaz russe. Ce sujet sera bien sûr au cœur de nos débats de demain et après-demain au Conseil européen. Le deuxième sujet, nous le voyons bien, c’est la question de la sécurité et de la paix qui y est liée et donc la question de l'Europe de la défense. Nous savons que depuis de nombreuses années, des voix se sont élevées avec plus ou moins de force pour plaider en faveur de ce rapprochement entre pays européens, pour développer davantage les capacités européennes en matière de défense et de sécurité. De premiers instruments ont été instaurés, ont été mis en place et, nous le voyons bien, il faut maintenant changer de régime, changer de vitesse. Je suis totalement convaincu que cette décision, qui a été prise avec courage par les 27 leaders européens, de mettre en place, au travers de la Facilité Paix, une capacité de livrer du matériel militaire, est un pas en avant substantiel qui montre que l'Europe peut disposer, si nous le souhaitons, d'une réelle capacité d'influence et de puissance au service de la paix et au service de nos valeurs. Enfin, le troisième élément, nous le voyons bien, touche à la robustesse de notre base économique. Si nous sommes en mesure de prendre des mesures qui touchent le régime à Moscou, c'est parce que nous représentons une force économique: 450 millions de consommateurs, un marché intérieur puissant avec des points de force et des atouts qui sont indiscutables. Mais c'est vrai, soyons lucides, avec quelques points de faiblesse et de fragilité qu'il faut rapidement corriger. C'est le sens du travail qui est mené étroitement avec la Commission, avec le Conseil et, je l'espère, avec vous aussi au départ du Parlement européen. Les microprocesseurs: voilà un sujet sur lequel nous devons être engagés pour développer les technologies qui, demain, vont faire la différence, garder cette capacité d'innovation. Le secteur de la santé: on a vu à quel point la santé touche directement notre capacité de bien-être collectif et aussi la capacité de soutenir notre base économique. Sur tous ces sujets-là et sur quelques autres, nous allons aussi continuer à progresser, à avancer. Vous le voyez, Madame la Présidente, Mesdames et Messieurs les Parlementaires, il est certain que les dernières années n'ont pas été de tout repos pour le monde et pour l'Europe. La conscience d'une transformation climatique et digitale, une crise mondiale, le Covid, une pandémie qui nous a ébranlés, mais à laquelle nous avons résisté. Nous avons tenté de tirer un certain nombre d'enseignements, y compris en termes de relance économique et de volonté de travailler davantage ensemble. Et puis, nous nous sommes réveillés toutes et tous, il y a un mois, avec une Europe différente, avec un monde différent, parce qu’à nouveau la guerre se déploie sur le sol européen. Nous avons la conscience de notre responsabilité et d'être à la hauteur de ce moment, nous avons la conscience que les décisions que nous prenons aujourd'hui doivent être intelligentes et stratégiques pour faire en sorte que nous soyons à la hauteur de cette promesse de l'Union européenne de paix et de prospérité. Je vous remercie.

