Russia’s Disinformation Cannot Hide its Responsibility for the Global Food Crisis
06/22/2022
Russia’s Disinformation Cannot Hide its Responsibility for the Global Food Crisis
06/22/2022 09:00 AM EDT
“As with its decision to start this unjustified war, responsibility for the disruption of these supplies and the suffering that it’s causing around the world lies squarely and solely with the Russian Government.”
Secretary of State Antony Blinken May 18, 2022
Lying to the World About Global Food Security
Russian President Putin’s illegal and unprovoked war against Ukraine has had catastrophic effects on Ukraine, its neighbors, and people across the globe. The Kremlin’s war in Ukraine has wreaked death and destruction, killing thousands of civilians , displacing millions , making refugees of millions more, and massively damaging civilian infrastructure . The devastating effects of Russia’s aggression have disrupted Ukraine’s economy , which in turn has exacerbated global food insecurity. Ukraine has long been the “breadbasket of Europe, ” feeding millions of people across the globe. It is a top grain supplier to dozens of African and Middle Eastern countries. Now, after Russia’s February 24 all out invasion, Ukraine has turned “from a breadbasket to a breadline, ” while the Russian government uses disinformation to mislead the world about the cause of this crisis.
Food insecurity has risen because of Putin’s war of choice. It was not caused, as the Kremlin claims, by sanctions that the United States and many other countries have imposed in response to Russia’s horrific aggression against Ukraine. Food insecurity was rising before the invasion, and Putin’s war exacerbated that trend. Russia mined Ukrainian grain fields, attacked merchant shipping on the Black Sea, and blocked Ukrainians from exporting their own grain. Russia is also plundering Ukrainian grain for its own profit, pilfering grain from Ukrainian warehouses according to credible reports. All these actions have worsened food insecurity around the world.
Conversely, the United States and its partners have taken great care to avoid exacerbating food insecurity. U.S. sanctions, for example, are specifically written to prevent food insecurity: they include carveouts for agricultural commodities and permit transactions for the export and re-export of food to and from Russia, even with a sanctioned individual or entity. Moreover, the United States has pledged $2.6 billion this year in humanitarian food assistance to help alleviate world hunger, with an added $5 billion to be added over the next five years.
The Kremlin’s Blame Game and What it Hopes to Accomplish
Russia’s government officials, Russian state-funded media, and Kremlin-aligned proxy disinformation actors are attempting to deflect attention from Russia’s responsibility for worsening global food insecurity by blaming sanctions, “the West,” and Ukraine. In fact, the Kremlin and its proxies’ massive disinformation campaign is heavily targeting the crisis’s most heavily impacted regions – the Middle East and Africa. These false narratives are amplified by Kremlin-controlled state outlets such as RT Arabic and RT en Francais , as well as the People’s Republic of China (PRC) state media .
As it has with past false narratives about bioweapons in Ukraine , the Russian government’s top diplomats and its embassies spread disinformation, often concentrating on African and Middle Eastern audiences. Some recent false claims include:Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ spokeswoman Maria Zakharova called Russia’s blockade of Ukrainian grain “Western and Ukrainian disinformation .”
In his May 19 United Nations Security Council speech on conflict and food security, Russia’s UN Ambassador Vasiliy Nebenzya accused Europe of “hoarding” Ukrainian grain and engaging in “grain for weapons ” exchanges with Kyiv.
Russia’s embassy in Egypt blamed “illegal unilateral sanctions ,” while Russia’s embassy in Zimbabwe claimed “Western interference ” in the Global South.
In his May 25 Africa Day speech, Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov attempted to de-legitimize Ukraine and urged African ambassadors in Moscow to demand the removal of “illegal, anti-Russian” sanctions in order to strengthen food security.
OneWorld , a website with ties to Russia’s military intelligence, according to U.S. officials, echoed Lavrov’s claims, accusing President Zelenskyy of supporting a U.S.-led “global food cartel ” that will wield control over global food supply as a “new hybrid weapon ” against the Global South.
In his May 26 interview with RT Arabic, Foreign Minister Lavrov accused the West of neo-colonialism and of blackmailing African and Arab countries to join “anti-Russia” sanctions, in a bid to build solidarity against what Russia’s propaganda calls the “imperial West .”
This disinformation is intended to both hide Russia’s culpability and persuade leaders of at-risk countries to support an end to sanctions designed to stop Russia’s unjust and brutal war in Ukraine.
Conclusion: Where the Blame Really Lies
The Russian government’s attempts to deflect responsibility for its actions by blaming others for the worsening crisis in the global food system are reprehensible. This crisis is keenly felt in many Middle Eastern and African countries that import at least half of their wheat from Ukraine. According to World Food Program, millions of people are at risk of famine and malnutrition in these regions, as Putin’s reckless war increases the price of bread, taking money from the pockets of the most vulnerable families. “Russia is solely responsible for this food crisis … despite the Kremlin’s campaign of lies and disinformation,” said European Council president Charles Michel as Russia’s UN Ambassador Nebenzya stormed out of a June 6, 2022, UN Security Council meeting.
The Russian government continues spreading disinformation about its unjustified war’s disastrous consequences, including global food insecurity. The Russian government should stop weaponizing food and allow Ukraine to safely ship out its grain so that millions of hungry people in the Middle East and Africa can be fed.
Secretary Blinken’s Travel for the Germany-hosted Food Security Ministerial and the G7 and NATO Summits
06/22/2022
Secretary Blinken’s Travel for the Germany-hosted Food Security Ministerial and the G7 and NATO Summits
06/22/2022 09:30 AM EDT
Ned Price, Department Spokesperson
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken will travel to Germany on June 23 to join foreign ministers for the Berlin Ministerial Conference “Uniting for Global Food Security” on June 24. He will meet with the participants to advance global initiatives to address food insecurity, stemming from both Russia’s brutal, unprovoked war against Ukraine and the continued challenges posed by climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, other conflicts, and supply chain challenges.
On June 25, Secretary Blinken will travel to Schloss Elmau to join President Biden for the G7 Leaders’ Summit. G7 leaders will discuss a range of pressing global issues, including our unwavering support for a democratic, sovereign, and prosperous Ukraine, economic and democratic resilience, tackling the climate crisis, development infrastructure, global health security, and the food and energy crisis caused by Russia’s war against Ukraine.
The Secretary will then travel to Madrid, Spain, for the June 29-30 NATO Summit. At the NATO Summit, Allied leaders will endorse a new Strategic Concept to guide NATO’s transformation over the next decade, from strengthening deterrence and defense to building resilience against transnational and hybrid threats, including cyber and climate, to deepening partnerships with like-minded partners in Europe and Asia in order to strengthen the rules-based international order.
Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Call with European External Action Service Secretary General Sannino
06/22/2022
Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Call with European External Action Service Secretary General Sannino
06/22/2022 03:21 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:
Deputy Secretary Wendy R. Sherman spoke today with European External Action Service Secretary General Stefano Sannino, continuing their close coordination on a wide range of shared challenges, including supporting Ukraine and holding Russia accountable for its brutal and unprovoked war in Ukraine. They discussed their joint efforts to bolster Ukraine’s economic and financial resilience and ensure that it can export agricultural commodities to provide the world with critical food supplies. The Deputy Secretary underscored U.S. support for the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, and the countries of the Western Balkans.
Special Envoy for Global Food Security Cary Fowler; Assistant Secretary for Economic and Business Affairs Ramin Toloui; and Deputy Director for Western Europe, Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs Amy Radetsky On the Secretary’s Upcoming Travel to Germany
06/22/2022
Special Envoy for Global Food Security Cary Fowler; Assistant Secretary for Economic and Business Affairs Ramin Toloui; and Deputy Director for Western Europe, Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs Amy Radetsky On the Secretary’s Upcoming Travel to Germany
06/22/2022 06:52 PM EDT
Ned Price, Department Spokesperson
Via Teleconference
MR PRICE: Thanks very much, and good afternoon, everyone. Thank you very much for joining today. We’re pleased to have an opportunity to preview the Secretary’s travel to Berlin, where he will take part, together with partners and allies, in a food security ministerial on Friday.
Just a reminder, this call is on the record, but it is embargoed until the conclusion of the call. We have on the line with us three senior State Department officials you will hear from today. We have Cary Fowler, who is our Special Envoy for Global Food Security; we have Ramin Toloui, who is our Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs; and we have Amy Radetsky, and she is the Deputy Director for Western Europe in our Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs.
I will turn it over to Cary Fowler, who will have some opening remarks, then we’ll move to Assistant Secretary Toloui, and then all three will be in a position to take your questions.
So with that, Special Envoy Fowler, over to you.
MR FOWLER: Okay. Thank you, Ned. What sets this global food crisis apart from previous similar situations is that there are multiple major causes behind it.
Obviously, everyone understands the impact that the Russian war of aggression has had on the Ukraine and how it has upended global grain markets. But beyond that, we have also been dealing with climate change, its effect on agricultural production. As you know, we have had droughts, major droughts in our own country in the United States, and in the Horn of Africa, and elsewhere. We’ve had COVID, which has dealt supply chain problems to us. And of course, conflict, not just in Ukraine but in probably 20 or so other countries that have been having ongoing conflict situations.
And I think what that means is that we have to realize that this crisis that we’re experiencing now is not one that is going to go away in the next few weeks, months. This is probably a three-year crisis to work through all of these very serious problems, all of which the United States is addressing. But we have to look at both the very immediate, short-term humanitarian issues, as well as longer-term issues, and begin to think about this as an acute crisis that will last for a couple of years, unfortunately, because of these very serious causal factors that we’ve been dealing with.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY TOLOUI: Thank you all for joining the call. This is Ramin Toloui here. And as Special Envoy Fowler said, there is a backdrop to the current food security challenge that we’re facing, due to these three Cs: climate, COVID, and conflict. So even preceding Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the UN estimates between 2018 and 2021 the number of people living in acute food insecurity increased from 110 million to 190 million. And again, that’s preceding this war.
The Kremlin’s invasion, further invasion of Ukraine, has directly destabilized global food supply chains for both food and fertilizer. Ukraine is one of the breadbaskets of the world and a leading producer and exporter of wheat, corn, and sunflower oil. And Russian military forces have captured some of Ukraine’s most productive farm land. They have destroyed vital agricultural infrastructure. Russia’s naval blockade in the Black Sea and threat of further naval attacks are preventing Ukraine’s crops from being exported to their normal destinations. And as a result of this, millions of tons of wheat are trapped in silos and on ships.
As long as Putin continues this war in Ukraine, millions of people beyond Ukraine’s borders will suffer from increased food insecurity, with countries in the Near East and Africa experiencing an outsized share of the pain.
We must urgently and collectively respond to this emergency, and the U.S. Government has organized its efforts focusing on six lines of effort.
First of all, we are working with others to mobilize resources to meet urgent humanitarian needs and resolve immediate disruptions in the agricultural supply system. The U.S. has announced $2.8 billion in emergency food assistance since the war in – against Ukraine began. And the supplemental appropriation signed by the President in May provides an additional $4.3 billion in humanitarian aid.
Second, we’re working with other countries to mitigate the global fertilizer shortage. In the United States, President Biden has announced a $500 million investment to increase domestic fertilizer production; we’re working with other major fertilizer producers and encouraging them to take similar actions; and we’re working with multilateral agencies to help developing countries both increase fertilizer production and use fertilizer more effectively.
Third, we are making investments with our partners in agricultural capacity and resilience through our own development assistance with partners and with multilateral institutions. The U.S. Feed the Future program is the – our flagship initiative in this area, which has historically provided a billion dollars per year in funding for this effort, and the supplemental appropriation I mentioned that was passed in May provides $760 million in additional exceptional funding.
Fourth, we’re working with the international financial institutions to cushion the macroeconomic shock of this crisis and the impact on the poor and most – poor people and most vulnerable populations. At the insistence of the United States, or I should say at the urging of the United States and the G7, the international financial institutions have prepared an action plan to address global food security.
Fifth, we’re intent on keeping this issue high on the diplomatic agenda. On May 18th, the United States hosted a Global Food Security Call to Action, a ministerial-level event that included foreign ministers, agriculture ministers, and development ministers which we hosted in New York, to rally countries and regional organizations to take steps to bolster global food supplies and increase resilience. That ministerial produced a roadmap of actions that almost 90 countries have signed onto to address the current global food security crisis. We’re supporting the German-led Global Alliance for Food Security, which was announced in May, to share information on country needs and donor responses and coordinate action to increase global food security.
And then the sixth component or sixth line of effort is efforts we’re taking to stabilize and boost domestic agricultural production for American consumers, and this includes a set of actions announced by the President to this end.
As was previewed by Ned at the top of this call, we’ll be leaving for Berlin for – I’ll be joining Secretary Blinken in Germany, where we’ll be joining other foreign ministers, agriculture ministers, development ministerials – ministers, for a Berlin ministerial conference entitled “Uniting for Global Food Security,” and that’ll take place on June 24th, Friday. And at this meeting, we’ll be looking to build upon the work that we kicked off in New York in terms of mobilizing donor countries, recipient countries, multilateral organizations in order to address and provide solutions to mitigate the food insecurity stemming from Russia’s brutal, unprovoked war against Ukraine as well as the effects of other conflicts, climate change, COVID, and supply chain challenges that are relevant to addressing this problem.
Thank you very much, and look forward to your questions.
MR PRICE: Great. We’ll now have an opportunity for questions. Operator, if you wouldn’t mind repeating the instructions to ask a question.
OPERATOR: Certainly. Ladies and gentlemen, once again, if you would like to ask a question, please press 1 then 0 on your telephone keypad. One moment, please, for the first question.
MR PRICE: Thanks very much. Just a reminder: This call is about the upcoming Berlin ministerial. We’d be happy to take those questions. We’ll start with the line of Nick Schifrin of PBS.
OPERATOR: Mr. Schifrin, your line is open.
QUESTION: Hey, guys. Thank you for doing this. Question: Has the U.S. made moves toward lifting some of the issues that companies would have in paying for Russian fertilizer? Obviously there’s no export ban on Russian fertilizer, but the UN does acknowledge that some of the sanctions are causing problems and reducing the ability to – for Russian fertilizer to get around the world.
And I wanted to ask you about Turkey, whether you believe they’ve been helpful in discussing with Russia their military role in possibly de-mining the Odessa port, and in general whether they’ve helped on this issue overall. Thanks.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY TOLOUI: Nick, thanks very much for this question. This is Ramin Toloui. First, I want to be really clear that the United States is – United States is not sanctioning exports of Russian grain, agricultural commodities, fertilizer, medicine, et cetera. The – and that’s not only true of trade restrictions but also financial sanctions. The U.S. has provided what are called general licenses, which allow agricultural commodity transactions that would otherwise be prohibited under our sanctions.
So that’s the first point that’s extremely clear – that needs to be clear. Nothing is stopping Russia from exporting its grain or fertilizer except its own policies and actions, and to that – on that point, Russia itself imposed – had self-imposed restrictions on exports of its agricultural products. Since February, Russia has implemented export restrictions, including bans, quotas, and other restrictions on products such as barley, corn, rye, soybeans, sunflower seeds and oil, and wheat.
Now, as your question suggests, there are concerns about so-called overcompliance with sanctions. And to that end, it’s important that – for me to say that the United States does not want there to be impediments to the ability of countries, companies, to purchase Russian food, Russian fertilizer, and for those goods to access international markets. If there are difficulties for completing these transactions, which are permitted, we encourage countries to contact the Treasury Department, including the Office of Foreign Asset Control, or OFAC, local U.S. embassies, so that we can work with them on these issues.
So the sanctions regime, again, in its original construction was specifically designed to exclude food and fertilizer. We do not want any perceived restrictions – even though there are no actual restrictions, but perceived restrictions – from permitting the trade in those goods and getting them to the populations in the world that need them.
And then on your last – the last part of your question, on Turkey, we know that the UN is working hard to find an accommodation that will allow Ukrainian ports to reopen, including Odessa. We are fully supportive of this and want to see that play out. We’ll continue close coordination with the UN delegation and the Government of Ukraine on ways to mitigate the impacts to global food security of Putin’s war in Ukraine.
MR PRICE: We’ll go to the line of Missy Ryan.
OPERATOR: And Ms. Ryan, your line is now open.
QUESTION: Okay. Thanks so much. I really appreciate you all doing this call. I just have a clarification and then a question. My question is related to China, and sorry, my – the call dropped for me for a minute or two, so hopefully I didn’t miss this. Can you just talk a little bit about what the conversation with China has been like vis-à-vis the food crisis and its ability to help mitigate the effects of it and also given its relationship with Russia right now?
And then just following up on the question about – the answer you gave to Nick about sanctions, can you just talk – is there anything additional you could say about – in terms of a response to rebut Russia’s accusations that U.S. and allied sanctions are actually causing the food crisis? Thanks.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY TOLOUI: Well, thanks very much for that question. I mean, first – first of all, we would – we would look forward to working with any and all partners to address these global food security challenges. We believe very strongly that this is something that affects all of us, and that all countries have a role to play to addressing those. We were disappointed that China did not – chose not to attend the ministerial that Secretary Blinken convened in New York in May. That notwithstanding, we are – we stand ready to work with all countries on trying to alleviate the burden of food insecurity around the globe.
With respect to combating Russian misinformation, this is a much larger issue that goes beyond that of food security, and I’m sure Ned can speak to the broader effort. I can say from the food security point of view the best we can do is get the facts out there about the fact that our sanctions do not apply to food; to state very clearly what I did state, that to the extent that there are impediments to the trade in goods – trade in food and fertilizer, that we stand ready to help countries and companies work through those; and to acknowledge and highlight the ways in which Russia’s military actions have directly interrupted the flow of vital agricultural commodities out of the Black Sea region that especially countries in the Middle East and North Africa rely upon so heavily. And so we’ll continue to emphasize that.
The day after the food security ministerial in New York, Secretary Blinken hosted a UN Security Council meeting on May 19th that was focused on this very issue, and his remarks there documented the many ways in which Russian military actions have disrupted the ability of Ukrainian goods – food and agricultural products – to get to market.
MR PRICE: We’ll go to the line of Michelle Nichols, please.
OPERATOR: Ms. Nichols, your line is open.
QUESTION: Thank you. Thanks so much for the briefing. Just a bit of a follow-up, actually, on the previous questions on this UN attempt to broker a deal, obviously with the help of Turkey. When it comes to issuing comfort letters for Russian food and fertilizer exports, which the USUN ambassador talked about a little while ago, have you actually issued any?
And then when it comes to the Ukrainian exports of grain from the Black Sea, if this deal comes together, what is being discussed among the U.S. and allies in terms of trying to encourage and convince shipping and insurance companies to then go ahead and ship these exports out through a route that they’re being told has no mines? Thanks.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY TOLOUI: Thanks very much for that question. In terms of the mechanical issue of comfort letters, let me refer you to Treasury – the Treasury Department on that one. The – I can say that in the communication I’ve just made and in other communications, we’ve underscored this message that – both to companies, to countries, et cetera that our sanctions do not apply to food and fertilizer – and we don’t want them to apply to food and fertilizer informally – and I’ll refer you to Treasury and OFAC on the specifics.
In terms of what – I think you were asking about what additional actions we’ve discussed with our allies in the context of the discussions that are taking place in Turkey. I don’t really have anything to add on that given where those discussions are.
I should say that the focus that we’re going to have in Berlin on Friday is much broader. It’s, of course, very important to this line of effort – to get Ukrainian grain to global markets is an incredibly important line of effort, but it’s only one of those, one of the things that we’ll be discussing in Berlin. We’ll also be discussing other steps to get grain that’s elsewhere in the world to vulnerable populations through our joint humanitarian assistance, how to increase supplies of fertilizer and increase the efficiency with which they are deployed, to make investments in agricultural resilience and capacity to address the issues that Special Envoy Fowler mentioned at the very top about how climate is affecting global food security.
And so the purpose of the Berlin meetings is really this broad-based agenda and bringing together not only countries that are providing money, donating money, growing food, but also those countries that are in need, to give them the opportunity to articulate those needs and to be part of designing the solutions to this incredibly important problem.
MR PRICE: Time for a final question or two. Jennifer Hansler, CNN.
OPERATOR: And Ms. Hansler, your line is open.
QUESTION: Hi, thanks for doing the call. A couple questions. Are the countries in the Gulf or in parts of Africa that are going to most acutely feel this crisis going to be involved in these conversations in Berlin? And since the Secretary convened this meeting at the UN, has there been any progress at all on finding a viable route to get this grain out or any options that have been completely ruled out?
And then, if I could, President Biden mentioned building silos in Poland, for example, to house some of this grain. What is the status of those? Thank you.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY TOLOUI: Thanks for that question. In terms of the final list of invitees, I’ll refer you to Germany on the list of countries that were – that are involved. The – I should note that in the ministerial that Secretary Blinken hosted in New York, there were multiple countries from the Middle East, North Africa, in addition to Sub-Saharan Africa in attendance, because those are some of the most affected countries. And so that was very much a part of the group that we – and the discussions that we held in New York in May.
With respect to additional ways of getting Ukrainian grain to global markets, that’s been something that the United States has been working on very closely with the European Union in terms of expanding access to overland routes to getting Ukrainian grain out. And as has already been discussed, there’s this initiative of the United Nations to get grain out through Odessa.
And more broadly, I should say, we’re looking at multiple ways to assist Ukraine, Ukrainian – the other logistical impediments to getting Ukraine – Ukrainian grain out. For example, USDA is working very closely with the Ukrainians to make sure that equipment that is relevant to certifying, weighing, and other kinds of regulatory requirements on – for Ukrainian products, that they have the equipment that they need.
And I don’t have any more details to share for the moment on any specific projects, including food storage facilities, but we’re – we continue to work with European partners to find ways to get Ukrainian grain out to those who need it.
MR PRICE: We’ll take a final question from Teresa Welsh.
OPERATOR: And Ms. Welsh, your line is open.
QUESTION: Hi, there. Thanks so much for taking the question. You mentioned that the goal of the meeting on Friday is to mobilize additional action from governments and international organizations. Could you talk a little bit more about what you mean by that? Are you looking for financial commitments? Are you looking for scheduling additional meetings, or perhaps a pledging conference? Thank you.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY TOLOUI: I think it’s a combination of things. We’ll be looking and encouraging additional financial contributions, whether they materialize at that meeting or in the weeks following, to meet the needs of humanitarian organizations like the World Food Program, and to also mobilize the resources of bilateral donors and international financial institutions and their development assistance programs.
And then we’ll also be looking to discuss mechanisms to ensure a follow-through on those commitments, and more generally to be providing political oversight of the ongoing efforts to make sure that the problem is well defined and that the various steps in addressing the problem are being implemented.
And I’ll see if my – if anyone else at the table has anything to add to that, but that’s the purpose of these Berlin meetings is to go from the call to action in New York to try to shape up now more specifically the contours of this response, and establish some mechanisms for ensuring its implementation going forward.
MR PRICE: Well, thank you very much to our speakers. Thank you very much to everyone for dialing in, and we’ll have an opportunity to speak to you all in the coming days. Thanks very much.
Department Press Briefing – June 22, 2022
06/22/2022
Department Press Briefing – June 22, 2022
06/22/2022 07:15 PM EDT
Ned Price, Department Spokesperson
2:32 p.m. EDT
MR PRICE: Thanks very much, and thanks very much, everyone, for joining today as we do today’s briefing by phone. I have a couple things at the top and then we’ll turn to your questions.
First, today the First Lady of the United States Dr. Jill Biden and sports icon and equality champion Billie Jean King headline an event hosted by the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, or ECA, in celebration of the 50th anniversary of Title IX, the landmark legislation that afforded women equal opportunity in education and sports across the United States. ECA, in partnership with espnW, highlighted the dramatic impact of Title IX in increasing the participation of women and girls in sports.
Through sports diplomacy exchange programs, such as the Department of State espnW’s Global Sports Mentoring Program, or GSMP, the department is expanding the footprint of Title IX and its message of equality and opportunity for women in every corner of the globe. Now in its 10th year, the GSMP promotes key tenets of Title IX, such as inclusion, access, and opportunity, and applies them globally. The women of the GSMP have positively and directly impacted more than 350,000 people through their action plans as part of the exchange, from advocating for social welfare policy in Brazil to using boxing to teaching self-defense and leadership skills to Kenyan women and girls, they are making a difference every day to advance equality around the world.
And next and finally, the department is pleased to announce that Mr. Collin Walsh, a foreign affairs officer in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security, Office of Rewards for Justice, has been named by CAREERS and the disABLED magazine a 2022 employee of the year for his resilience, professional accomplishments, and commitment to advocacy for persons with disabilities. In 2016, on his third day of Foreign Service orientation as a Diplomatic Security service special agent candidate, Mr. Walsh became physically paralyzed and was told he would never walk again. After two years dedicated entirely to physical recovery, Mr. Walsh returned to DS, walking with elbow-supported mobility aids.
In his new role, Mr. Walsh serves as a Civil Service foreign affairs officer in the DS Rewards for Justice Office, which offers rewards for information regarding those who threaten U.S. national security. Among his many accomplishments are overseeing the RFJ’s – RFJ’s global tips program, serving on a cross-functional rotation in the Office of the Legal Adviser, and leading an accessibility overhaul of the DS headquarters building. So congratulations again to Collin Walsh on behalf of all of us here at the Department of State.
With that, we will turn now to questions. We can start with the line of Matt Lee, please.
OPERATOR: Please, go ahead.
QUESTION: Yeah, okay. I got a couple. I’ll try to make them real quick. You can answer them in order. One is: The Secretary, as we know, is supposed to speak with the detainee families today. I realize that may not have happened yet, but can you tell us anything about what he’s planning to say?
And then secondly: The SIGAR, the Special Inspector General for Afghan Reconstruction, has just sent a series of really blistering letters – one to Congress, one to Secretary Blinken, and one to Administrator Power, and one to the legal counsels of both State and USAID – accusing State and USAID of illegally withholding information related to the withdrawal from Afghanistan and current assistance, any kind of assistance, to the country. And obviously, this takes on more relevance, given the earthquake that just happened this morning. But what’s your response to this? Are you guys cooperating with SIGAR as you have, or have you decided that you don’t need to do that anymore? Thanks.
MR PRICE: Thanks, Matt. So on your first question, you are correct that Secretary Blinken will have an engagement this afternoon with the families of Americans who are held hostage or wrongfully detained around the world. That engagement has not yet taken place. It will take place shortly this afternoon. I expect we’ll have an opportunity to provide you with a written readout in the aftermath of this engagement.
Secretary Blinken quite frequently engages on a one-on-one basis with family members of Americans who are held hostage or wrongfully detained. This will be an opportunity for him – another opportunity for him – to meet as a collective with the families of those Americans who are wrongfully detained or held hostage. There will be, we expect, several dozen participants in this call. Of course, a setting like this is not entirely conducive to discussing the specifics of particular cases, but the Secretary will use it as an opportunity to underscore for all of these families the paramount priority we attach to doing everything we can to see the safe return of their loved ones from wherever they are held hostage.
And of course, he will continue to follow up on this engagement with one-on-one engagement with individual families, where he has and will continue to have an opportunity to update families on, in more precise terms, what we are doing to see their loved ones released from captivity. So we’ll have more on the call – or on the engagement after it takes place today.
In terms of your question on SIGAR, Matt, what I can tell you is that, as you know, SIGAR published a report last month regarding the collapse of the ANDSF and the factors that led to its demise. Our view is that the report does not reflect the consensus view of the State Department or of the U.S. Government, for that matter. Many parts of the U.S. Government, including the State Department, have unique insights into developments in Afghanistan last year that were not captured in the report. And we don’t concur with many aspects of the report. We refer you to the many statements that the State Department has made over the past year on Afghanistan regarding our assessments.
But the fact is, Matt, that SIGAR did not request input from the State Department for – in the process of drafting this report, nor did they afford us an opportunity to review the draft before it was finalized, as had been a regular process for other reports. If we have any additional reaction to letters that were – and responses that were given today, we’ll be sure to pass those along.
We’ll go to the line of Jennifer Hansler, please. Do we have – yes, we hear you now.
QUESTION: Sorry. Sorry if this has already been asked. Are you aware of any U.S. citizens who are victims of this earthquake in Afghanistan? I know there is some concern about particularly the American hostage Mark Frerichs and – given his – where his whereabouts might be. Do you have any update on his status?
And then separately, do you have any updates on Matthew Heath, the detained American in Venezuela? Thank you.
MR PRICE: Thanks very much. So first, on the earthquake in Afghanistan, you probably just saw the statement that emanated from Secretary Blinken. Secretary Blinken, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, other senior officials, have put out statements today expressing our deep sorrow and our deep sympathy for those who perished in today’s devastating earthquake in Afghanistan as well as to the loved ones of the victims. The people of Afghanistan have undergone extraordinary hardship, and this tragedy only compounds that on top of an already dire humanitarian situation. Our humanitarian partners are responding already, including by sending medical teams to help people affected by the earthquake. As you heard from the Secretary and from the National Security Advisor, we’re assessing other potential response options as well.
We stand with the people of Afghanistan. We’re working with the international community to serve Afghans and to help alleviate the humanitarian crisis and suffering in Afghanistan, which has long predated the earthquake today, but of course which was compounded by the earthquake today.
In terms of potential American victims, there’s not anything I’m in a position to offer at the moment. Of course, the scale of the – of this tragedy is just enormous, so we will work very closely with posts around the world to determine if any Americans were implicated in today’s earthquake. But I’m not aware of any such reports just yet.
In terms of your second question, Matthew Heath, as we’ve said, was arrested in September 2020 on specious charges. His trial is still ongoing. We continue to press for the immediate and unconditional release of Matthew and all wrongfully detained U.S. nationals in Venezuela and everywhere around the world, as I’ve already said in the course of this briefing at every opportunity. Using wrongful detention as a bargaining chip represents a threat to the safety of everyone traveling, working, and living abroad. We do oppose this practice everywhere. I’m not in a position to provide an update on the health of this individual or any other American for privacy considerations, but we are monitoring Matthew’s health and welfare as closely as possible, and we’re in regular contact with his family on that.
Let’s go to Francesco Fontemaggi. Do we have Francesco?
QUESTION: Hello. Can you hear me?
MR PRICE: Yes, yes. Please, go ahead.
QUESTION: Okay. Hi. Thank you. I wanted to follow up on Afghanistan. Has the U.S. Government been in touch with the Taliban to coordinate this humanitarian aid or assistance? Are you planning to coordinate with them or even to go through the Taliban power to bring this assistance to the Afghan people? I know this has been redlined for now, going through the Taliban. But is this something that you can do for this occurrence? Thank you.
MR PRICE: Thank you. And Francesco, before I go there, let me just say, most importantly, thank you. I know this is likely your last briefing as the AFP’s State Department correspondent. I want to thank you for the tremendous time we’ve had working together collegially in your role with AFP and your role with the Correspondents’ Association. We’ll very much miss your presence in the briefing room, your presence in the bullpen, your presence on the S plane, your presence on our travel around the world. But I wish you all the best as you head to your next adventure in what probably are considered greener pastures in Paris. So bon voyage, and looking forward to staying in touch.
In terms of Afghanistan, I am not aware of any request for assistance that the United States Government has received from the Taliban. But we have been in touch with our humanitarian partners. As I mentioned before, our humanitarian partners are already in the process of responding. They’re sending medical teams to help those who are affected by the disaster. As you know, the United States has been a humanitarian leader for the people of Afghanistan. We’ve provided $720 million in humanitarian assistance in Afghanistan and support to Afghan refugees in the region through multilateral organizations and NGOs since mid-August of last year.
Just earlier this week, Special Representative for Afghanistan Tom West – he was in Geneva actually yesterday, where he met with humanitarian partners who are providing critical aid to the people of Afghanistan. We’ll continue to support their role in serving Afghans to alleviate the humanitarian crisis and suffering, and our commitment to the Afghan people is unwavering.
I imagine the humanitarian response to the earthquake will be a topic of conversation between U.S. officials and Taliban officials in the coming days, certainly going forward. But I am not aware that any such conversations have taken place just yet as we are focusing our efforts and our discussions on our humanitarian partners in the first instance.
We’ll go to the line of Iain Marlow.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) question. I’m just wondering if you have any comment on statements from two companies, Viterra and Bunge, that say infrastructure at the Ukrainian port of Mykolaiv were damaged by Russian rockets. And this is obviously – these are food companies, and so this is sort of in line with other sort of attacks on grain and agricultural infrastructure, so I’m just wondering if there was any additional comment on these sort of – these reports coming out.
MR PRICE: I don’t have any specific reaction to those reports, but we have had a consistent reaction to what has been a consistent practice on the part of the Russian Federation to damage and to potentially even target what is infrastructure that provides food and foodstuffs, not only for the people of Ukraine but for countries around the world.
Since the start of President Putin’s war in Ukraine, Russia’s forces have knocked offline, have destroyed silos; they have destroyed what used to be arable fields; they have left farmers incapable and unable to tend to their fields; and they have not only attacked ships at sea, but perhaps worse, worse yet, they have mounted what amounts to a blockade against the port where tens – where more than 20 tons of grain sits on ships that should be departing for destinations around the world to provide much-needed food and much-needed assistance to people in the region and well beyond.
We’ve undertaken quite a bit of travel since the start of President Putin’s further invasion of Ukraine on February 24th, and in recent weeks, in recent months, the food insecurity crisis that this unprovoked war of aggression has caused has been top of mind for countries and for leaders around the world, including in Los Angeles earlier this month where the Western Hemisphere came together, including in our travels in Latin America and Europe as well.