Today the Council adopted two assistance measures under the European Peace Facility (EPF) that will allow the EU to further support the capabilities … Press material Wednesday 23 March 2022   ● Council of the EU   23/03/2022 18:23 | Press release | EU support to Ukraine: Council doubles funding under the European Peace Facility   Today the Council adopted two assistance measures under the European Peace Facility (EPF) that will allow the EU to further support the capabilities and resilience of the Ukrainian Armed Forces to defend the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country, and protect the civilian population against the ongoing Russian military aggression. The assistance measures will increase the original budget announced on 28 February 2020 with an additional €500 million, thereby doubling its initial amount to €1 billion. "We will continue supporting Ukraine against Russia’s aggression and the unspeakable suffering it is inflicting on the Ukrainian population. The additional €500 million under the European Peace Facility is another sign of the EU’s support to the Ukrainian armed forces to defend their territory and their population." Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy The agreed assistance measures will finance both the provision of equipment and supplies such as personal protective equipment, first aid kits and fuel, and military equipment and platforms, designed to deliver lethal force for defensive purposes. The duration of the assistance measure is also extended by 12 months. Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified military aggression against Ukraine grossly violates international law and the principles of the UN Charter and undermines European and global security and stability. Russia, and its accomplice Belarus, bear full responsibility for this war of aggression and those responsible will be held to account for their crimes, including for indiscriminately targeting civilians and civilian objects. The European Union demands that Russia ceases its military action and withdraws all forces and military equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine immediately and unconditionally, and fully respects Ukraine’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence within its internationally recognised borders. EU adopts new set of measures to respond to Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine (press release, 28 February 2022) Informal EU Leaders’ meeting in Versailles: Remarks by High Representative/Vice-President Josep Borrell upon arrival (EEAS website) EU response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine (policy page) EU leaders and social partners met, via video conference, at the tripartite social summit to discuss "a united tripartite response to the social and … Press material Wednesday 23 March 2022   ● European Council   23/03/2022 21:15 | Press release | Main messages from the Tripartite Social Summit, 23 March 2022   EU leaders and social partners met, via video conference, at the tripartite social summit to discuss "a united tripartite response to the social and economic impact of the Russian military aggression against Ukraine". The summit participants intervened on the following questions: How to ensure long-term investment, growth and employment in Europe, while addressing the impact of the Russian military aggression against Ukraine on energy prices, the economy and jobs? How to ensure a successful green transition for European workers and enterprises in this new context? What is the role of social dialogue to improve working conditions, the functioning of European labour markets and skills training post COVID-19? The President of the European Council Charles Michel commented: “The Russian invasion of Ukraine is a ruthless attack on an independent and sovereign country. But it is also an attack on our values such as freedom, democracy and human rights. For the past month, we have risen to meet this historic moment, standing shoulder-to-shoulder with the people of Ukraine. A united tripartite response will also be crucial to address the enormous social and economic impact of this war. Governments, employers, employees - all coming together with one common and united response. I am sure that the contribution of social partners, as was the case during COVID-19, will again be essential in facing this new challenge.” The President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen said: “Europe is providing a safe haven for people fleeing Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine. They deserve access to social protection, training and jobs and EU funding is available to help the member states that host them. At the same time, the war and the necessary sanctions against Russia come at a cost for our economy. We are doing all we can to mitigate the impact on energy and other commodities’ prices as well as on supply chains to support workers, businesses and consumers in these difficult times. This is a crucial moment and it is important that we all – social partners, member states and EU institutions – stand in unity and solidarity with those who need it most.” From the side of the rotating presidency of the Council of the EU, the Prime Minister of France, Jean Castex, added: “Within the Union we are committed to building a more sovereign, more resilient European growth model for the next decade. The challenges are significant and affect the sustainability of our social model, which is one of Europe’s unique strengths. We will not be able to address these challenges without a more rigorous social dialogue, at national and European level.” The General Secretary of the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) Luca Visentini, noted: “The ETUC condemns Russia’s murderous war on Ukraine. We call on the EU and member states to welcome all people fleeing Ukraine. We support their access to the labour market, housing, health care, education and welfare support. We demand that they are treated equally in the workplace and in society. The ETUC is itself helping to finance humanitarian aid by unions in Ukraine and neighbouring countries. We ask the EU and Member States to open a dialogue with Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, to recognise them as candidate countries to the EU. We also call for measures to reduce the negative impacts on the EU of the war and sanctions, including EU funding to minimise the impacts of rising prices, and continuing COVID-19 emergency measures to support jobs and companies at risk due to this crisis.” BusinessEurope's President Pierre Gattaz, representing employers (BusinessEurope, SGI Europe, SMEunited), commented: “European employers strongly condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The European Union must defend international law and support Ukraine and its people. Like many other actors, employers are taking concrete actions to provide humanitarian help and assist people fleeing combat zones. The EU’s global strength comes from its economic power. It is of utmost importance that the EU takes good care of its economy and cushions the secondary effects of this war (inflation, energy and raw material price increases and supply shortages, supply-chain disruptions). In particular, the European Union urgently needs to strengthen the internal EU energy market, diversify its energy supply sources and routes and provide an adequate framework to scale up the necessary public and private investments. While green deal policies are important parts of the answer, the EU also needs to acknowledge that a successful green transition also depends on realistic energy policies with feasible timelines. Involving social partners is essential when defining measures to support EU enterprises and workers and bring stability in these troubled times. The upcoming Commission’s social dialogue initiative is a golden opportunity to foster unity by improving cooperation between public authorities and social partners at EU and national levels.” The views cited in this text are those of the individual / organisation concerned and do not collectively constitute the point of view of the Council or the European Council.

COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION:G7 Leaders’ Statement - Brussels, 24 March 2022,etc...

 