And of course, we announced this morning that tomorrow Secretary Blinken will be departing for Berlin, where he will take part in a food security conference hosted by the German Government and German Foreign Minister Baerbock. So this will be a topic that will be high on the agenda later this week. It will be high on the agenda when President Biden travels to the G7 later this week as well. And you’ll be hearing more from us later today, from some of our senior officials, on this broad challenge, and you’ll be hearing more from the White House as well in short order.
We’ll got to the line of Janne Pak.
QUESTION: Can you hear me?
MR PRICE: Yes, we can.
QUESTION: Yes. Hi, Ned. Thanks for (inaudible) me. I have a question about NATO meeting. Regarding South Korea’s participation in NATO summit next week, South Korea is not a NATO member country. What expectation does the U.S. have for South Korea’s role in attending the NATO summit next week? Thank you.
MR PRICE: Thanks very much, Janne. You are right that South Korea, of course, is not a NATO Ally, but South Korea is an important partner of the NATO Alliance and of individual Allies. And this will be the second time in recent months that partners from the Indo-Pacific have been included in NATO consultations. The fact is that even though NATO is an Alliance, a defensive Alliance that protects and promotes the interests of its Allies in a different part of the world, there are a number of shared challenges that we face, whether it is the challenge from the PRC, whether it is the challenge of cyber and emerging technology that all of our countries face.
But at the end of the day, what we seek to uphold in the Indo-Pacific with our ROK allies and what NATO seeks to uphold in Europe is precisely the same thing, and that is the rules-based order that has promoted and led to what has been unprecedented levels of stability and prosperity around the world. Russia’s affront and assault – affront to and assault on that rules-based international order is a threat not only to Ukraine and to the people of Ukraine, but to that order everywhere around the world. And anytime that order comes under assault and it is not vigorously protected and defended, that order is undermined everywhere.
That’s precisely why we, together with our partners in the Indo-Pacific, have stood up to aggression in that arena as well. When countries in that region seek to challenge the rules-based international order, we have come together to make clear that it is an order that we will protect and promote in the face of challenge, whether that’s in Europe, the Indo-Pacific, or anywhere else.
So I know the Secretary is looking forward to consultations with our partners in the Indo-Pacific in the coming days, as is President Biden, who recently returned from both Japan and the ROK last month, not all that long ago.
Let’s go to Alex Raufoglu.
QUESTION: Thank you so much, Ned. Two questions here. Russia’s Lavrov apparently will travel to Indonesia to take part in the G20 ministerial on July the 7th. He even is thinking to have bilats with Chinese, Brazilian, South African, Mexican colleagues, according to his spox, Zakharova. Is it your position that there is no place for Russia’s participation in the G20 summit? And if so, any steps you’re planning to take to prevent this from happening?
And secondly, Lavrov is also planning to go to Azerbaijan tomorrow to discuss the Karabakh issue. President Aliyev says that the Minsk Group is, quote/unquote, “dead.” Is that your position as well? Is Minsk Group alive, in your opinion, because the U.S. is the – one of the co-chairs? Thanks so much.
MR PRICE: Thanks very much, Alex. So when it comes to the G20, it’s an important forum for world and global economic issues. Secretary Blinken will attend to ensure that our interests are represented. We’ll have more details on that travel in the coming days.
But we also have to be clear that Russia’s war on Ukraine has caused global economic instability, and the United States has no intention, as a result, of reducing pressure on the Kremlin until and unless Russia’s aggression against Ukraine comes to a halt. We have reiterated to the Indonesian presidency that the G20 must be relevant to helping Ukraine deal with and recover from the invasion, and I’m confident that Russia’s aggression against Ukraine will be high on the agenda when G20 partners come together in Bali next month. During that set of days we’ll also have an opportunity to engage with allies as well as partners, and I know that Russia’s aggression will be a primary conversation for us as well.
When it comes to the meetings that Foreign Minister Lavrov will have in Bali at the G20 ministerial, I would leave that to the Russians to describe. For us, we are much less concerned about whom he meets with and much more concerned with the messages that are imparted during those meetings. And what we have emphasized over the course of the weeks since February 24th is that every responsible country around the world has an obligation to make very clear to the Russian Federation that its aggression against Ukraine, its peaceful neighbor, cannot be tolerated and will be met – and has been met – with steep costs and consequences for Russia. That’s the message that we’ll continue to convey; that’s the message we expect every responsible country around the world to convey as well.
Let’s go to Luis Rojas.
QUESTION: Yes. Thank you, Ned. Thank you for having me. My question is Juan Guaidó’s wife Fabiana Rosales is visiting Washington, have met with senior officials. Do you have any update on the political prisoner of Venezuela, or the possible dialogue between the opposition and the Maduro government, or any question about Venezuela? Thank you.
MR PRICE: Well, thanks very much. Our contention continues to be that Venezuelan-led negotiations between the Maduro regime and the Unitary Platform represent the best path to restore to Venezuelans the democracy they deserve, and to alleviate their suffering.
We, for our part, remain steadfast in our commitment to the Venezuelan people, which includes supporting their democratic aspirations and providing assistance to address their humanitarian crisis. And we count ourselves among a broad coalition of nations that support these goals.
Look, we believe that, under the right circumstances and with the support of the international community, the parties are better positioned to negotiate steps toward the solution to the Venezuelan crisis. And we’ve urged the parties – the opposition and the Maduro regime – to return to dialogue, to return to Mexico City, and we’ve made clear that we would review our sanctions policies in response to constructive steps by the Maduro regime and if the Venezuelan parties make meaningful progress in those Venezuelan-led negotiations in Mexico.
We have had an opportunity in recent days, including at the most senior levels, including when President Biden spoke to Juan Guaidó on his way to Los Angeles to attend the Summit of the Americas – our support for Juan Guaidó, our support for the democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people, and that will continue to be the case.
Let’s go to Christiane Jacke.
QUESTION: Hi, hello, thanks for taking my question. I’m very sorry I was only able to join the call a little late, so my apologies if you already touched on that topic. It’s about Russia complaining that the U.S. is not allowing flights to bring Russian diplomats home to Russia that are supposed to leave the country. Is that correct? Can you say anything about that complaint from Moscow? Is there threats with consequences if you are not allowing a Russian plane to enter the U.S.? Thank you very much.
MR PRICE: Thanks very much. There’s not much I can say because this is the subject of ongoing diplomatic conversation, but what I can say is that the Russian statements do not accurately reflect the current state of play. Of course, we have an interest in an embassy, a U.S. embassy in Moscow, that is functioning. We have an interest, too, in preserving the ability of the Russian Federation to have a functioning embassy here in Washington. I say that – and we’ve made this point before – because we believe that lines of communication and we believe that dialogue is especially important during times of tension, but vitally important during times of conflict and even crisis like the one we’re in now.
So we have engaged with the Russian Federation consistently in recent months to try to get to a better place in terms of our embassy staffing in Moscow to seek to preserve that diplomatic channel that our embassies afford, but there’s just not anything I’m in a position to say now on this specific issue.
We will conclude with the line of Pearl Matibe.
QUESTION: Good afternoon, Ned, with these very high temperatures from the second day of summer. Thanks for taking my question. So Ned, mine has to do with U.S. relations with African countries right now on the back of the meeting that Secretary Blinken had with Foreign Minister Tall Sall. Could you maybe give me a sense of the mood of the meeting? How did that go in general? And then on Monday, President Zelenskyy had a closed-door address that he was addressing the African Union, but only four African presidents listened in. I wanted to find out if you could probably share any reaction to that on the back of the meetings that you have been having. Thanks very much, Ned. Anything that you can give us a sense of would be great. Thanks.
MR PRICE: Thanks very much, Pearl. So let me start with the second element of your question first, and I alluded to the fact that everywhere we have traveled, and virtually with every foreign counterpart with whom we’ve interacted in recent weeks and recent months, the challenge of food insecurity has been very high on that agenda. And in many ways, nowhere is it higher than on the continent of Africa, and especially in Sub-Saharan Africa. The Secretary has had an opportunity to speak to a number of his African counterparts. You mentioned Tall Sall. He’s had an opportunity to meet with AU Commission Chairperson Faki. He’s had an opportunity to speak with his South African counterpart. He’s had a number of engagements that have either centered on this challenge of food insecurity or featured it prominently.
And our message has been consistent that we recognize the challenge that President Putin’s war – unprovoked war against Ukraine is causing when it comes to food insecurity. We realize that President Putin’s aggression is compounding what had already been a challenge owing to COVID and the implications of the pandemic, but also to the longer-term implications of climate change. But now that we have a third C, this time in the form of conflict, the issue of food insecurity is even more significant and severe because of the implications that this war is having on those who are hungry or otherwise food insecure around the world.
We are doing a number of things to address that. We have put forward billions of dollars in financial assistance. We are working with international financial institutions, international lending institutions to try to address this challenge. We’re working with other countries to mitigate the global fertilizer challenge. We announced a $500 million investment to increase domestic fertilizer production as part of that. We have an initiative that we’ve spoken to our African counterparts about called Feed the Future. It’s an important initiative that looks at longer-term agricultural capacity and resilience and seeks to ensure that we are in a stronger position going forward.
And we are keeping the issue high on the agenda. And Pearl, you’ve probably heard me mention that the Secretary will be traveling to Berlin tomorrow, where on Friday he’ll take part in a food security ministerial hosted by his German counterpart. And then of course, the President will address this when he’s in Europe for the G7 and other functions in the coming days as well.
So that’s not to say that is the totality of our engagement with our African partners, but it is certainly an important one. It’s an important one because of the devastating implications that President Putin’s war are having on populations around the world, including in Africa and certainly in Sub-Saharan Africa.
With that, I want to thank everyone for tuning in. We will be on travel for the next several days, but we’ll have an opportunity, I am sure, to be in touch from the road, and then we’ll see you back from the department next week. Thanks very much, everyone.
(The briefing was concluded at 3:04 p.m.)
# # #
Luxembourg National Day
06/23/2022
Luxembourg National Day
06/23/2022 12:01 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
On behalf of the Government of the United States of America, I congratulate the people of Luxembourg on this anniversary of the Grand Duke’s official birthday.
Luxembourg and the United States enjoy close cooperation as Allies and friends. We proudly work together on the Human Rights Council to stand up for human rights and dignity for all people around the world. As NATO Allies, we stand shoulder to shoulder to strengthen transatlantic security, uphold democratic principles, and support the rules-based international order.
We count on our continuing close cooperation with Luxembourg, and our mutual Allies and partners, to hold Russia accountable for its unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine. We will also continue to coordinate with Luxembourg to advance our shared goals on other global challenges, including the climate crisis, combatting trafficking in persons, and improving global health. We look forward to further strengthening the deep cultural ties our countries share.
I join you in celebrating Luxembourg National Day and send my best wishes for the health and prosperity of all Luxembourgish people.
$450 Million Drawdown of New U.S. Military Assistance for Ukraine
06/23/2022
$450 Million Drawdown of New U.S. Military Assistance for Ukraine
06/23/2022 05:13 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
Pursuant to a delegation of authority from the President, I am authorizing our thirteenth drawdown of arms and equipment from U.S. Department of Defense inventories for Ukraine’s defense since August 2021, of up to $450 million. This authorization will bring total U.S. security assistance to Ukraine to more than $6.1 billion since Russia launched its brutal, unprovoked, full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24.
The steady flow of U.S. security assistance, and that from our coalition of more than 40 Allies and partners, continues to bolster Ukraine’s defenses, improve its ability to defend its sovereign territory, and secure hard-fought victories on the battlefield. We have imposed swift and severe sanctions on Russia’s economy and the elite of President Putin’s regime. We have enhanced NATO’s ability to deter and defend against any aggression by Russia on its Eastern Flank. And we will continue to deliver crucial military capabilities to Ukraine’s brave defenders.
Ukraine is standing strong. We continue to stand united with Ukraine.
La Russie ne peut pas masquer sa responsabilité dans la crise alimentaire mondiale à coup de désinformation
06/23/2022
La Russie ne peut pas masquer sa responsabilité dans la crise alimentaire mondiale à coup de désinformation
06/23/2022 08:34 PM EDT
« Au même titre que sa décision de déclencher cette guerre injustifiée, la responsabilité de l’interruption de ces approvisionnements et celle des souffrances causées dans le monde entier incombent directement et uniquement au gouvernement russe »
le secrétaire d’État Antony Blinken, le 18 mai 2022
Mentir au monde sur la sécurité alimentaire mondiale
La guerre illégale et non provoquée du président russe Poutine contre l’Ukraine a des effets catastrophiques sur l’Ukraine , les pays voisins et les populations du monde entier. La guerre du Kremlin en Ukraine sème la mort et la destruction : elle tue des milliers de civils , déplace des millions de personnes , fait des réfugiés de millions d’autres et inflige d’immenses dégâts aux infrastructures civiles. Les effets dévastateurs de l’agression russe perturbent l’économie ukrainienne , ce qui exacerbe l’insécurité alimentaire mondiale. L’Ukraine a longtemps été le « grenier à blé de l’Europe », nourrissant des millions de personnes à travers le monde. Elle est l’un des principaux fournisseurs de céréales de dizaines de pays d’Afrique et du Moyen-Orient. Aujourd’hui, après l’invasion massive lancée par la Russie le 24 février, le grenier à blé qu’était l’Ukraine se trouve « en situation de pauvreté alimentaire », mais le gouvernement russe emploie la désinformation pour induire le monde en erreur quant aux causes de cette crise.
L’insécurité alimentaire s’est accrue en raison de la guerre de choix de Poutine. Contrairement à ce qu’affirme le Kremlin, elle n’a pas été causée par les sanctions que les États-Unis et de nombreux autres pays ont imposées en réponse à l’agression horrible de l’Ukraine par la Russie. L’insécurité alimentaire était en hausse avant l’invasion russe, et la guerre de Poutine a exacerbé cette tendance. La Russie a posé des mines dans les champs de céréales ukrainiens, attaqué les navires marchands dans la mer Noire et empêché les Ukrainiens d’exporter leurs céréales. En outre, la Russie pille les céréales ukrainiennes à son profit ; elle les volent dans les entrepôts ukrainiens, selon des sources fiables. Toutes ces actions ont aggravé l’insécurité alimentaire dans le monde.
À l’inverse, les États-Unis et leurs partenaires ont pris grand soin d’éviter d’aggraver l’insécurité alimentaire. Les sanctions américaines, par exemple, sont spécifiquement rédigées de manière à prévenir l’insécurité alimentaire : elles comprennent des exceptions pour les produits agricoles et permettent les transactions liées à l’exportation et à la réexportation de denrées alimentaires en direction et en provenance de la Russie, même si elles font intervenir une personne ou une entité sanctionnée. De plus, les États-Unis se sont engagés à fournir cette année une aide alimentaire humanitaire à hauteur de 2,6 milliards de dollars afin de réduire la faim dans le monde, et 5 milliards de dollars de plus seront ajoutés au cours des cinq prochaines années.
Le rejet de la responsabilité sur les autres et ce que le Kremlin espère accomplir
Les dirigeants du gouvernement de la Russie, les médias financés par l’État russe et les diffuseurs de la désinformation alignés sur la position du Kremlin tentent de détourner l’attention quant à la responsabilité de la Russie dans l’aggravation de l’insécurité alimentaire mondiale en pointant du doigt les sanctions, « l’Occident » et l’Ukraine. En fait, la vaste campagne de désinformation menée par le Kremlin et ses alliés cible principalement les régions les plus touchées par la crise : le Moyen-Orient et l’Afrique. Ces fausses informations sont amplifiées par des organes de presse publiques contrôlés par le Kremlin, tels que RT Arabic et RT en Français , ainsi que par les médias d’État de la République populaire de Chine (RPC).
Comme dans le cas des fausses informations sur les armes biologiques en Ukraine , les principaux diplomates de la Russie et ses ambassades diffusent de la désinformation et concentrent souvent leurs efforts sur le public africain et du Moyen-Orient. Voici quelques fausses allégations récentes :La porte-parole du ministère russe des Affaires étrangères, Maria Zakharova, a qualifié le blocus russe des céréales ukrainiennes de « désinformation occidentale et ukrainienne ».
Dans son discours du 19 mai au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies sur le conflit et la sécurité alimentaire, l’ambassadeur de la Russie aux Nations unies Vassili Nebenzya a accusé l’Europe « d’amasser » les céréales ukrainiennes et de prendre part à des échanges de « céréales contre des armes » avec Kyiv.
L’ambassade de Russie en Égypte a mis en cause les « sanctions unilatérales illégales », tandis que l’ambassade de Russie au Zimbabwe a allégué « une ingérence occidentale » dans les pays du Sud.
Dans son discours du 25 mai à l’occasion de la Journée de l’Afrique, le ministre russe des Affaires étrangères Sergueï Lavrov a tenté de délégitimer l’Ukraine et a appelé instamment les ambassadeurs africains à Moscou à exiger le retrait des sanctions « illégales et antirusses » afin de renforcer la sécurité alimentaire.
OneWorld , un site web lié au renseignement militaire russe, selon des responsables américains, s’est fait l’écho des affirmations de Lavrov, accusant le président Zelensky de soutenir un « cartel alimentaire mondial » aux mains des États-Unis qui exercera un contrôle sur l’offre alimentaire mondiale en en faisant sa « nouvelle arme hybride » contre les régions du Sud.
Dans une interview du 26 mai avec RT Arabic, le ministre des Affaires étrangères Lavrov a accusé l’Occident de néo-colonialisme et de faire du chantage aux pays africains et arabes afin qu’ils s’associent aux sanctions « antirusses », son but étant de renforcer la solidarité face à ce que la propagande russe appelle « l’Occident impérial ».
Cette désinformation vise à la fois à dissimuler la culpabilité de la Russie et à persuader les dirigeants des pays à risque de soutenir la fin des sanctions imposées pour mettre fin à la guerre injuste et cruelle de la Russie en Ukraine.
Conclusion : à qui incombe vraiment la responsabilité ?
Les tentatives faites par le gouvernement russe pour rejeter sur autrui sa responsabilité dans l’aggravation de la crise du système alimentaire mondial sont répréhensibles. Cette crise est vivement ressentie dans de nombreux pays du Moyen-Orient et d’Afrique qui importent au moins la moitié de leur blé d’Ukraine. Selon le Programme alimentaire mondial, des millions de personnes risquent de souffrir de famine et de malnutrition dans ces régions parce que la guerre irresponsable de Poutine fait augmenter le prix du pain, ce qui pénalise les familles les plus vulnérables. « La Russie est la seule responsable de cette crise alimentaire (…) quoi qu’en dise la campagne de mensonges et de désinformation du Kremlin », a déclaré le président du Conseil européen, Charles Michel, au moment où le représentant de la Russie à l’ONU, l’ambassadeur Nebenzya, a quitté précipitamment la réunion du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU, le 6 juin 2022.
Le gouvernement russe continue de diffuser de la désinformation sur les conséquences désastreuses de sa guerre injustifiée, notamment pour ce qui est de l’insécurité alimentaire mondiale. Le gouvernement russe doit cesser de se servir de la nourriture comme d’une arme et permettre à l’Ukraine d’expédier ses céréales en toute sécurité afin que des millions de personnes souffrant de la faim au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique puissent être nourries.
المعلومات المضللة لروسيا لا يمكن أن تخفي مسؤوليتها عن أزمة الغذاء العالمية
06/23/2022
المعلومات المضللة لروسيا لا يمكن أن تخفي مسؤوليتها عن أزمة الغذاء العالمية
06/23/2022 08:34 PM EDT
“كما هو الحال بالنسبة لقرارها ببدء هذه الحرب غير المبررة، فإن المسؤولية عن تعطيل هذه الإمدادات والمعاناة التي تسببها في جميع أنحاء العالم تقع بشكل مباشر وحصري على عاتق الحكومة الروسية”، وزير
الخارجية أنتوني بلينكن ، 18 أيار/مايو 2022
الكذب على العالم بشأن الأمن الغذائي العالمي
كان لحرب الرئيس الروسي بوتين غير القانونية وغير المبررة ضد أوكرانيا آثار كارثية على أوكرانيا وجيرانها والناس في جميع أنحاء العالم. فقد تسببت حرب الكرملين في أوكرانيا في الموت والدمار، حيث قتلت الآلاف من المدنيين ، وشردت الملايين ، وجعلت من ملايين آخرين لاجئين، وألحقت أضرارا جسيمة بالبنية التحتية المدنية . لقد أدت الآثار المدمرة للعدوان الروسي إلى تعطيل الاقتصاد الأوكراني ، الأمر الذي أدى بدوره إلى تفاقم انعدام الأمن الغذائي العالمي. كانت أوكرانيا منذ فترة طويلة تُعتبر “سلة خبز أوروبا” ، التي تغذي ملايين الأشخاص في جميع أنحاء العالم. وهي أكبر مورد للحبوب لعشرات الدول الأفريقية والشرق أوسطية. والآن، بعد الغزو الروسي الشامل في 24 شباط/فبراير، تحولت أوكرانيا “من سلة خبز إلى طابور الحصول على الخبز”، بينما تستخدم الحكومة الروسية المعلومات المضللة لتضليل العالم حول سبب هذه الأزمة.
لقد ارتفع انعدام الأمن الغذائي بسبب الحرب التي اختارها بوتين. ولم يكن سببها، كما يزعم الكرملين، العقوبات التي فرضتها الولايات المتحدة والعديد من البلدان الأخرى ردا على العدوان الروسي المروع على أوكرانيا. كان انعدام الأمن الغذائي يتصاعد قبل الغزو، وأدت حرب بوتين إلى تفاقم هذا الاتجاه. إذ قامت روسيا بزرع الألغام في حقول الحبوب الأوكرانية، وهاجمت الشحن التجاري على البحر الأسود، ومنعت الأوكرانيين من تصدير الحبوب الخاصة بهم. كما تقوم روسيا بنهب الحبوب الأوكرانية لتحقيق أرباحها الخاصة، وسرقة الحبوب من المستودعات الأوكرانية وفقا لتقارير موثوقة. وقد أدت كل هذه الإجراءات إلى تفاقم انعدام الأمن الغذائي في جميع أنحاء العالم.
وعلى العكس من ذلك، حرصت الولايات المتحدة وشركاؤها حرصا شديدا على تجنب تفاقم انعدام الأمن الغذائي. فالعقوبات الأميركية، على سبيل المثال، قد خُططت خصيصا لمنع انعدام الأمن الغذائي: فهي تشمل استثناءات للسلع الزراعية وتسمح بمعاملات لتصدير وإعادة تصدير الأغذية من وإلى روسيا، حتى مع وجود فرد أو كيان خاضع للعقوبات. وعلاوة على ذلك، تعهدت الولايات المتحدة بتقديم 2.6 مليار دولار هذا العام كمساعدات غذائية إنسانية للمساعدة في التخفيف من حدة الجوع في العالم، مع إضافة 5 مليارات دولار إضافية على مدى السنوات الخمس المقبلة.
لعبة إلقاء اللوم التي يمارسها الكرملين وما يأمل في تحقيقه
يحاول المسؤولون الحكوميون الروس، ووسائل الإعلام الروسية الممولة من الدولة، والجهات الفاعلة في مجال التضليل بالوكالة والمتحالفة مع الكرملين صرف الانتباه عن مسؤولية روسيا عن تفاقم انعدام الأمن الغذائي العالمي من خلال إلقاء اللوم على العقوبات، و”الغرب”، وأوكرانيا. والواقع أن حملة التضليل الضخمة التي يشنها الكرملين ووكلاؤه تستهدف بشدة المناطق الأكثر تضررا من الأزمة الشرق الأوسط وأفريقيا. يتم تضخيم هذه الروايات الكاذبة من قبل وسائل الإعلام الحكومية التي يسيطر عليها الكرملين مثل آر تي بالعربية RT Arabic وآر تي بالفرنسية RT en Francais ، فضلا عن وسائل الإعلام الحكومية في جمهورية الصين الشعبية.
وكما هو الحال مع الروايات الكاذبة السابقة حول الأسلحة البيولوجية في أوكرانيا ، نشر كبار الدبلوماسيين في الحكومة الروسية وسفاراتها معلومات مضللة، غالبًا ما ركّزت على جمهور الشعوب الأفريقية وشعوب الشرق الأوسط. بعض الادعاءات الكاذبة الحديثة تتضمن ما يلي:وصفت المتحدثة باسم وزارة الخارجية الروسية، ماريا زاخاروفا، الحصار الروسي للحبوب الأوكرانية بأنه “تضليل إعلامي غربي وأوكراني “.
في خطابه بمجلس الأمن الدولي يوم 19 أيار/مايو حول الصراع والأمن الغذائي، اتهم سفير روسيا لدى الأمم المتحدة، فاسيلي نيبينزيا، أوروبا بـ “تخزين” الحبوب الأوكرانية والمشاركة في تبادل “الحبوب مقابل الأسلحة ” مع كييف.
ألقت السفارة الروسية في مصر باللوم على “العقوبات غير القانونية الأحادية الجانب “، بينما زعمت سفارة روسيا في زيمبابوي وجود “تدخل غربي” في جنوب العالم.
حاول وزير الخارجية الروسي، سيرجي لافروف، في خطابه يوم 25 أيار/مايو بمناسبة ’يوم أفريقيا‘، نزع الشرعية عن أوكرانيا وحث السفراء الأفارقة في موسكو على المطالبة بإزالة العقوبات “غير القانونية ضد روسيا” من أجل تعزيز الأمن الغذائي.
موقع (OneWorld )، وهو موقع إلكتروني له صلات بالاستخبارات العسكرية الروسية، وفقا لمسؤولين أميركيين، كرر مزاعم لافروف التي تتهم الرئيس زيلينسكي بدعم “تكتل احتكاري عالمي للغذاء ” بقيادة الولايات المتحدة والذي سيمارس السيطرة على الإمدادات الغذائية العالمية باعتبارها “سلاحًا هجينا جديدًا ” ضد جنوب العالم.
في مقابلته في 26 أيار/مايو مع قناة آر تي باللغة العربية (RT Arabic)، اتهم وزير الخارجية لافروف الغرب بأنه استعمار جديد وبأنه يبتز الدول الأفريقية والعربية للانضمام إلى العقوبات “ضد روسيا”، في محاولة لبناء التضامن ضد ما تسميه الدعاية الروسية “الغرب الإمبريالي .”
إن هذه المعلومات المضللة تهدف إلى إخفاء مسؤولية روسيا واستحقاقها اللوم، وإقناع قادة الدول المعرضة للخطر بدعم إنهاء العقوبات المصممة لوقف حرب روسيا الظالمة والوحشية في أوكرانيا.
الخلاصة: على مَن يقع اللوم حقًا
إن محاولات الحكومة الروسية إبعاد المسؤولية عن أفعالها من خلال إلقاء اللوم على الآخرين في تفاقم أزمة نظام الغذاء العالمي، أمر مستهجن ويستحق الشجب. هذه الأزمة محسوسة بشدة في العديد من دول الشرق الأوسط وأفريقيا التي تستورد ما لا يقل عن نصف قمحها من أوكرانيا. ووفقا لبرنامج الغذاء العالمي، فإن ملايين الأشخاص معرضون لخطر المجاعة وسوء التغذية في هذه المناطق، حيث أدت حرب بوتين المتهورة إلى زيادة سعر الخبز، مما أدى إلى أخذ الأموال من جيوب العائلات الأكثر ضعفا. قال رئيس المجلس الأوروبي تشارلز ميشيل، حينما خرج سفير روسيا لدى الأمم المتحدة، نيبينزيا، منفعلًا من اجتماع لمجلس الأمن الدولي في 6 حزيران/يونيو 2022، “إن روسيا هي المسؤولة وحدها عن أزمة الغذاء هذه … على الرغم من حملة الأكاذيب والمعلومات المضللة التي يشنها الكرملين.”
إن الحكومة الروسية تواصل نشر معلومات مضللة حول العواقب الكارثية لحربها غير المبررة، بما في ذلك انعدام الأمن الغذائي العالمي. يجب على الحكومة الروسية التوقف عن جعل الغذاء سلاحًا والسماح لأوكرانيا بشحن حبوبها بأمان حتى يمكن إطعام ملايين الجياع في الشرق الأوسط وأفريقيا.
La desinformación de Rusia no puede esconder su responsabilidad por la crisis alimentaria mundial
06/23/2022
La desinformación de Rusia no puede esconder su responsabilidad por la crisis alimentaria mundial
06/23/2022 08:33 PM EDT
“Al igual que con su decisión de iniciar esta guerra injustificada, la responsabilidad por la interrupción de estos suministros y el sufrimiento que está causando en todo el mundo recae directa y exclusivamente en el Gobierno ruso”
Secretario de Estado de Estados Unidos Antony Blinken, 18 de mayo de 2022
Mentir al mundo sobre la seguridad alimentaria mundial
La guerra ilegal y no provocada del presidente ruso Putin contra Ucrania ha tenido efectos catastróficos en Ucrania , sus vecinos y los pueblos de todo el mundo. La guerra del Kremlin en Ucrania ha sembrado la muerte y la destrucción, matando a miles de civiles , desplazando a millones , convirtiendo en refugiados a millones más y dañando masivamente la infraestructura civil . Los efectos devastadores de la agresión rusa han perturbado la economía ucraniana , lo que a su vez ha exacerbado la inseguridad alimentaria mundial. Ucrania ha sido durante mucho tiempo el “granero de Europa “, alimentando a millones de personas en todo el mundo. Es uno de los principales proveedores de grano a decenas de países de África y Oriente Medio. Ahora, tras la invasión total de Rusia el 24 de febrero, Ucrania ha pasado de ser “un granero a estar en la fila del pan “, mientras el gobierno ruso utiliza la desinformación para engañar al mundo sobre la causa de esta crisis.
La inseguridad alimentaria ha aumentado debido a la guerra de Putin. No fue causada, como afirma el Kremlin, por las sanciones que Estados Unidos y muchos otros países han impuesto en respuesta a la horrible agresión de Rusia contra Ucrania. La inseguridad alimentaria estaba aumentando antes de la invasión, y la guerra de Putin exacerbó esa tendencia. Rusia minó los campos de cereales ucranianos, atacó la navegación mercante en el mar Negro e impidió a los ucranianos exportar su propio grano. Rusia también está saqueando el grano ucraniano para su propio beneficio, robando grano de los almacenes ucranianos según informes creíbles. Todas estas acciones han agravado la inseguridad alimentaria en todo el mundo.
Por otra parte, Estados Unidos y sus socios han puesto mucho cuidado en evitar que se agrave la inseguridad alimentaria. Las sanciones estadounidenses, por ejemplo, están redactadas específicamente para evitar la inseguridad alimentaria: incluyen excepciones para los productos agrícolas y permiten las transacciones de exportación y reexportación de alimentos hacia y desde Rusia, incluso con una persona o entidad sancionada. Además, Estados Unidos ha prometido 2.600 millones de dólares este año en ayuda alimentaria humanitaria para ayudar a paliar el hambre en el mundo, a los que se sumarán otros 5.000 millones en los próximos cinco años.
El juego del Kremlin de buscar culpables y lo que espera conseguir
Los funcionarios del gobierno de Rusia, los medios de comunicación rusos financiados por el Estado y los actores de desinformación por delegación alineados con el Kremlin están tratando de desviar la atención de la responsabilidad de Rusia por el empeoramiento de la inseguridad alimentaria mundial, culpando a las sanciones, a “Occidente” y a Ucrania. De hecho, la campaña de desinformación masiva del Kremlin y sus representantes está dirigida en gran medida a las regiones más afectadas por la crisis: Oriente Medio y África. Estos falsos relatos son amplificados por los medios estatales controlados por el Kremlin, como RT Arabic y RT en Francais, así como por los medios estatales de la República Popular China (RPC).
Al igual que en el pasado con las falsas narrativas sobre las armas biológicas en Ucrania , los altos diplomáticos del gobierno ruso y sus embajadas difunden la desinformación, a menudo concentrándose en los públicos de África y Oriente Medio. Algunas afirmaciones falsas recientes son:La portavoz del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores de Rusia, Maria Zakharova, calificó el bloqueo ruso del grano ucraniano de “desinformación occidental y ucraniana “.
En su discurso del 19 de mayo en el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas sobre el conflicto y la seguridad alimentaria, el embajador ruso en la ONU, Vasiliy Nebenzya, acusó a Europa de “acaparar” el grano ucraniano y de realizar intercambios de “grano por armas “ con Kiev.
La embajada rusa en Egipto culpó a las “sanciones unilaterales ilegales “, mientras que la embajada rusa en Zimbabue denunció la “injerencia occidental “ en el sur global.
En su discurso del 25 de mayo por el Día de África, el ministro de Asuntos Exteriores ruso, Sergei Lavrov, intentó deslegitimar a Ucrania e instó a los embajadores africanos en Moscú a exigir la retirada de las sanciones “ilegales y antirrusas” para reforzar la seguridad alimentaria.
OneWorld, un sitio web vinculado a la inteligencia militar rusa, según funcionarios estadounidenses, hizo eco de las afirmaciones de Lavrov, acusando al presidente Zelenski de apoyar un “cártel alimentario mundial “ dirigido por Estados Unidos que ejercerá el control del suministro mundial de alimentos como “nueva arma híbrida “ contra el sur global.
En su entrevista del 26 de mayo con RT Arabic, el ministro de Asuntos Exteriores Lavrov acusó a occidente de neocolonialismo y de chantajear a los países africanos y árabes para que se sumen a las sanciones “antirrusas”, en un intento de crear solidaridad contra lo que la propaganda rusa llama el “occidente imperial “.