Press material Thursday 24 March 2022   ● European Council   24/03/2022 17:16 | Statements and remarks | G7 Leaders’ Statement - Brussels, 24 March 2022   We, the Leaders of the G7, met today in Brussels at the invitation of the German G7 Presidency, to further strengthen our cooperation in light of Russia’s unjustifiable, unprovoked and illegal aggression and President Putin’s war of choice against independent and sovereign Ukraine. We will stand with the government and people of Ukraine. We are united in our resolve to restore peace and stability and uphold international law. Following the United Nations General Assembly resolution on 2 March 2022, we will continue to stand with the overwhelming majority of the international community, in condemning Russia’s military aggression and the suffering and loss of life it continues to cause. We remain appalled by and condemn the devastating attacks on the Ukrainian population and civilian infrastructure, including hospitals and schools. We welcome the investigations of international mechanisms, including by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. We will work together to support the gathering of evidence of war crimes. The siege of Mariupol and other Ukrainian cities, and the denial of humanitarian access by Russian military forces are unacceptable. Russian forces must immediately provide for safe pathways to other parts of Ukraine, as well as humanitarian aid to be delivered to Mariupol and other besieged cities. The Russian leadership is obligated to immediately comply with the order of the International Court of Justice to suspend the military operations that it commenced on 24 February 2022 in the territory of Ukraine, without any further delay. We also urge Russia to withdraw its military forces and equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine. We further call upon the Belarusian authorities to avoid further escalation and to refrain from using their military forces against Ukraine. Moreover, we urge all countries not to give military or other assistance to Russia to help continue its aggression in Ukraine. We will be vigilant regarding any such assistance. We will spare no efforts to hold President Putin and the architects and supporters of this aggression, including the Lukashenko regime in Belarus, accountable for their actions. To this end, we will continue to work together, along with our allies and partners around the world. We underline our resolve to impose severe consequences on Russia, including by fully implementing the economic and financial measures we already imposed. We will continue to cooperate closely, including by engaging other governments on adopting similar restrictive measures to those already imposed by G7 members and on refraining from evasion, circumvention and backfilling that seek to undercut or mitigate the effects of our sanctions. We task the relevant Ministers in a focused initiative to monitor the full implementation of sanctions and to coordinate responses related to evasive measures, including regarding gold transactions by the Central Bank of Russia. We stand ready to apply additional measures as required, continuing to act in unity as we do so. We commend those partners who have aligned with us in these efforts. Russia’s attack has already risked the safety and security of nuclear sites in Ukraine. Russian military activities are creating extreme risks for the population and the environment, with the potential for catastrophic result. Russia must comply with its international obligations and refrain from any activity that imperils nuclear sites, allowing unhindered control by the Ukrainian authorities, as well as full access by and cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency. We warn against any threat of the use of chemical, biological and nuclear weapons or related materials. We recall Russia’s obligations under the international treaties to which it is a signatory, and which protect us all. In this regard, we categorically denounce Russia’s malicious and completely unfounded disinformation campaign against Ukraine, a state in full compliance with international non-proliferation agreements. We express concern about other countries and actors that have amplified Russia’s disinformation campaign. We are resolved in our support to the Ukrainian people in their heroic resistance to Russia’s unjustifiable and illegal aggression. We will step up our support to Ukraine and neighbouring countries. We thank all those who are already providing humanitarian aid to Ukraine and ask others to join. We will furthermore collaborate in our efforts to bolster democratic resilience and defend human rights in Ukraine and neighbouring countries. We will continue efforts to support Ukraine in defending its networks against cyber incidents. In preparation for any Russian malicious cyber response to the actions we have taken, we are taking steps to increase the resilience of the infrastructure in our respective nations by strengthening our coordinated cyber defences and improving our shared awareness of cyber threats. We will also work to hold accountable those actors that engage in destructive, disruptive, or destabilising activities in cyberspace. We further commend neighbouring states for their solidarity and humanity in welcoming Ukrainian refugees and third country nationals from Ukraine. We highlight the need to further increase international assistance to countries neighbouring Ukraine, and, as a concrete contribution to this end, underline our commitment to receiving, protecting, and supporting refugees and displaced persons as a consequence of the conflict. We thus all stand ready to welcome them on our territories. We will take further steps to broaden our support to Ukraine and neighbouring countries. We are concerned by the escalating and reinforced repression against the Russian people and the increasingly hostile rhetoric of the Russian leadership, including against ordinary citizens. We deplore the Russian leadership’s attempt to deprive Russian citizens of access to unbiased information through censorship, and denounce its malicious disinformation campaigns, which we will not leave unaddressed. We express our support to those Russian and Belarusian citizens standing up against the unjustified war of aggression against their close neighbour Ukraine. The world sees them. The people of Russia must know that we hold no grievances against them. It is President Putin, his government and supporters, including the Lukashenko regime in Belarus, who are imposing this war and its consequences on Russians and it is their decision that besmirches the history of the Russian people. We are taking further steps to reduce our reliance on Russian energy, and will work together to this end. At the same time, we will ensure secure alternative and sustainable supplies, and act in solidarity and close coordination in the case of possible supply disruptions. We commit to actively support countries willing to phase out their dependency on Russian gas, oil and coal imports. We call on oil and gas producing countries to act in a responsible manner and to increase deliveries to international markets, noting that OPEC has a key role to play. We will work with them and all partners to ensure stable and sustainable global energy supplies. This crisis reinforces our determination to meet the goals of the Paris agreement and of the Glasgow climate pact and limit the rise in global temperatures to 1.5°C, by accelerating reduction of our reliance on fossil fuels and our transition to clean energy. We stand in solidarity with our partners who have to bear the rising price of President Putin’s unilateral choice to wage war in Europe. His decision is putting the global economic recovery at risk, undermines the resilience of global value chains and will have severe impacts on the most fragile countries. We call on the international community to take action by fully recognising Russia’s responsibility and protecting the most vulnerable countries, with the support of international and regional institutions. More immediately, President Putin’s war places global food security under increased pressure. We recall that the implementation of our sanctions against Russia takes into account the need to avoid impact on global agricultural trade. We remain determined to monitor the situation closely and do what is necessary to prevent and respond to the evolving global food security crisis. We will make coherent use of all instruments and funding mechanisms to address food security, and build resilience in the agriculture sector in line with climate and environment goals. We will address potential agricultural production and trade disruptions, in particular in vulnerable countries. We commit to provide a sustainable food supply in Ukraine and support continued Ukrainian production efforts. We will work with and step up our collective contribution to relevant international institutions including the World Food Programme (WFP), in parallel with Multilateral Development Banks and International Financial Institutions, to provide support to countries with acute food insecurity. We call for an extraordinary session of the Council of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) to address the consequences on world food security and agriculture arising from the Russian aggression against Ukraine. We call on all participants of the Agriculture Markets Information System (AMIS) to continue to share information and explore options to keep prices under control, including making stocks available, in particular to the WFP. We will avoid export bans and other trade-restrictive measures, maintain open and transparent markets, and call on others to do likewise, consistent with World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, including WTO notification requirements. International organisations and multilateral fora should no longer conduct their activities with Russia in a business as usual manner. We will work closely with our partners to act as appropriate, based on shared interests, as well as rules and regulations of respective institutions.