Esta desinformación pretende tanto ocultar la culpabilidad de Rusia como persuadir a los líderes de los países en riesgo para que apoyen el fin de las sanciones diseñadas para detener la injusta y brutal guerra de Rusia en Ucrania.
Conclusión: Dónde está realmente la culpa
Los intentos del gobierno ruso de desviar la responsabilidad de sus acciones culpando a otros del empeoramiento de la crisis del sistema alimentario mundial son censurables. Esta crisis se siente con fuerza en muchos países de Oriente Medio y África que importan al menos la mitad de su trigo de Ucrania. Según el Programa Mundial de Alimentos, millones de personas corren el riesgo de sufrir hambruna y malnutrición en estas regiones, ya que la imprudente guerra de Putin aumenta el precio del pan, sacando el dinero de los bolsillos de las familias más vulnerables. “Rusia es la única responsable de esta crisis alimentaria (…) a pesar de la campaña de mentiras y desinformación del Kremlin”, dijo el presidente del Consejo Europeo, Charles Michel, mientras el embajador ruso en la ONU, Nebenzya, abandonaba furioso una reunión del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU el 6 de junio de 2022.
El gobierno ruso continúa difundiendo desinformación sobre las desastrosas consecuencias de su guerra injustificada, incluida la inseguridad alimentaria mundial. El gobierno ruso debe dejar de utilizar los alimentos como armas y permitir que Ucrania envíe su grano de forma segura para que millones de personas hambrientas en Oriente Medio y África puedan ser alimentadas.
Special Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry and Assistant Secretary Medina’s Travel to Portugal
06/24/2022
Special Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry and Assistant Secretary Medina’s Travel to Portugal
06/24/2022 09:20 AM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry will travel to Portugal June 27-June 29 to lead the U.S. delegation to the United Nations Ocean Conference, convened by the United Nations General Assembly and co-hosted by the Governments of Kenya and Portugal. He will be joined by Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs Monica Medina, who will travel to Portugal June 25-July 2. The interagency delegation will also include Deputy Director for Climate and Environment at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy Dr. Jane Lubchenco, White House Council on Environmental Quality Chair Brenda Mallory, and National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Administrator Dr. Richard Spinrad, as well as other high-level officials from across the U.S. Government.
The United Nations Ocean Conference, taking place June 27-July 1, will focus on advancing solutions for a sustainably managed ocean, including addressing the climate-ocean nexus; ocean acidification; plastic pollution; illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing; and the loss of marine habitats and biodiversity.
At the conference, Secretary Kerry, Assistant Secretary Medina, Deputy Director Lubchenco, Chair Mallory, and Administrator Spinrad will engage with government counterparts, private sector actors, and civil society partners to advance ocean efforts related to sustainable development, climate change, environmental protection, and nature conservation.
For press inquiries, contact ClimateComms@state.gov.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken And German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock Before Their Meeting
06/24/2022
nalena Baerbock Before Their Meeting
06/24/2022 10:05 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Berlin, Germany
The Federal Foreign Office
FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) Ladies and gentlemen, Tony, I am very grateful that you made the trip again as the Secretary of State and are joining us at our conference, Uniting for Food Security. Thank you for joining us today.
In mid-May, you invited us to an important conference at the United Nations in New York, and today we build on the achievements back then. Together as the international community, we work with international organizations and we are making it very clear we do not turn a blind eye as the international community to the many countries in the world whose people are suffering from famine today as a direct impact of the war with which Russia has aggressed Ukraine.
We have discussed this in the G7 format at the moment, and our message as the G7 is very clear: We do not accept that the Russian war of aggression is making the world suffer from starvation. As the most powerful industrialized nations, we have a special responsibility. Even though this hunger crisis exacerbated by the Russian war of aggression is not something that we have caused, as G7 partners, we look with our international friends what Russia is doing. Russia is waging a cynical grain war, using it as a tool to make food prices skyrocketing and destabilize entire countries.
We act. As the G7, we will play a central role in supporting the most affected countries across the globe. Firstly, we will do everything we can in different formats to export grain from Ukraine. Together we try to open the sea routes, but in parallel, we also intensively work on rail connections even though this is technically very difficult. It is an ambitious endeavor. And together – this was an American initiative – we are building silos in order to store the grain safely for the moment.
We are increasing our emergency relief efforts, and at this conference, another important topic: We are working on sustainable production and better global food supply and strengthening this in the midterm. In addition to that, between Germany and the U.S., we have made sure that the medium-term consequences of the war are also taken into account. There is – are no sanctions on food, on medical products, but there is uncertainty across the globe when it comes to grain deliveries, insurances, and payments. We have seen this in our visits across the globe. Countries want security. They want to be sure that they can buy grain from Russia too.
So, we made it clear that we need a joint outreach program in order to make sure that countries are not afraid in terms of insurance consequences in the logistics sector, that grains are not being transported. This is important because Russia is not only waging a brutal war of aggressions with weapons, a brutal grain war, but also a fake news war. The evermore fanciful lies Russia is using to reverse who is the perpetrator and who is the victim here is something that we see, and this is why we are hosting this conference – to show our solidarity.
Tony, these are difficult times. It is a time in which we stand united as we’ve never been before. The rules-based international order is something that many countries across the globe believe in. We stand in solidarity with those countries that need our support. We not only counter fake news, but we also stand up for the people across the globe who are suffering from hunger. It is very clear that we need a lot of stamina to do that not only in order to support Ukraine in its self-defense against Russia and rebuild the country later; we also need a lot of stamina and perseverance to address the global impacts of this war and the tremendous human suffering that we see everywhere in Africa, South Asia, and also in Afghanistan that have – countries that have been aggressed in a triple way.
Tony, as transatlantic partners, important meetings are ahead. The conference today is one of them, the G7 summit in Elmau another one, and also the NATO summit in Madrid next week. We will both be attending, and I am delighted that in these difficult times, the transatlantic partnership is stronger than ever before.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good afternoon, everyone, and Annalena, thank you very much for today but also for every day in this remarkable partnership that we have between our countries, between us, as well as among our G7 colleagues. It’s wonderful to be back in Berlin. By my count, this is my sixth trip to Germany, in this job. We are looking forward to our leaders coming together in the beautiful Bavarian Alps, but I think we did a lot of good work today in support of the work that they will do in the days ahead.
As the foreign minister said, we focused intensely on our ongoing support for Ukraine, and some of the second- and third-order consequences of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. In terms of support for Ukraine, the G7 has been remarkably united – starting from before Russia’s aggression when we worked together, first to find a diplomatic solution if there was one, but if there wasn’t one, to be prepared for the Russian aggression that we saw coming, and the work that the G7 did both in support of Ukraine – military, economic, humanitarian support – as well as the pressure we’re imposing on Russia to end this war of aggression. That continues, and we looked at ways today to deepen all of those lines of effort in the time ahead.
But as Annalena said, we’re also intensely focused as the G7 on some of the second- and third-order consequences of Russia’s aggression, no more so than when it comes to food insecurity. We’ll have a lot more to say about that later, but let me just say for now that I am grateful for Germany’s leadership, for Annalena’s leadership, for her colleagues’ leadership on this issue. Everywhere that I go around the globe, and I know it’s the same for our colleagues, we hear the deep concerns about food insecurity. It was a problem before. Three, four years ago there were about 100 million people who were severely food insecure in the world. A year ago it was about 160 million people. Now another 40 or 50 million people are being added to the ranks because of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.
So the combination that we’ve seen of COVID, of climate, and now conflict is creating an even graver crisis of food insecurity. And let’s be very, very clear. As the foreign minister said, the only reason for this now is Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and Russia’s blockade against grain and other foodstuffs moving out of Ukraine. It’s worth repeating: The sanctions that we’ve imposed on Russia collectively and with many other countries exempt food, exempt food products, exempt fertilizers, exempt insurers, exempt shippers. So there is no reason – no reason other than Russia’s blockade of Ukraine and Russia’s refusal in many cases to export its own grain for political reasons – no reason that this shouldn’t be moving. And we are, of course, working on all of that.
But we’re also working together in the absence of being able to get as much grain as we would like out of Ukraine or see Russia export its own foodstuffs, looking at other ways to help the many countries that are affected. We’ll be talking about that in detail in a short while. So I’ll leave it – I’ll leave that for later.
But the bottom line is this: Throughout all of this we’ve stood together in solidarity and in common action. And as part of that, I can say that the United States is deeply fortunate to have an ally like Germany in times of challenge, in times of trouble. We coordinate on virtually everything that is having an impact on the lives of our people and of people around the world, whether it’s food insecurity, whether it’s COVID, whether it’s technology and innovation and the impact that that has. And simply put, we are united in defense of shared values. We’re united in defense of human rights, democracy, and international law. We’re united when it comes to the great problems of this day.
And on a personal note, I just have to say how grateful I am, not only for Germany’s leadership, but for Annalena’s leadership. She’s been at the helm of the G7 over these past months at one of the most critical times in world history, and we couldn’t ask – the world couldn’t ask – for better leadership. Thank you.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken And French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna Before Their Meeting
06/24/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken And French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna Before Their Meeting
06/24/2022 12:11 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Berlin, Germany
The Federal Foreign Office
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good afternoon, everyone. It’s a great pleasure to actually be able to be face to face with my colleague, Catherine Colonna, the new French foreign minister. It probably doesn’t feel new anymore because the challenges pile up quickly. But we’ve had the chance to work together already in some depth by phone and at a distance, but it’s wonderful to be here with you today.
And I think we’re joined in solidarity with our G7 partners, as I discussed earlier, on meeting the challenges of this moment. We’ve focused intensively already on Ukraine, the support that we’re giving Ukraine in terms of security assistance, economic assistance, humanitarian assistance; the work we’re doing to continue to put pressure on Russia to end its war of aggression against Ukraine, and of course the work that we’ll do at NATO later in – next week at the summit. And of course, we’ve just now focused intensively on one of the horrific byproducts of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, and that is an accelerated food security crisis and the work that G7 and many others are doing to address it.
So, we have all of those topics and more to touch base on. Welcome, and wonderful to be with you here in Berlin.
FOREIGN MINISTER COLONNA: Merci beaucoup. Merci, Monsieur Secrétaire d’État.
Well, everybody knows that France is the oldest ally of the United States of America, and our meeting today is just another expression that we are strong allies and close partners. The name of Lafayette is famous and respected on both sides of the Atlantic. It is our third conversation in a month, which is quite a good start, I’d say.
Allow me to switch to French.
(Via interpreter) Of course, it is also about our partnership, and we see eye to eye, and it’s about talking about our common views and the necessity in the coming month to maintain our unity. Democracy, human rights, respect for the law, for humanitarian law, all of them are in danger. We are facing the same challenges: a war that may last. We’re already seeing the consequences on energy prices, on food prices all around the world, and this is the reason why we’re gathering here in Berlin today. We’re seeing, as well, the consequences on our economies in our countries. So we’re here to coordinate our answer, and you can count on me. This is dear to me.
We’re also here to build our alliance, the alliance to which we belong, to build its future, to make it a stronger alliance. We – Europe and the Atlantic alliance strengthen one another, and a stronger and more sovereign Europe only contributes to the security of our countries.
Tony, you’re always welcome in France, in Paris, your second home. (Laughter.) And I myself might be coming to the United States – at the latest, anyway – in September to attend the General Assembly of the UN and our presidency of the Security Council. Thank you.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken During the Uniting for Global Food Security Conference
06/24/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken During the Uniting for Global Food Security Conference
06/24/2022 01:47 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Berlin, Germany
The Federal Foreign Office
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Annalena, thank you so much. I guess our mail service was working better maybe than some of the colleagues, but I really want to thank you and thank Germany, for bringing us all together here in this place at this critical time. And I’m very grateful to all the participants, but especially those from countries where people are bearing the brunt of this food crisis, and we very much look forward to hearing directly from you about what it is we can do together to more effectively meet your needs, the needs of your people.
We’ve heard about the numbers, and we’ve seen an accelerating crisis over the last few years. People living in acute food insecurity, that is when a person’s ability to consume adequate food puts their lives or livelihoods in immediate danger: 108 million people roughly in 2016; 193 million people last year according to the UN estimates. Now, the World Bank calculates that Russia’s unprovoked war on Ukraine, long one of the world’s bread baskets, will add at least another 40 million people to the ranks of those who are severely food insecure.
So we know the drivers of all of this: climate, COVID, and now conflict with Russia’s aggression. The Russian military is laying waste to Ukrainian farms and grain silos, stealing Ukrainian grain and the equipment needed to harvest it, blocking access to and from Ukrainian ports by the sea. There are some 25 million tons of grain trapped in silos right now in Ukraine, where it will rot if it’s not exported. Tens of millions more are being harvested in the coming months, but there’s no place to put them because Ukraine’s silos are full because it’s not able to move its grain thanks to the Russian blockade.
It’s very important that we be very clear about something, and Annalena said this earlier; I want to reinforce it: When we imposed sanctions on Russia so that it would end its aggression against Ukraine as quickly as possible, we deliberately created exceptions for agricultural goods, for fertilizer, for insurance, and shipping necessary to move these products precisely to avoid worsening the food crisis. Nothing – nothing is preventing food and fertilizer from leaving Russia, and only one country is blocking food and fertilizer from leaving Ukraine, and that is Russia.
Last month, as Annalena said, I convened a UN Security Council meeting and a ministerial to try to help galvanize further collective action. One of the things we did was to create a global roadmap that commits countries to taking swift, concrete steps to get food to people around the world who need it now, and to build greater resilience to future shocks. Ninety-four countries and counting have signed on to that roadmap. So now, what’s our responsibility? Our responsibility is to turn the commitments that countries have made – through the roadmap and other initiatives – into concrete, immediate action.
A few suggestions: First, more countries need to step up with new substantial contributions to meet urgent humanitarian needs. The work of critical organizations like the World Food Program, the Food and Agriculture Organization – their cost of doing business has gone up dramatically. We need to help them fill some of these gaps. Since the Russian aggression began in February, the United States has committed nearly $2.8 billion in emergency food assistance, including increasing our aid to countries and regions that were the hardest hit – in the Horn of Africa, Yemen, Lebanon, Haiti. We have $5.5 billion in new funding for global food security and humanitarian assistance approved last month by the United States Congress. We’ll be able to do even more in the weeks and months ahead, and you can expect further announcements of our additional support soon, including from the President at the G7 meeting.
Second, we have to accelerate efforts led by the United Nations to end Russia’s blocking of Ukrainian food exports through the Black Sea.
Third, we have to close the global fertilizer gap by both producing more fertilizer and using it more efficiently. We know that if fertilizer is not getting to farmers, then yields will go down. Yields go down; scarcity goes up; prices go up. Fertilizer prices skyrocketed with the onset of the pandemic. They shot up even further with Russia’s aggression. Lack of access to fertilizer means many low-income countries are significantly reducing their production. President Biden committed $500 million to boost our own fertilizer production and launched a global challenge to raise 100 million for new research on increasing efficiency as well as developing alternatives.
Fourth, governments have to resist the temptation to impose restrictions on the export of food and fertilizer. Past crises have demonstrated that will only make the problem worse.
Fifth, we need to substantially increase agricultural capacity and resilience around the world. This is something that I heard repeatedly when I hosted a meeting with African counterparts on the margins of our UN ministerial last month. We’re hard at work at that both through individual efforts like our own Feed the Future initiative, which contributes a billion dollars a year to building capacity, and through leveraging investments through international financial institutions.
Sixth, speaking of those institutions, we very much agree that we need to follow up on initiatives within the international financial institutions to cushion food shocks and to give countries greater flexibility in what they do to make sure that they can feed their people.
Finally, we need to have greater information sharing and coordination to better identify needs and to be able to act efficiently to meet them. That is one of the driving ideas behind the Global Alliance for Food Security, which we and other G7 members launched here in Berlin last month.
So let me conclude with this. We hear all these numbers; we’ve all cited numbers of this growing food insecurity. But what we know is this: We know that those numbers are people, real people, real lives, real livelihoods, mothers, fathers, children. And when you see, in Somalia, for example, a mother taking one of her children on an incredibly treacherous journey to try to find food somewhere for her child and the others that she’s left behind, and she makes it there and the child that she’s brought with her dies in her arms because she couldn’t get to the food in time – put your own kids in that position; put yourself in that position. Just imagine. As human beings, all of us have to be seized with this. We see the suffering and we know we can do something about it. So let’s get it done.
(Applause.)
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs Michele J. Sison’s Travel to Vienna, Rome, and Ljubljana
06/24/2022
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs Michele J. Sison’s Travel to Vienna, Rome, and Ljubljana
06/24/2022 02:09 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs Michele J. Sison will travel to Vienna, Austria; Rome, Italy; and Ljubljana, Slovenia for consultations on a wide range of U.S. multilateral priorities, including the food insecurity and humanitarian needs triggered by Russia’s premeditated and unprovoked further invasion of Ukraine.
In Rome, Assistant Secretary Sison will meet with leadership from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the World Food Programme (WFP), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), and the International Development Law Organization (IDLO). The Assistant Secretary will also consult with key partner countries to discuss humanitarian assistance coordination, climate solutions, and governance at the UN Rome-based agencies.
In Vienna, the Assistant Secretary will meet with the leadership of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the UN Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA), and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO). Her visit reinforces U.S. leadership and commitment in these important multilateral venues and the Administration’s investment in partnerships with these international organizations to advance peace and security around the world.
During her time in Ljubljana, Assistant Secretary Sison will meet with Slovenian officials to discuss shared interests at the United Nations.
For updates, follow @State_IO on Twitter.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Press Availability
06/24/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Press Availability
06/24/2022 03:27 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Berlin, Germany
KfW Bank
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good afternoon. Let me just start by saying how wonderful it is to be back in Germany for what is I think my sixth time as Secretary of State. There are reminders of my country’s partnership with Germany everywhere in this city, including right here in this building. This bank administered the Marshall Plan funds that helped rebuild Germany and Europe after World War II.
We knew that a secure, prosperous, and democratic Europe was strongly in the interests of the United States, Europe, and the world. That was true then. It remains true today. Here in Berlin five months ago, I gave a speech about Russia’s impending aggression against Ukraine. Our intelligence revealed that President Putin was mobilizing for war, and to frame the stakes and prepare our partners, I laid out why that would be so dangerous for the people of Ukraine, for the people of Europe, indeed for people around the world.
I said that Russia was taking aim not only at Ukraine, but at the fundamental principles of peace and security that were established in the wake of two world wars and the Cold War that one country can’t simply change the borders of another by force or subjugate a sovereign nation to its will or dictate its choices or policies. A few weeks later, the war began. Today, it enters its fifth month.
Thousands of civilians, tens of thousands of soldiers have been killed or wounded. Cities have been flattened. Millions of Ukrainians have fled their homes. Beyond Ukraine, the global food crisis has spiked due to the war. Russia has destroyed Ukraine’s agricultural infrastructure, including its second-largest grain terminal earlier this month. It’s blockading Ukrainian ports in the Black Sea, preventing crops like grain and corn from being shipped worldwide.
There are about 25 million tons of grain stuck in Ukraine because of this Russian blockade. We spent some time today in the G7 meeting and then in the extraordinary session convened by my German colleague on the growing food insecurity crisis that has been accelerated by Russia’s war of aggression and the steps that countries are taking to address it. These months have been brutal for Ukraine. They’ve been very difficult for countries and people around the world, and the truth is it’s likely to stay that way for some time.
So let’s recall for a minute what we’re working to do and why we’re working to do it. First, we are helping Ukraine survive as a democratic, independent, sovereign state. The UN Charter promises that to every country. Russia, as a permanent member of the Security Council, is violating that charter every single day. Ukraine is fighting with extraordinary courage.
A war that President Putin thought would be over in a matter of days has now stretched on for months. They’re fighting not just for themselves, but for all of us, because if Russia gets away with violating the fundamental principles that are at stake, it’s not just the Ukrainian people who will suffer. It will drag us back to a much more dangerous time, a much more unstable time. It will send a message that these principles are somehow expendable, and that would make many countries around the world vulnerable to the very aggression to which Ukraine is now subject.
Yesterday, I authorized a drawdown of up to $450 million in arms and other equipment from the U.S. Defense Department inventories, including high-mobility artillery rocket systems, tens of thousands of additional rounds of ammunition for artillery systems that Ukraine has already received, including howitzers and patrol boats to help Ukraine defend its coast and its waterways. This is now our 13th drawdown for Ukraine’s defense since August of 2021. That brings our total military assistance to Ukraine to more than $6.1 billion since the war began. We’re giving Ukraine the support it needs to defend itself. For as long as it takes, we will continue to do so.
There have been recent reports that Russia’s limited military gains in eastern Ukraine are sparking concerns in Europe and beyond about the war’s trajectory, so let me be clear about a few things.
First, Ukraine is defending itself with extraordinary courage and resilience, and Russia has already lost. President Putin’s objective, in his own words, was to eliminate Ukraine as a sovereign, independent country. That effort has failed. A sovereign, independent Ukraine is going to be around a lot longer than President Putin is on the scene.
In terms of its military campaign, Russian forces failed badly in their attempt to capture Kyiv. Due to stiff Ukrainian resistance, Russia has dramatically altered its strategy. It scaled back its near-term objectives and focused instead on capturing territory in the east to try to shift the momentum and allow President Putin to falsely claim victory.
But while Russia has made slow, painful gains in one region, those gains have been far from decisive, and they’ve come at extraordinarily high cost. Public reports indicate that tens of thousands of Russian troops have been killed or wounded since the aggression began, and Russia continues to lose a large number of tanks, aircraft, ships, equipment, munitions. Even if Russia succeeds in capturing more territory, it will inherit cities and towns that its own artillery have turned to rubble and a local population that hates it. It will have to content with an increasingly assertive and well-armed Ukrainian force.
Russia’s become mired in a war of attrition of its own making, and despite what you hear from propagandists in the Kremlin, our intelligence indicates that Russian military continues to suffer from low morale, high casualty rates, equipment failures, and leaders who are afraid to tell the truth about what’s really happening on the ground.
Second, we’re raising the costs on Russia to bring the war to an end more swiftly through unprecedented sanctions and export controls. Economists predict that Russia’s GDP will contract by between 10 and 15 percent this year. Moscow’s prevented an economic meltdown so far by taking extraordinary measures to prop up its currency, but those tactics are unsustainable as the full impact of Western sanctions and trade restrictions begins to take hold. Access to credit will dry up. Manufacturing will decline. Shelves will remain empty. Unemployment will rise. Without access to global finance, technology, and commerce, Russia’s long-term economic potential, its ability to project military power, its capacity to deliver a high standard of living for its people, will badly degrade.
Even as Russia benefits from higher oil prices in the near term, it won’t over time as Europe significantly reduces its oil imports and Moscow can’t replace energy production equipment because of export controls. Likewise, the Kremlin can’t spend its money on the things that it really wants, like advanced defense and aerospace components, that have also been limited by export controls.
Meanwhile, we’ve seen now more than a thousand foreign firms flee the country, withdraw their investments. More will likely make the same decision as the effect of sanctions and export controls continues to compound. We’ve also seen many of Russia’s best and brightest leave the country as well, including highly educated professionals in the tech and energy fields and foreign experts who used to call Russia home. Maybe all of this is why the Russian Government stopped publishing key economic data in April.
Our information indicates that around half of Russians recently reported that their household economic situation has worsened since the war began. Eventually the Russian people will have to ask themselves: Is this war worth the cost? Why are we doing this? How is this in any way improving my life, my children’s lives?
Third, we’re working to end global dependence on Russian energy, which the Kremlin has used as a tool of coercion for far too long. The EU pledge to cut Russian oil imports by 90 percent by the end of the year and to ban EU firms from carrying Russian crude is a strong and courageous act. We know that carrying it out will not be easy. Germany, for example, has just taken new measures to conserve energy to help address rising fuel prices. But in the end, moving away from Russian oil and Russian energy means breaking free from Moscow’s grip, and that will ultimately make life better for the people of Europe.
Fourth, we’re strengthening our own defenses. At the NATO Leaders Summit next week, we will endorse a new Strategic Concept to ensure that NATO is prepared to face emerging threats over the next decade. We’ll announce new force posture commitments to strengthen NATO’s eastern flank and its defense and deterrence. And, of course, we’ll pursue Finland and Sweden’s applications to join the Alliance in light of the Kremlin’s war on their neighbor. President Putin wanted to weaken NATO with this war. Instead, NATO is stronger, more united, and on the cusp of enlarging.
We all wish that we could say with certainty when this war will end. The days ahead are not going to be easy. But we must and we will stay resolved to stand up to Russian aggression and defend Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence. President Putin used to claim that this war of aggression toward Ukraine was somehow about a threat that Ukraine or NATO posed toward Russia. But that’s not what this is about; it never has been, and President Putin now forthrightly acknowledges it. He recently compared himself to Peter the Great and said that when Peter waged a war with Sweden, he was simply taking back what belonged to Russia. Now, he said, Russia is again looking to take back what is theirs. He stopped pretending this war of choice is about Russia defending itself from a manufactured threat by NATO. It’s about conquest. It’s about subjugating Russia’s neighbor. We can’t let that happen.
From the start of this brutal war, the United States and our allies and partners have been united to a remarkable degree, and that continues. At every step there have been doubts about whether our shared resolve would last, and at every step we’ve proved that it would. Some doubted that we’d impose sanctions that would have a meaningful impact on the Russian economy; we did. Some have doubted whether we’d build a significant coalition behind those sanctions; we did. Some doubted whether countries in Europe would provide lethal defensive assistance to Ukraine; they did. Some doubted that Ukraine could withstand Moscow’s onslaught; it has, it will, and we’ll stand with them.
In the coming week, we’ll strengthen our unity yet again, both at the NATO Leaders Summit and at the G7 Leaders Summit, where we’ll reaffirm our support for a democratic, independent, sovereign, and prosperous Ukraine; address the impact that this war of aggression by Russia is having on rising global prices for food and gas; and roll out a set of concrete actions to continue to increase the costs on Russia.
President Zelenskyy said that this war will only definitively end through diplomacy. We stand ready to support any diplomatic solution. And yet, Russia has shown no interest. We’ll keep discussing diplomatic strategies with Ukraine, with our allies and partners. We’ll keep strengthening Ukraine’s position on the battlefield so it has the strongest possible position at any negotiating table that emerges.
As President Biden recently reiterated, we seek a democratic, independent, sovereign, and prosperous Ukraine with the means to deter and defend itself against any further aggression. We’ll support Ukraine’s efforts to achieve a negotiated end to the conflict because our principle throughout this crisis has been nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine, and that will continue.
The United States is grateful to our allies and partners for incredibly close coordination every step along the way. We join people around the world in standing resolutely with the Ukrainian people as they fight for their country and for the principles that make the world more secure and more free for everyone. Thank you.
MR PRICE: We have time for a few questions. We’ll start with Missy Ryan of The Washington Post.
QUESTION: Hi, Mr. Secretary. Thanks for doing this. I have two questions on Ukraine. First, you mentioned Russia’s limited military gains in eastern Ukraine, but at the same time Russia has – I assume you were referring to the fall of Sievierodonetsk or the withdrawal of Ukrainian forces from that city. But Russia has also managed to take other parts of eastern Ukraine, and I’m just wondering if you see the changing of control in Sievierodonetsk as potentially an indicator of the limits of Ukraine’s battlefield reach or capability and an indicator of this potentially settling into frozen conflict.
And then yesterday you mentioned the 450 million, the latest drawdown. In response to that, the ranking Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee welcomed the drawdown but also said that the administration, in his view, is still failing to go far enough in providing weapons that Ukraine has requested like longer-range drones and tanks. What’s your response to the idea that the United States and its allies, despite this massive amount of assistance that’s being rolled out, are arming Ukraine enough to maintain a stalemate or perhaps have this slow degrading of its territory but not enough to win?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, Missy. So first, what we’re seeing in the Donbas, in eastern Ukraine, after Russia’s failure to achieve its objectives of taking the entire country, eliminating its sovereignty and independence – that failed. It failed in large part because of the extraordinary courage of the Ukrainian people. It also failed because for many, many months, well before the aggression, we had been doing everything we could to make sure that Ukrainians had in their hands the tools that they needed, the weapons that they needed to repel Russian aggression. And that’s what they so effectively did around Kyiv and pushed the entire conflict to eastern Ukraine and southern Ukraine.
The fighting is intense in the Donbas throughout. We’re seeing horrifically large numbers of casualties on both sides, Russia and Ukraine, and what we’ve said all along is that the trajectory of this conflict was not going to be linear. It would move back and forth. The progress that we’ve seen Russia make in the Donbas, as I said, has come at incredibly high cost to Russia in lives and materiel. And as I mentioned a moment ago, in many cases, to the extent that Russia does take some additional territory, the territory that it’s taken has literally been bombed to the rubbles by Russia itself. And to the extent the local populace remains, it’s – as I said, it hates Russia. So that’s not a situation that suggests there will be stability in any parts of Ukraine that Russia seizes by force.
But again, I think we focus on the tactical at the expense of looking, again, at the strategic. And it’s worth emphasizing that Russia’s objectives, Putin’s objectives, had been to eliminate Ukraine as a sovereign and independent state. That has failed. And now there is a incredibly destructive battle going on in one part of Ukraine.
With regard to the assistance, what we’ve done at every step along the way is to make the best determination we can about what it is that Ukraine needs and can effectively use to repel the Russian aggression. And that evolves over time; that’s changed over time. Some of the systems that we and many others were providing to the Ukrainians to deal with the Russian attack on Kyiv were different from what is necessary now because the nature of the battle has changed, the nature of what’s needed has changed.
As I mentioned, this is now the 13th drawdown that we’ve done, well over $6 billion in assistance just from the United States, and of course dozens of allies and partners are also taking part in an effort coordinated by us – Secretary Austin in Ramstein just a couple of months ago brought everyone together to really further coordinate these efforts. And we make determinations every day about what we believe can be most effective in helping the Ukrainians deal with the Russian aggression and the specifics of that aggression.
Two things are necessary: the equipment itself, which is being provided very rapidly, to include most recently the HIMARS, to include most recently the MLRS – and that significantly increases the range that the Ukrainians have in dealing with Russian artillery positions and other things. It’s also critical, though, that – in the case of weapons systems being provided by many, many countries, including the United States – that the Ukrainians be effectively trained to use the system as well as have the ability to maintain them. So all of that has to be put together. We’re doing that, and again, we’re doing that in very close coordination with allies and partners, and I think you’ll see, as more equipment continues to get where it needs to get – into Ukrainian hands – that that will have an impact on the battlefield.
MR PRICE: Vivian.
QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. I do have a food security question, but if you’ll indulge me in light of the historic news back home, I wanted to ask you – of course, you may have heard that the Supreme Court has overturned Roe v. Wade, imposing potential restrictions that would largely buck worldwide trends. Yesterday the court also said that Americans can – have the right to carry firearms in public for self-defense on the heels of a series of mass shootings. Of course, we know this is not necessarily your portfolio, but the Biden administration has repeatedly touted its desire to improve America’s image abroad with allies and partners and to ensure them that on major issues and principles, America is on the same page. Does this complicate your efforts to do that?
And then I can ask you right away the food security question. You and your counterparts have repeatedly pushed back on Russia’s comments that sanctions are responsible for the food crisis, and there’s evidence to support that, but sanctions have caused tremendous challenges that cannot be denied, and so far, despite discussions with allies around the world, those efforts haven’t yet seen a significant impact as far as easing some of those logistical disruptions that are happening. And so how can you change that?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Sure, thank you. With regard to the Supreme Court’s decision, I believe the President is going to be speaking to that very shortly, maybe in the next hour or so. So I am certainly not going to get ahead of the President. I’ll let him speak to the decision.
With regard to grain, first, it is very important to continue to make clear, as I did earlier today when I was standing with my German counterpart, that this narrative that Russia has been pushing out that somehow our sanctions are contributing to food scarcity, that that is entirely wrong and it is Russia’s aggression against Ukraine that has exacerbated what was already a terrible pre-existing condition. We’ve seen rising food insecurity over the last few years, largely driven by climate change and COVID; now we have conflict and Russia’s aggression.
And again, to be absolutely clear about this, from day one, as we imposed sanctions on Russia for its aggression against Ukraine, we exempted from those sanctions food, food products, fertilizer, and also things necessary to move them out of Russia, including insurance and shipping. And we have been going around the world whenever a question, a practical question is raised about some perceived impediment to moving food to answer those questions, and if any complication has resulted that was unintended, we’re dealing with it and making sure that we can facilitate the export of food.
Russia itself has been playing terrible games with its own food, imposing its own export controls on itself, putting quotas on, deciding when and where it’s going to make food available for political reasons. As I said before, there is nothing preventing the export of food, food products, fertilizer from Russia except for Russia itself. And the only thing that is preventing the export of food from Ukraine, the breadbasket of Europe, is Russia. Blockading Odessa – as I said earlier, there are about 25 million tons of grain stuck in silos in Ukraine, on ships in the Odessa port, that can’t leave because of Russia.
So again, Russia has been spreading this false narrative, we are batting it down in every place that we can, and if any practical problems emerge, we deal with them.
MR PRICE: Fred Pleitgen, CNN.
QUESTION: Thank you, sir. I just got back from Russia; I was there for about two and a half weeks. And quite frankly, the Russians believe that they’re winning. They say that their economy has been hit, but it certainly hasn’t been crippled. They’re making tons of money off oil and gas. They’re actually trying to turn the offensive in Ukraine into an employment program by offering people up to five, six thousand dollars a month to fight there, especially people from lower-income regions of Russia. And they’ve defined or they’ve called the battlefield losses that you say are horrific – they’ve called those acceptable. Doesn’t that mean that the U.S. essentially needs to step up a lot as far as economic pressure is concerned and military assistance to Ukraine is concerned if it really wants to dissuade Russia from continuing to attack Ukraine?