Press material Thursday 24 March 2022

● European Council   24/03/2022 19:03 | Press release | Charles Michel re-elected president of the European Council   The European Council today re-elected Charles Michel as its president for a second term of two and a half years, from 1 June 2022 to 30 November 2024. Charles Michel was also re-appointed as President of the Euro Summit for the same period. He is the third full-time President of the European Council, following the creation of the post on 1 December 2009 under the Treaty of Lisbon. Webpage of Charles Michel, President of the European Council Pictures and videos of Charles Michel Biography Charles Michel has been the President of the European Council since 1 December 2019. Prior to that, he was Prime Minister of Belgium. Biography of Charles Michel President Charles Michel: First year in images (visual story) President Charles Michel: Second year in images (visual story) The role of the President of the European Council The President chairs European Council meetings and drives forward its work. He also ensures the external representation of the EU at his level on issues concerning its common foreign and security policy. More information on the role and appointment of the President of the European Council Former presidents of the European Council

Meetings Thursday 24 March 2022

● European Council   24/03/2022 13:09 | MEETING | European Council, 24-25 March 2022   Background brief - European Council, 24-25/03/2022

Meetings

ONGOING
European Council
European Council, 24-25 March 2022

Live streaming
Live streaming


24 March 2022
14:30 Arrivals
TTBC Press conference

25 March 20202
09:00 Arrivals
TTBC Press conference

Estimated schedule
Agenda highlights

The European Council will discuss Russian military aggression against Ukraine, security and defence, energy, economic issues, COVID-19 and external relations.

US President Joe Biden will be joining EU leaders during the first day of the European Council for a discussion on support for Ukraine and its people and on strengthening transatlantic cooperation in response to Russia’s aggression.
Invitation letter by President Charles Michel
Russia's military aggression against Ukraine

The European Council will assess the latest developments on the ground, including the humanitarian situation and refugees.

The EU remains committed to Ukraine and its people and is working to provide coordinated political, financial, material and humanitarian support, as well as support for the reconstruction of a democratic Ukraine.
EU response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine (background information)
Security and defence

The European Council will discuss security and defence, building on the Versailles declaration and taking into account the new security situation in Europe.

In this context, EU leaders will discuss how to enable the EU to act more quickly and decisively when facing crises, while also securing its interests and protecting citizens. They will also discuss defence investment and funding instruments.

The European Council is expected to endorse the Strategic Compass, an initiative aiming at strengthening the Union’s security and defence policies around the themes of crisis management, defence capabilities, resilience and partnerships.
EU cooperation on security and defence (background information)
The Versailles declaration (10 and 11 March 2022)
Energy

At the informal meeting in Versailles, EU leaders agreed to phase out dependency on Russian gas, oil and coal imports as soon as possible.

The European Council will discuss sustained high energy prices and its impact on citizens and businesses, also in the context of the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The European Commission will provide a basis for the discussion by putting forward options for ensuring affordable energy prices and security of supply.
Energy prices (background information)
Economic issues

The European Council will continue its discussion on how to build a more robust economic base, as laid out in the Versailles declaration, notably by reducing strategic dependencies in sensitive areas like critical raw materials, semi-conductors, health, digital and food.

The European Council will address how to further strengthen the single market to accelerate the green and digital transitions, as well as how to strengthen the resilience of the EU economy.

The European Council will be invited to endorse the policy priority areas for the European Semester in 2022.
European Semester in 2022 (background information)
COVID-19

The European Council will discuss coordination efforts in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and take stock of international cooperation on global health governance and solidarity, including through roll-out of vaccines.

The European Council will also discuss the work, under the guidance of the WHO, on a future instrument to strengthen pandemic prevention, preparedness and response.
COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic: the EU's response (background information)
External relations

The European Council will prepare the upcoming EU-China summit, to be held on 1 April 2022.