I do want to also follow up on what Vivian was saying or asking, because I did have the chance to speak to Dmitry Peskov and he told me that the Russians will be perfectly fine with allowing goods to get out of the port of Odessa, but the Ukrainians have to remove the mines and the Russians want to inspect every ship. Do you give any credence to demands like that?
And finally – this is probably just a yes-or-no answer – is there any chance that you’ll bump into or meet Sergey Lavrov at the G20 in Bali?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So let me take those in a slightly different order. Thank you.
First, with regard to Odessa, again, the only thing preventing Ukrainian grain from leaving is the Russian effective blockade of the port. When Russia says that it might be prepared to let ships out, that potentially creates the risk of Russian ships going in and attacking Odessa directly. So the Ukrainians have to have confidence that in doing anything that would allow their ships to get out of port, that the Russians won’t take advantage of that and allow Russian ships to go in and attack Odessa.
With regard to inspections, by what right or by what logic does Russia insist on inspecting Ukrainian sovereign ships leaving Ukrainian ports going to other countries? That makes no sense. Having said that, the United Nations, the secretary-general have been working very persistently to see if some kind of agreement can be reached that would allow a channel out of Odessa for Ukrainian ships, and so food and grain. We very much support that effort. They are trying to bring Russians, Ukrainians together. Turkey’s involved also in supporting this effort. If they can come to an agreement, that would be a very good thing, but I have doubts about whether Russia is really serious about doing this. It keeps sort of kicking the can down the road despite the best efforts of the UN secretary-general, but we hope that that can achieve something.
Meanwhile, there’s – more grain is moving out of Ukraine by rail, by land through to Poland, Romania, and other places. We’ve seen the volume go up month to month. It’s still not anywhere near where it was before the Russian aggression, but that is – that is increasing. We’re working to help facilitate that. One of the other big problems that Ukraine has – and the President addressed this the other day – is that because so much grain is stuck in silos, as the new harvest comes in there’s no place for it to go. So we’re looking at some creative solutions to that problem.
Again, with regard to the sanctions and the pressure, Putin has developed over the years one of the most effective 24/7 propaganda systems of any country on earth, and so the steady diet of propaganda that Russians are fed every single day without other sources of information that Putin over many years has sought to eliminate makes it sometimes difficult for the truth to penetrate immediately. But as I said earlier, the sanctions have already had a dramatic impact on Russia’s economic fortunes. Much of what it’s doing, for example, to prop up the ruble is unsustainable, and I think you’ll see changes there.
As I mentioned, while oil revenues are coming in because of higher prices, the export controls are such that the things that Russia most wants to buy, including technology to modernize its defense sector, to modernize its ability to extract energy in different places, they can’t buy it. Meanwhile, this exodus of more than a thousand companies from Russia – that also has an impact over time. For example, companies that have been involved in selling things that Russians want to buy, they had inventory in Russia, so even as they left or said they were leaving, the inventory was still there, so Russians could still buy an iPhone.
As those inventories are depleted, I think you’ll see that the Russian people will not be able to buy what they’ve been able to buy for the last 20 or 30 years since Russia’s opening to the world, and what Putin has forfeited among many other things with this aggression against Ukraine is everything that’s been achieved in terms of Russian’s openness to the world and the opportunities that creates for the Russian people. He’s forfeited that with this aggression against Ukraine.
This will bite more and more and more. We’re seeing a downgrading of Russian bonds to junk status. We’re seeing expectations for Russian growth to be somewhere between minus 10 and minus 15 this coming year, and all of that has a cumulative impact. And as I said, at some point, despite the propaganda system, the Russian people are actually going to feel this in their daily lives. I wish that were not the case. I wish that these consequences of Putin’s aggression were not going to also cause suffering in Russia, but that is a fact. It is a result of Putin’s aggression, and I just come back to this simple question that if one could speak to Russians directly – and maybe you did in your time there – what is this possibly doing to improve their lives? How is this horrific aggression that is costing so many Ukrainian lives and so many Russian lives – how is that doing anything to actually address what the Russian people want?
I think with time they’re going to be asking those questions more and more and more.
MR PRICE: Kristin Becker, ARD.
QUESTION: (Off-mike.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Oh. I won’t get ahead of that. We’ll – stay tuned.
MR PRICE: Kristin Becker, ARD.
QUESTION: Thank you. Mr. Secretary, in your statement, you said we will continue to help Ukraine as long as it takes, more or less. I was wondering, like, also in Germany these days solidarity is the big word, but in Germany and as well in the U.S., you have sort of a worsened situation for the normal people in terms of inflation, gas prices. So how long do you think you can keep up this solidarity? Is there a limit?
And if you allow me, just – I do understand that you cannot offer an official position on the Roe v. Wade case, but in Germany we have a big day today on abortion rights as well because parliament voted for more liberalization on that. And I was just wondering if you could offer at least a personal note. Your ex-boss – ex-President Obama said it’s an attack on “the essential of millions of Americans.” Do you agree?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Second part first, again, because President Biden will be speaking to this very shortly, I’m not going to have anything to say. I want – I don’t want to get ahead of the President.
With regard to the sustainability of everything that we’re doing, I’d say two things. First, as I mentioned in my opening comments, at virtually every step along the way in this process starting from before Russia’s aggression through to right now, there have been lots of doubts expressed about our ability to do things we said we would do, about our ability to maintain solidarity, about the willingness of allies and partners to take significant steps when it comes either to sanctions or to supporting Ukraine, including with security assistance.
And thus far at every step along the way, the doubters have been proved wrong, and our solidarity, our ability to work as allies and partners in support of Ukraine militarily, economically, and on a humanitarian basis; to impose costs on Russia for the aggression in an effort to get it to end the war more quickly, and as we’ll see in just a few days, strengthening our defensive Alliance at NATO – I think that cohesion, that solidarity has been unlike any I’ve seen in the 30 or so years that I’ve been doing this. As I said earlier, too, we can’t predict how long this war will last, and I fear that it will still be some time. We’d like to see it – Russia’s aggression end tomorrow, and we’ll look for any opportunity to advance an end to the aggression.
But what I heard today from my partners in the G7 was an ongoing commitment to continue doing what we’ve been doing in support of Ukraine: imposing costs on Russia, strengthening our own defenses. I know we’ll see more of that at NATO and we’ll see that at the leaders’ level at the G7. And I think the solidarity is strong, it’s real, and there’s a real commitment to carry it through as long as is necessary.
`MR PRICE: Take a final question from Carsten Hoffmann, DPA.
QUESTION: Yes. Mr. Secretary, you mentioned food security already today and there was the conference, but there is another big problem that is energy security. There is concern that Germany and other European countries might be hit very hard in the winter because of a lack of gas. Is there something that you have to – that the U.S. could do? Have you talked with your partners in Europe about this?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes, and in fact, that’s been an ongoing conversation – more than a conversation, active coordination – for several months. We set up a task force with the European Union to look at energy concerns that have arisen since Russia’s aggression, including concerns about the availability of energy for Europe. We have ourselves directed more liquified natural gas to Europe. We’ve worked with other countries, including in Asia, who were contracted to take some liquified natural gas that’s been redirected to Europe. We’re doing everything we can to support transitions that Europe is making away from Russian oil in the first instance, and then ultimately diversifying their sources of energy going forward.
This isn’t easy at all. I mean, the dependence on Russia has built up over decades, so you can’t just flip a switch and end it easily and cleanly. But there seems to me to be a real commitment in Europe to do that. And for people in Europe, continuing to allow Russia to have a stranglehold through energy on different countries in Europe, that I believe is both unacceptable and unsustainable. And European leaders are taking very courageous steps to move away from that.
I think we’ve said all along that in standing up to this Russian aggression, the costs would primarily be borne by the Ukrainian people, but we would also bear costs. And I think leaders throughout Europe and beyond in Asia have made the judgment that those costs are necessary because what’s at stake, the ongoing dangers posed to all of us by allowing the Russian aggression to go forward with impunity, are enormous. And so there are sacrifices that are being made, but we’re taking very active steps to try to address them, to end them, to mitigate them wherever we can. And again, there’s an ongoing work that’s being done virtually every day to look at what we can do to help make sure that Europe has the energy it needs when it needs it.
Thank you.
MR PRICE: Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, everyone.
Chair’s Statement: Roadmap for Global Food Security – Call to Action
06/24/2022
Chair’s Statement: Roadmap for Global Food Security – Call to Action
06/24/2022 04:49 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The following statement was issued on May 19 by the United States as Chair of a Global Food Security Ministerial Meeting held at United Nations Headquarters. As of today, it is endorsed by 92 countries: Albania, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahrain, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Brazil, Brunei, Bulgaria, Canada, Cape Verde, Chad, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Djibouti, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, Estonia, Eswatini, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Guyana, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Indonesia, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kiribati, Kuwait, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malta, Mauritania, Mexico, Micronesia, Moldova, Montenegro, Morocco, the Netherlands, Niger, Nigeria, North Macedonia, Norway, Oman, the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Romania, Rwanda, Samoa, San Marino, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Singapore, Slovakia, Spain, Suriname, Sweden, Switzerland, Timor-Leste, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Yemen, and Zambia.
Begin Text:
We issue this Roadmap for Global Food Security–Call to Action to affirm our commitment to act with urgency, at scale, and in concert to respond to the urgent food security and nutrition needs of millions of people in vulnerable situations the world. We commit to provide immediate humanitarian assistance, build resilience of those in vulnerable situations, support social protection and safety nets, and strengthen sustainable, resilient, and inclusive food systems in line with the objectives of the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals, and the objectives of the 2021 UN Food Systems Summit.
We note with grave concern that the newly-released 2022 Global Report on Food Crises indicates that the number of people facing acute food insecurity greatly increased from 135 million in 2019 to 193 million in 2021 in the 53 countries most in need of assistance, and that nearly 40 million people across 36 countries experienced emergency levels of acute food insecurity, just one step away from famine. Driven by conflicts, extreme climate-related events, such as historic multi-season droughts and floods; economic shocks, including the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on livelihoods, incomes, and food prices; and a multitude of other threats to human, animal and crop health, the food security outlook for 2022 and beyond is grim. This is compounded by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which is further exacerbating this already dire situation. We call on all United Nations Member States, international organizations, the private sector, and civil society and academia to urgently support the emergency response to address humanitarian needs and to also focus on building resilient and sustainable food systems particularly for those most vulnerable to food insecurity and malnutrition.
We reaffirm the vital role of the United Nations system, its implementing partners, and non-government organizations in responding to the global food security crisis, in particular through the work of the World Food Programme, Food and Agriculture Organization, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, International Fund for Agricultural Development, United Nations Children’s Fund, and the Global Network against Food Crises. We strongly support the swift initiative of the UN Secretary-General in ensuring a coordinated and comprehensive response through the UN Secretariat’s Global Crisis Response Group on Food, Energy and Finance (GCRG). We thank the UN Secretary-General for his consistent leadership to raise collective awareness and action on food security and food systems transformation.
We welcome the G7’s efforts under the German Presidency’s leadership to prioritize and respond to the escalating global food security crisis, most prominently the shaping of a Global Alliance for Food Security. We recall the G7 Famine Prevention Compact agreed during the United Kingdom Presidency and we look forward to addressing food security as a core component of social, economic, and environmental development under Indonesia’s G20 Presidency, recalling also the G20 Matera Declaration on Food Security, Nutrition and Food Systems promoted under the Italian G20 Presidency. We welcome the different initiatives taken by the African Union (AU) for the elimination of hunger and food insecurity in Africa under the Senegalese presidency’s leadership. In this regard, we recall the AU theme of the year 2022: Strengthening Resilience in Nutrition and Food Security on the African Continent: Strengthening Agro-Food Systems, Health and Social Protection Systems for the Acceleration of Human, Social and Economic Capital Development.” We take note of various other international initiatives, such as the Food and Agriculture Resilience Mission (FARM).
We welcome the commitment of the multilateral development banks and international financial institutions to combine their expertise and financing to quickly increase policy and financial support to countries and households vulnerable to the food security crisis and to increase domestic agricultural production in, and supply to, affected countries in line with a transition to sustainable food systems. We are pleased that these commitments have been encapsulated in the IFI Action Plan to Address Food Insecurity.
Recognizing that the impacts of and capacity to respond to global food insecurity are unevenly distributed across countries, and that conflicts, climate change, and macroeconomic shocks threaten global food security both immediately and into the future, we call on all UN Member States to commit to addressing immediate humanitarian needs and disruptions, including guaranteeing full, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access to populations in need. We ask that UN Member States rapidly provide additional contributions to urgent humanitarian appeals to the areas most affected by acute hunger, which are experiencing the compound effects of multiple historic shocks and where the greatest number of lives are under immediate threat due to food insecurity and malnutrition.
We also call on all UN Member States to work together to mitigate the mid-term and long-term impacts of recent shocks to global agriculture and food systems. We must collectively mitigate fertilizer shortages and the subsequent threat to food production, increase investments in agricultural capacity and resilience, buffer those in vulnerable situations from impacts to their food security, nutrition and well-being, and sustain high-level global political engagement on these critical issues.
As part of the Roadmap for Global Food Security–Call to Action, we call for the following actions:UN Member States with available resources to make new, additive financial donations to key humanitarian organizations providing immediate life-saving humanitarian assistance, including cash, food and nutrition supplies, health and nutrition programming, water and sanitation, and humanitarian protection to populations at the most severe risk, while at the same time strengthening their resilience to multiple shocks wherever possible.UN Member States with available resources, including those with large emergency food stockpiles, to provide in-kind donations and necessary associated costs to key humanitarian organizations for transportation and delivery of food commodities, based on assessed needs by governments of affected countries or humanitarian organizations.All UN Member States to keep their food and agricultural markets open and to avoid unjustified restrictive measures, such as export bans on food or fertilizer, which increase market volatility and threaten food security and nutrition at a global scale, especially among those in vulnerable situations already experiencing increased poverty, hunger, and malnutrition, and call on all members to ensure safe maritime transportation in the Black Sea.UN Member States with available resources to temporarily increase fertilizer production in order to compensate shortages, support fertilizer innovations and promote methods to maximize fertilizer efficiency, invest in diversifying sustainable production of fertilizers, and increase the use of residues as fertilizers to create longer-term supply chain resilience for this key input.UN Member States with available resources to increase efforts to support the sustainable transformation of agriculture and food systems to make them more resilient and available to smallholder farmers, and strengthen the infrastructure, logistical support, and innovation needed to cultivate, store, and distribute food.All UN Member States to increase their investments in research to develop and implement science-based and climate-resilient agricultural innovations, including seeds, that contribute to building sustainable and resilient agricultural sectors and food systems.All UN Member States and regional organizations to closely monitor markets affecting food systems, including futures markets, to ensure full transparency, and to share reliable and timely data and information on global food market developments, especially through the relevant international organizations.
We note the many commitments made today in response to this Roadmap for Global Food Security–Call to Action and urge the mobilization of additional resources to implement this roadmap on an urgent basis.
We will regularly review actions outlined in this Roadmap for Global Food Security–Call to Action, and will coordinate commitments and their implementation with UN System agencies, the G7, G20, multilateral development banks and international financial institutions, and other partners as appropriate.
Enhanced coordination at country level is key, including to support the work of the GCRG in partner countries. We will step-up our efforts in this regard, including strengthened reporting concerning the actions and impact on the ground to avert further socio-economic shocks and risks.
Today’s Supreme Court Decision
06/24/2022
Today’s Supreme Court Decision
06/24/2022 10:06 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
As Secretary of State, I usually avoid commenting on Supreme Court rulings. But today’s decision overturning Roe v. Wade has raised understandable questions and concerns across the world and within our workforce.
So let me be clear: under this Administration, the State Department will remain fully committed to helping provide access to reproductive health services and advancing reproductive rights around the world. And this Department will do everything possible to ensure that all our employees have access to reproductive health services, wherever they live.
We will not waver from this commitment.
Slovenia’s National Day
06/25/2022
Slovenia’s National Day
06/25/2022 12:01 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
On behalf of the United States of America, I wish the people of Slovenia a happy Statehood Day.
As we honor the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and Slovenia, we celebrate our shared democratic values and vision, including our commitment to protecting human rights and the rule of law, addressing the challenges of climate change, and expanding economic ties between our two countries by harnessing the new opportunities of the green economy. The United States reaffirms its belief that Slovenia is a very well qualified candidate to the UN Security Council for 2024-2025 and would be, if elected, a trusted voice in contributing to international peace and security.
Congratulations on your Statehood Day. We look forward to continuing to advance our bilateral relationship in the years ahead.
Mozambique National Day
06/25/2022
Mozambique National Day
06/24/2022 11:59 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
On behalf of the United States of America, I extend best wishes to the people of Mozambique and join in commemorating your independence.