The European Council will also address the political crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Indicative programme


24/03/2022 14:30


Arrivals and doorsteps of members of the European Council

16:30


Exchange of views with the President of the United States

18:00


Exchange of views with the President of the European Parliament

18:30


Working session of the European Council

19:30


Working dinner of the European Council


(ttbc) Press conference by the President of the European Council and the President of the European Commission

(ttbc) National briefings & departure doorsteps


25/03/2022 09:00


Arrivals of members of the European Council

09:30


Working session of the European Council

12:00


Working lunch of the European Council


(ttbc) Press conference by the President of the European Council and the President of the European Commission


(ttbc) National briefings & departure doorsteps

Meeting information


Brussels
24 March 2022
14:30
Preparatory documents
Provisional agenda
Outcome documents
List of participants


Press releases
Invitation letter by President Charles Michel to the members of the European Council ahead of their meeting on 24 and 25 March 2022
23 March 2022, 21:30
UPDATE - Media advisory - European Council meeting of 24 and 25 March 2022
23 March 2022, 20:00
UPDATE - Media advisory - European Council meeting of 24 and 25 March 2022
18 March 2022, 19:00
Media advisory - European Council meeting of 24 and 25 March 2022
1 March 2022, 10:00

The Biden Administration Announces New Humanitarian, Development, and Democracy Assistance to Ukraine and the Surrounding Region

MARCH 24, 2022


The United States is proud to be the largest single donor of humanitarian, democracy, and human rights assistance to Ukraine, working closely with our European partners. We remain committed to ensuring those affected by President Putin’s war of aggression, especially vulnerable populations such as women, children, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTQI+) persons, and persons with disabilities, are able to access food, clean water, shelter, and medical care. In addition to assisting people in need within Ukraine, we are supporting the efforts of Ukraine’s neighbors and the European Union to welcome and host millions of refugees. And we will do our part to welcome Ukrainians to the United States.

Today, the United States is announcing that we are prepared to provide more than $1 billion in new funding towards humanitarian assistance for those affected by Russia’s war in Ukraine and its severe impacts around the world, including a marked rise in food insecurity, over the coming months. This funding will provide food, shelter, clean water, medical supplies and other forms of assistance. We are also announcing an additional $320 million in democracy and human rights funding to Ukraine and its neighbors. Since 2021, the United States has provided over $1.1 billion in economic, health, democracy and human rights, and humanitarian assistance to the Europe and Eurasia region.

In addition to our humanitarian assistance, the United States continues to support public health initiatives in Ukraine and the region to tamp down the spread of communicable diseases like polio, tuberculosis, and COVID, and to help ensure patients continue to have access to medical care. And we remain committed to defending and strengthening democratic governance, human rights, and the fight against corruption in Ukraine and its neighbors, as together we reject autocracy and aggression.
Providing refuge to Displaced Ukrainians. While we expect many Ukrainians will choose to remain in Europe close to family and their homes in Ukraine, today, the United States is announcing plans to welcome up to 100,000 Ukrainians and others fleeing Russia’s aggression through the full range of legal pathways, including the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program. In particular, we are working to expand and develop new programs with a focus on welcoming Ukrainians who have family members in the United States. The United States and the European Union are also coordinating closely to ensure that these efforts, and other forms of humanitarian admission or transfers, are complementary and provide much-needed support to Ukraine’s neighbors.

United States and Allies and Partners Impose Additional Costs on Russia

FACT SHEET: United States and Allies and Partners Impose Additional Costs on Russia
MARCH 24, 2022



United States sanctions over 400 Russian elites, Duma members, and defense companies in coordination with the European Union and G7; U.S. has now sanctioned over 600 targets

G7 and EU announce sanctions evasion initiative to prevent circumvention and backfilling of our unprecedented sanctions; continue to blunt Central Bank of the Russian Federation’s ability to deploy international reserves including gold

President Biden is in Europe to continue our historic coordination with allies and partners on all aspects of our response to Russia’s war against Ukraine, including imposing further severe costs on those enabling President Putin’s war of choice. Today, the United States is sanctioning over 400 individuals and entities comprised of Russian elites, the Duma and more than 300 of its members, and defense companies, aligning and strengthening our sanctions in close coordination and partnership with the EU and G7.

Our sanctions on Russia are unprecedented — in no other circumstance have we moved so swiftly and in such a coordinated fashion to impose devastating costs on any other country. The ruble has depreciated substantially, and is expected by markets to weaken further. The Moscow Stock Exchange closed for weeks. The Central Bank of the Russian Federation has doubled interest rates to 20 percent and companies are being forced to turn over foreign exchange for rubles to provide the Russian Government hard currency. The economy is forecast to contract as much as 15 percent or more in 2022. This economic collapse of Russia’s GDP will wipe out the past 15 years of economic gains in Russia, according to the Institute for International Finance. Inflation in Russia is already spiking, with analysts projecting it to rise up to 15 percent on a year-over-year basis, and the Russian Government has been downgraded to “junk” status by major credit rating agencies. More than 400 multinational companies have left Russia in a mass exodus by the private sector.

As long as President Putin continues this war, the United States and allies and partners are committed to ensuring the Russian government feels the compounding effects of our current and future economic actions.

Today’s actions include:

Full blocking sanctions on more than 400 individuals and entities, including the Duma and its members, additional Russian elites, and Russian defense companies that fuel Putin’s war machine. This includes:
328 Duma members and sanctioning the Duma as an entity.
Herman Gref, the head of Russia’s largest financial institution Sberbank and a Putin advisor since the 1990s.
Russian elite Gennady Timchenko, his companies and his family members.
17 board members of Russian financial institution Sovcombank.
48 Large Russian defense state-owned enterprises that are part of Russia’s defense-industrial base and produce weapons that have been used in Russia’s assault against Ukraine’s people, infrastructure, and territory, including Russian Helicopters, Tactical Missiles Corporation, High Precision Systems, NPK Tekhmash OAO, Kronshtadt. We are targeting, and will continue to target, the suppliers of Russia’s war effort and, in turn, their supply chain.

Establishment of an initiative focused on sanctions evasions. G7 leaders and the European Union today announced an initiative to share information about and coordinate responses related to evasive measures intended to undercut the effectiveness and impact of our joint sanctions actions. Together, we will not allow sanctions evasion or backfilling. As part of this effort, we will also engage other governments on adopting sanctions similar to those already imposed by the G7 and other partners.

Continuing to blunt the Central Bank’s ability to deploy international reserves, including gold, to prop up the Russian economy and fund Putin’s brutal war. G7 leaders and the European Union will continue to work jointly to blunt Russia’s ability to deploy its international reserves to prop up Russia’s economy and fund Putin’s war, including by making clear that any transaction involving gold related to the Central Bank of the Russian Federation is covered by existing sanctions.

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Background Press Call on President Biden’s Meetings at NATO

MARCH 24, 2022


Via Teleconference

11:53 A.M. CET

MODERATOR: Well, good morning, everyone. And thank you for joining the White House background call on the President’s trip to Europe. As a reminder of the ground rules, this call will be on background, attributable to “senior administration officials.”

For your awareness but not for your reporting, the three officials joining us on our call today are [senior administration officials].

We will have two sections of the call today. The first will be a recap of the President’s time at NATO, which will be embargoed until the call concludes. The second section, which previews the G7 and EU meetings, will be embargoed until this afternoon at 2:15 p.m. Central European Time, or 9:15 a.m. Eastern Time.

With that, I’ll turn it over to our first speaker, [senior administration official], for the first section of the call.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thanks. And good morning, almost good afternoon, to everyone. I just stepped out of the listening room where I have been for the last hour or so, and I’m happy to share a little bit of color from what’s been happening in the meeting.

So, Secretary General Stoltenberg opened the meeting. I’m sure all of you saw his open remarks, which were open to press. Then the leaders went into a closed session.

As I think everyone is tracking, President Zelenskyy was beamed in via video link from Ukraine to address the group. He spoke very eloquently, as he has to a number of national parliaments in recent weeks, with a message very much focused on the efforts of the Ukrainian military and people to defend their country, to defend their citizens, and also to defend our shared democratic values.

He repeated his requests for continued and increased Western security assistance. But notably, there was not a request for a no-fly zone. There was also not a request for NATO membership in his remarks.

Following his intervention, he departed on the video link, and the members moved into a closed session among the Alliance.

After him, the President was the first speaker. He set out the three-pronged approach that we have taken throughout this this crisis, noting that today marks the one-month anniversary of the launch of Russian military aggression against Ukraine.

First, he talked about everything that we have done to impose costs on Russia, including the very significant package of sanctions.

Second, he reiterated our strong support for Ukraine, both in terms of security assistance — increased and continued security assistance, as well as humanitarian assistance that we were continuing to provide to those both in Ukraine and to those fleeing the violence.

And third, a very strong message of support for NATO — reaffirming the U.S. commitment to Article 5 and the steps that the United States, in partnership with other Allies, had taken in recent weeks to reinforce the security of the eastern flank.

As part of that, speaking more generally: In terms of the Alliance, he talked about force posture adjustments, as I mentioned. He welcomed the similar moves that we have seen from a number of countries to strengthen NATO’s eastern flank. He welcomed the increased defense spending pledges that we have seen from a number of countries, as well as the ongoing robust exercises that are continuing.

Finally, he looked ahead to the Madrid summit, which will be in about two and a half months in late June, and laid out a number of issues that the Alliance is going to have to grapple with in advance of that summit, given the changed security context that we see ourselves in and as the Alliance is finalizing the strategic concept that will be addressing a number of these changes in security architecture.

By the time I left the room, I think about six leaders had spoken. So, just to give you a sense of the mood: First, there was a very strong sense that we are facing a significant, historical moment, and very strong support from all of the leaders who spoke about the need to defend our democracy, the need to defend our shared values, and a strong sense that NATO was appropriately poised to be able to do that.

Second and relatedly, there was a very strong message of unity — notes of how united the NATO Alliance was, notes of unity across the transatlantic alliance; very strong support for NATO, for its Article 5 commitments; a number of leaders speaking about increases in their own defense spending; and also notes about changes that various countries have made in terms of force posture, particularly with what we’ve seen in the last couple of weeks with a significant movement of NATO forces to NATO’s eastern flank to defend the security of Allies there.

Third, very strong admiration for the Ukrainian military and the Ukrainian people in terms of everything they are doing to defend their country from Russian aggression.

There was also very strong pledges of support from across the Allies that I heard speak about their readiness to continue, as well as increase, their security assistance to Ukraine.

Related to that, many of the leaders also spoke about the importance of economic sanctions and the need for us to continue imposing robust economic costs on Russia in response to its aggression.

Related to that: On the Ukrainian people, very strong support for refugees; a lot of appreciation to the eastern flank Allies that have been bearing the brunt of the crisis; and continued pledges by Allies to continue contributing financially to the humanitarian assistance, as well as, of course, a number of these countries taking in refugees themselves.

And just a final note: There was also a reference by many of the speakers to China and a recognition that China needs to live up to its responsibilities within the international community as a U.N. Security Council member, that we need to continue to call on China not to support Russia in its aggression against Ukraine, and that we need China to call for a peaceful end to the conflict as a responsible member of the international community.

So the mood overall has been sober, it’s been resolute, and it’s been incredibly united.
So let me stop there with my opening comments.

MODERATOR: Thank you so much, [senior administration official]. With that, we’ll open it up to a couple of questions on the NATO portion before we move on to the second portion of the call, which will be EU and G7 specific.

If I can ask everyone who has a question to please indicate you have one using the “raise hand” feature.

Josh Wingrove from Bloomberg. I saw your hand up first.

Q Thank you very much. Hello from the travel pool. Thank you for doing this. Can you give me a sense of what President Zelenskyy did ask for if he didn’t mention NATO membership and didn’t mention the closure?
And also, NBC is reporting that 100,000 refugees — the U.S. will announce a pledge to take in 100,000 refugees. Is there anything you can tell us on that in particular that we could publish before any later embargo?

Thank you.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Great. Thank you for that.

So, on your question about refugees, I don’t want to steal any thunder from my colleague, so let me defer that to the later part of the call where [senior administration official] is going to have more information specifically on some of our refugees and humanitarian assistance.

In terms of President Zelenskyy’s comments, I will let the Ukrainian government speak for themselves in terms of what specifically Zelenskyy conveyed to leaders in what was a closed, private session to leaders.

What I can say is that President Biden was very clear in his remarks about the security assistance that the U.S. has continued to provide, underscoring the $2 billion that we have provided over the last year, underscoring the billion dollars in new security assistance to Ukraine that we have just announced; talked in some specifics, as he has done previously, about the additional types of assistance that we have been providing to Ukraine.
And then, just more broadly, I would say that we have started consulting with Allies on providing anti-ship missiles to Ukraine. There may be some technical challenges with making that happen, but that is something that we are consulting with Allies and starting to work on.

MODERATOR: Thank you. Next, we go to Kevin Liptak with CNN.

Q Hi. Thank you. Yesterday, Jake said that discussion of Russia’s potential use of chemical or biological or nuclear weapons would come up in all these discussions. I wonder if you could say whether that came up at NATO today and what the leaders — what was — if there was a consensus among the leaders about whether NATO would be obliged to respond to the use of those kinds of weapons should that take place.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yes, there were some references to that. I think there is a recognition that NATO needs to continue a lot of the good, ongoing work to be prepared to respond to various contingencies. It’s something that NATO, as a military alliance, is already postured to do, and it’s something that they recognize that they need to continue to do given the various scenarios that could emerge as part of this conflict.

The United States is already taking steps both nationally, as well as through NATO, to enhance the readiness and capability of our defense forces to respond to chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear incidents. Frankly, for NATO, this is an important part of strengthening our longer-term defense and deterrence postures.

NATO has a Combined Joint CBRN Defence Task Force, which is an element of the NATO Response Force, which is prepared to deploy at SACEUR’s direction. This includes specially trained and equipped forces who are able to deal with these types of incidents if there are attacks against NATO populations, territory, or forces.

And NATO Allies are also continuing to consult, as well as to take national decisions, to be able to provide on a bilateral basis protective equipment and medical countermeasures to help Ukraine detect, identify, and respond to these types of threats.

So, in sum, yes, it was a subject that came up in discussion today and I assume is a continuing part of the ongoing discussion.

Second, there are broader conversations within NATO about how to respond to these types of incidents.

And third, some NATO Allies are already taking national decisions to be able to respond to, potentially, Ukrainian needs on these threats as well.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thank you. And then we’ll do one more question from Chris Megerian with AP. After that, we’ll move on to the second portion.

Q Hi, everybody. I wanted to see if you could talk any more about force posture adjustments. What specifically are we speaking about?

And then on China, when you said that China needs to do more, what specifically do you want to see them do more or see them stop doing?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thanks for that. So, in terms of force posture, there was considerable discussion by leaders about the number of changes that have already been made across the Alliance. I think what we’ve seen within the last couple of weeks with NATO Allies acting with great unity and speed to deploy additional defensive forces and capabilities in response to renewed Russian aggression against Ukraine.

NATO activated its response plans. It deployed the NATO Response Force. It increased NATO’s readiness. And there’s now approximately 40,000 Allied forces under direct NATO command with particular emphasis on the eastern flank.

As part of that, the United States has already deployed thousands of additional forces to Europe. There’s now approximately 100,000 U.S. forces on land, in the air, at sea, training, exercising, and ready to defer — or to deter and defend against any threat.

So, in the parts of the meeting that I was in, there was a lot of recognition about the steps that the U.S. has taken and, frankly, that a large number of other Allies have taken to move their forces to the eastern flank as well.

And in terms of China, I would refer to what I had said earlier in terms of similar messages that Stoltenberg himself actually has given within the last couple of days as well: that there is a desire for China to live up to its responsibilities within the international community, clearly a strong desire for Russia [China] not to provide economic or military assistance to Russia in furtherance of its aggression against Ukraine, and for China to join with other responsible members of the international community in calling on Russia to end its violence.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thank you. And with that, that concludes the first portion of the call, which, as a reminder, is embargoed until this call concludes.

12:08 P.M. CET

Background Press Call on President Biden’s Meetings with the G7 and the European Council

MARCH 24, 2022

Via Teleconference

12:08 P.M. CET

MODERATOR: For the second section, which is embargoed until 2:15 p.m. Central European Time/9:15 a.m. Eastern time, I’ll turn it over to you [senior administration official] to get us started.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thanks, [senior administration official]. And let me follow up from [senior administration official] and just preview some of the G7 discussions, in particular the actions we have planned on sanctions.

So, today the U.S. will sanction Russian elites, the Duma, and over 300 Duma members, and over 40 Russian defense companies. All of this will align and strengthen our sanctions in close coordination and partnership with the EU and G7.

The G7 and EU will also announce a new sanctions evasion initiative that’s designed to prevent circumvention or backfilling of our unprecedented measures. And that will happen through closing down avenues, for example, for the Russian Central Bank to prop up the ruble. It could be through growing our coalition of countries to deny cutting-edge technology to Russia, or through preventing Russia from designating crony banks to do it business abroad.

In all cases, we’ll use this initiative to share information and coordinate our responses to prevent the emergence of any safe haven for Russia, whether it’s in China or any other country.

Third, the G7 and the EU will also continue to blunt the Central Bank of Russia’s ability to deploy international reserves by making clear that any transaction involving gold related to the Central Bank of Russia is prohibited.

And for context: As of June of last year — the last official snapshot of Russia’s Central Bank reserves — gold was 20 percent of the total. And our purpose now is to fully disarm its war chest by making sure its foreign reserves serve no purpose in propping up the Russian currency.

And finally, we and the G7 will join together in saying that international organizations and multilateral fora should no longer conduct their activities with Russia in a business-as-usual manner.

Our purpose here is to methodically remove the benefits and privileges Russia once enjoyed as a participant in the international economic order. And this follows our actions to remove Russia’s most-favored-nation trading status and to suspend its borrowing privileges from the IMF and the World Bank.

You all have the factsheet, so I won’t get into all the detail on the specifics, but let me just step back and put all these actions into context.

All of you will remember that well before Putin invaded Ukraine, we warned that he would face the most severe sanctions ever levied on Russia and ever imposed on a large market economy. We also warned that we would respond to an invasion with unprecedented speed and with a historic degree of coordination.

Over the past month, we’ve done exactly what we said we’d do. Judging from the words and actions of the Russian leadership, this caught the Kremlin by surprise. Putin himself said these sanctions are delivering a profound blow; they’re causing “unprecedented” pressure, in his own words. And yesterday, Minister Lavrov said no one could have predicted the actions we’d take. But the reality is these are precisely the consequences we’ve signaled.

And the consequence is that Russia is now looking at a contraction in its economy of 15 percent this year, according to private sector estimates. To put that into perspective, that would be three times as much as the GDP declined after Russia’s debt default in 1998. The Institute for International Finance estimates that the shock to Russia’s GDP this year will wipe out the past 15 years of economic gains.

Meanwhile, the OECD projects that inflation will spike to 15 percent this year in Russia. More than 400 private sector companies have already quit Russia. And independent observers estimate that over 200,000 people emigrated from Russia just in the past month alone, as the brain drain accelerates.

Set against the backdrop of export controls that deny cutting-edge technology and its removal from international supply chains, Russia will soon face an acute shortage of ideas, talent, and technology to compete in the 21st century. And Putin will be left with a strategic failure of his own making.