Over the last year, our cooperative efforts have contributed to a more peaceful, prosperous, and healthy Mozambique. Our joint security cooperation has created space for continued economic growth and development. Our people-to-people engagement through professional, academic, and cultural exchanges, has deepened our ties. Our active health partnership has enabled us to fight against the COVID-19 pandemic as well as HIV, tuberculosis, polio, and malaria. When your government joined us in a festive inauguration of our new embassy, we renewed our commitment to a strong and enduring friendship.
In that spirit, we look forward to working side by side during Mozambique’s first and historic UN Security Council term next year. May our joint efforts continue to be a guiding force in the pursuit of peace, progress, and prosperity in the region and around the world.
06/24/2022 10:05 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Berlin, Germany
The Federal Foreign Office
FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) Ladies and gentlemen, Tony, I am very grateful that you made the trip again as the Secretary of State and are joining us at our conference, Uniting for Food Security. Thank you for joining us today.
In mid-May, you invited us to an important conference at the United Nations in New York, and today we build on the achievements back then. Together as the international community, we work with international organizations and we are making it very clear we do not turn a blind eye as the international community to the many countries in the world whose people are suffering from famine today as a direct impact of the war with which Russia has aggressed Ukraine.
We have discussed this in the G7 format at the moment, and our message as the G7 is very clear: We do not accept that the Russian war of aggression is making the world suffer from starvation. As the most powerful industrialized nations, we have a special responsibility. Even though this hunger crisis exacerbated by the Russian war of aggression is not something that we have caused, as G7 partners, we look with our international friends what Russia is doing. Russia is waging a cynical grain war, using it as a tool to make food prices skyrocketing and destabilize entire countries.
We act. As the G7, we will play a central role in supporting the most affected countries across the globe. Firstly, we will do everything we can in different formats to export grain from Ukraine. Together we try to open the sea routes, but in parallel, we also intensively work on rail connections even though this is technically very difficult. It is an ambitious endeavor. And together – this was an American initiative – we are building silos in order to store the grain safely for the moment.
We are increasing our emergency relief efforts, and at this conference, another important topic: We are working on sustainable production and better global food supply and strengthening this in the midterm. In addition to that, between Germany and the U.S., we have made sure that the medium-term consequences of the war are also taken into account. There is – are no sanctions on food, on medical products, but there is uncertainty across the globe when it comes to grain deliveries, insurances, and payments. We have seen this in our visits across the globe. Countries want security. They want to be sure that they can buy grain from Russia too.
So, we made it clear that we need a joint outreach program in order to make sure that countries are not afraid in terms of insurance consequences in the logistics sector, that grains are not being transported. This is important because Russia is not only waging a brutal war of aggressions with weapons, a brutal grain war, but also a fake news war. The evermore fanciful lies Russia is using to reverse who is the perpetrator and who is the victim here is something that we see, and this is why we are hosting this conference – to show our solidarity.
Tony, these are difficult times. It is a time in which we stand united as we’ve never been before. The rules-based international order is something that many countries across the globe believe in. We stand in solidarity with those countries that need our support. We not only counter fake news, but we also stand up for the people across the globe who are suffering from hunger. It is very clear that we need a lot of stamina to do that not only in order to support Ukraine in its self-defense against Russia and rebuild the country later; we also need a lot of stamina and perseverance to address the global impacts of this war and the tremendous human suffering that we see everywhere in Africa, South Asia, and also in Afghanistan that have – countries that have been aggressed in a triple way.
Tony, as transatlantic partners, important meetings are ahead. The conference today is one of them, the G7 summit in Elmau another one, and also the NATO summit in Madrid next week. We will both be attending, and I am delighted that in these difficult times, the transatlantic partnership is stronger than ever before.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good afternoon, everyone, and Annalena, thank you very much for today but also for every day in this remarkable partnership that we have between our countries, between us, as well as among our G7 colleagues. It’s wonderful to be back in Berlin. By my count, this is my sixth trip to Germany, in this job. We are looking forward to our leaders coming together in the beautiful Bavarian Alps, but I think we did a lot of good work today in support of the work that they will do in the days ahead.
As the foreign minister said, we focused intensely on our ongoing support for Ukraine, and some of the second- and third-order consequences of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. In terms of support for Ukraine, the G7 has been remarkably united – starting from before Russia’s aggression when we worked together, first to find a diplomatic solution if there was one, but if there wasn’t one, to be prepared for the Russian aggression that we saw coming, and the work that the G7 did both in support of Ukraine – military, economic, humanitarian support – as well as the pressure we’re imposing on Russia to end this war of aggression. That continues, and we looked at ways today to deepen all of those lines of effort in the time ahead.
But as Annalena said, we’re also intensely focused as the G7 on some of the second- and third-order consequences of Russia’s aggression, no more so than when it comes to food insecurity. We’ll have a lot more to say about that later, but let me just say for now that I am grateful for Germany’s leadership, for Annalena’s leadership, for her colleagues’ leadership on this issue. Everywhere that I go around the globe, and I know it’s the same for our colleagues, we hear the deep concerns about food insecurity. It was a problem before. Three, four years ago there were about 100 million people who were severely food insecure in the world. A year ago it was about 160 million people. Now another 40 or 50 million people are being added to the ranks because of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.
So the combination that we’ve seen of COVID, of climate, and now conflict is creating an even graver crisis of food insecurity. And let’s be very, very clear. As the foreign minister said, the only reason for this now is Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and Russia’s blockade against grain and other foodstuffs moving out of Ukraine. It’s worth repeating: The sanctions that we’ve imposed on Russia collectively and with many other countries exempt food, exempt food products, exempt fertilizers, exempt insurers, exempt shippers. So there is no reason – no reason other than Russia’s blockade of Ukraine and Russia’s refusal in many cases to export its own grain for political reasons – no reason that this shouldn’t be moving. And we are, of course, working on all of that.
But we’re also working together in the absence of being able to get as much grain as we would like out of Ukraine or see Russia export its own foodstuffs, looking at other ways to help the many countries that are affected. We’ll be talking about that in detail in a short while. So I’ll leave it – I’ll leave that for later.
But the bottom line is this: Throughout all of this we’ve stood together in solidarity and in common action. And as part of that, I can say that the United States is deeply fortunate to have an ally like Germany in times of challenge, in times of trouble. We coordinate on virtually everything that is having an impact on the lives of our people and of people around the world, whether it’s food insecurity, whether it’s COVID, whether it’s technology and innovation and the impact that that has. And simply put, we are united in defense of shared values. We’re united in defense of human rights, democracy, and international law. We’re united when it comes to the great problems of this day.
And on a personal note, I just have to say how grateful I am, not only for Germany’s leadership, but for Annalena’s leadership. She’s been at the helm of the G7 over these past months at one of the most critical times in world history, and we couldn’t ask – the world couldn’t ask – for better leadership. Thank you.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken And French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna Before Their Meeting
06/24/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken And French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna Before Their Meeting
06/24/2022 12:11 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Berlin, Germany
The Federal Foreign Office
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good afternoon, everyone. It’s a great pleasure to actually be able to be face to face with my colleague, Catherine Colonna, the new French foreign minister. It probably doesn’t feel new anymore because the challenges pile up quickly. But we’ve had the chance to work together already in some depth by phone and at a distance, but it’s wonderful to be here with you today.
And I think we’re joined in solidarity with our G7 partners, as I discussed earlier, on meeting the challenges of this moment. We’ve focused intensively already on Ukraine, the support that we’re giving Ukraine in terms of security assistance, economic assistance, humanitarian assistance; the work we’re doing to continue to put pressure on Russia to end its war of aggression against Ukraine, and of course the work that we’ll do at NATO later in – next week at the summit. And of course, we’ve just now focused intensively on one of the horrific byproducts of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, and that is an accelerated food security crisis and the work that G7 and many others are doing to address it.
So, we have all of those topics and more to touch base on. Welcome, and wonderful to be with you here in Berlin.
FOREIGN MINISTER COLONNA: Merci beaucoup. Merci, Monsieur Secrétaire d’État.
Well, everybody knows that France is the oldest ally of the United States of America, and our meeting today is just another expression that we are strong allies and close partners. The name of Lafayette is famous and respected on both sides of the Atlantic. It is our third conversation in a month, which is quite a good start, I’d say.
Allow me to switch to French.
(Via interpreter) Of course, it is also about our partnership, and we see eye to eye, and it’s about talking about our common views and the necessity in the coming month to maintain our unity. Democracy, human rights, respect for the law, for humanitarian law, all of them are in danger. We are facing the same challenges: a war that may last. We’re already seeing the consequences on energy prices, on food prices all around the world, and this is the reason why we’re gathering here in Berlin today. We’re seeing, as well, the consequences on our economies in our countries. So we’re here to coordinate our answer, and you can count on me. This is dear to me.
We’re also here to build our alliance, the alliance to which we belong, to build its future, to make it a stronger alliance. We – Europe and the Atlantic alliance strengthen one another, and a stronger and more sovereign Europe only contributes to the security of our countries.
Tony, you’re always welcome in France, in Paris, your second home. (Laughter.) And I myself might be coming to the United States – at the latest, anyway – in September to attend the General Assembly of the UN and our presidency of the Security Council. Thank you.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken During the Uniting for Global Food Security Conference
06/24/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken During the Uniting for Global Food Security Conference
06/24/2022 01:47 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Berlin, Germany
The Federal Foreign Office
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Annalena, thank you so much. I guess our mail service was working better maybe than some of the colleagues, but I really want to thank you and thank Germany, for bringing us all together here in this place at this critical time. And I’m very grateful to all the participants, but especially those from countries where people are bearing the brunt of this food crisis, and we very much look forward to hearing directly from you about what it is we can do together to more effectively meet your needs, the needs of your people.
We’ve heard about the numbers, and we’ve seen an accelerating crisis over the last few years. People living in acute food insecurity, that is when a person’s ability to consume adequate food puts their lives or livelihoods in immediate danger: 108 million people roughly in 2016; 193 million people last year according to the UN estimates. Now, the World Bank calculates that Russia’s unprovoked war on Ukraine, long one of the world’s bread baskets, will add at least another 40 million people to the ranks of those who are severely food insecure.
So we know the drivers of all of this: climate, COVID, and now conflict with Russia’s aggression. The Russian military is laying waste to Ukrainian farms and grain silos, stealing Ukrainian grain and the equipment needed to harvest it, blocking access to and from Ukrainian ports by the sea. There are some 25 million tons of grain trapped in silos right now in Ukraine, where it will rot if it’s not exported. Tens of millions more are being harvested in the coming months, but there’s no place to put them because Ukraine’s silos are full because it’s not able to move its grain thanks to the Russian blockade.
It’s very important that we be very clear about something, and Annalena said this earlier; I want to reinforce it: When we imposed sanctions on Russia so that it would end its aggression against Ukraine as quickly as possible, we deliberately created exceptions for agricultural goods, for fertilizer, for insurance, and shipping necessary to move these products precisely to avoid worsening the food crisis. Nothing – nothing is preventing food and fertilizer from leaving Russia, and only one country is blocking food and fertilizer from leaving Ukraine, and that is Russia.
Last month, as Annalena said, I convened a UN Security Council meeting and a ministerial to try to help galvanize further collective action. One of the things we did was to create a global roadmap that commits countries to taking swift, concrete steps to get food to people around the world who need it now, and to build greater resilience to future shocks. Ninety-four countries and counting have signed on to that roadmap. So now, what’s our responsibility? Our responsibility is to turn the commitments that countries have made – through the roadmap and other initiatives – into concrete, immediate action.
A few suggestions: First, more countries need to step up with new substantial contributions to meet urgent humanitarian needs. The work of critical organizations like the World Food Program, the Food and Agriculture Organization – their cost of doing business has gone up dramatically. We need to help them fill some of these gaps. Since the Russian aggression began in February, the United States has committed nearly $2.8 billion in emergency food assistance, including increasing our aid to countries and regions that were the hardest hit – in the Horn of Africa, Yemen, Lebanon, Haiti. We have $5.5 billion in new funding for global food security and humanitarian assistance approved last month by the United States Congress. We’ll be able to do even more in the weeks and months ahead, and you can expect further announcements of our additional support soon, including from the President at the G7 meeting.
Second, we have to accelerate efforts led by the United Nations to end Russia’s blocking of Ukrainian food exports through the Black Sea.
Third, we have to close the global fertilizer gap by both producing more fertilizer and using it more efficiently. We know that if fertilizer is not getting to farmers, then yields will go down. Yields go down; scarcity goes up; prices go up. Fertilizer prices skyrocketed with the onset of the pandemic. They shot up even further with Russia’s aggression. Lack of access to fertilizer means many low-income countries are significantly reducing their production. President Biden committed $500 million to boost our own fertilizer production and launched a global challenge to raise 100 million for new research on increasing efficiency as well as developing alternatives.
Fourth, governments have to resist the temptation to impose restrictions on the export of food and fertilizer. Past crises have demonstrated that will only make the problem worse.
Fifth, we need to substantially increase agricultural capacity and resilience around the world. This is something that I heard repeatedly when I hosted a meeting with African counterparts on the margins of our UN ministerial last month. We’re hard at work at that both through individual efforts like our own Feed the Future initiative, which contributes a billion dollars a year to building capacity, and through leveraging investments through international financial institutions.
Sixth, speaking of those institutions, we very much agree that we need to follow up on initiatives within the international financial institutions to cushion food shocks and to give countries greater flexibility in what they do to make sure that they can feed their people.
Finally, we need to have greater information sharing and coordination to better identify needs and to be able to act efficiently to meet them. That is one of the driving ideas behind the Global Alliance for Food Security, which we and other G7 members launched here in Berlin last month.
So let me conclude with this. We hear all these numbers; we’ve all cited numbers of this growing food insecurity. But what we know is this: We know that those numbers are people, real people, real lives, real livelihoods, mothers, fathers, children. And when you see, in Somalia, for example, a mother taking one of her children on an incredibly treacherous journey to try to find food somewhere for her child and the others that she’s left behind, and she makes it there and the child that she’s brought with her dies in her arms because she couldn’t get to the food in time – put your own kids in that position; put yourself in that position. Just imagine. As human beings, all of us have to be seized with this. We see the suffering and we know we can do something about it. So let’s get it done.
(Applause.)
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs Michele J. Sison’s Travel to Vienna, Rome, and Ljubljana
06/24/2022
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs Michele J. Sison’s Travel to Vienna, Rome, and Ljubljana
06/24/2022 02:09 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs Michele J. Sison will travel to Vienna, Austria; Rome, Italy; and Ljubljana, Slovenia for consultations on a wide range of U.S. multilateral priorities, including the food insecurity and humanitarian needs triggered by Russia’s premeditated and unprovoked further invasion of Ukraine.
In Rome, Assistant Secretary Sison will meet with leadership from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the World Food Programme (WFP), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), and the International Development Law Organization (IDLO). The Assistant Secretary will also consult with key partner countries to discuss humanitarian assistance coordination, climate solutions, and governance at the UN Rome-based agencies.
In Vienna, the Assistant Secretary will meet with the leadership of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the UN Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA), and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO). Her visit reinforces U.S. leadership and commitment in these important multilateral venues and the Administration’s investment in partnerships with these international organizations to advance peace and security around the world.
During her time in Ljubljana, Assistant Secretary Sison will meet with Slovenian officials to discuss shared interests at the United Nations.
For updates, follow @State_IO on Twitter.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Press Availability
06/24/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At a Press Availability
06/24/2022 03:27 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Berlin, Germany
KfW Bank
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good afternoon. Let me just start by saying how wonderful it is to be back in Germany for what is I think my sixth time as Secretary of State. There are reminders of my country’s partnership with Germany everywhere in this city, including right here in this building. This bank administered the Marshall Plan funds that helped rebuild Germany and Europe after World War II.
We knew that a secure, prosperous, and democratic Europe was strongly in the interests of the United States, Europe, and the world. That was true then. It remains true today. Here in Berlin five months ago, I gave a speech about Russia’s impending aggression against Ukraine. Our intelligence revealed that President Putin was mobilizing for war, and to frame the stakes and prepare our partners, I laid out why that would be so dangerous for the people of Ukraine, for the people of Europe, indeed for people around the world.
I said that Russia was taking aim not only at Ukraine, but at the fundamental principles of peace and security that were established in the wake of two world wars and the Cold War that one country can’t simply change the borders of another by force or subjugate a sovereign nation to its will or dictate its choices or policies. A few weeks later, the war began. Today, it enters its fifth month.
Thousands of civilians, tens of thousands of soldiers have been killed or wounded. Cities have been flattened. Millions of Ukrainians have fled their homes. Beyond Ukraine, the global food crisis has spiked due to the war. Russia has destroyed Ukraine’s agricultural infrastructure, including its second-largest grain terminal earlier this month. It’s blockading Ukrainian ports in the Black Sea, preventing crops like grain and corn from being shipped worldwide.
There are about 25 million tons of grain stuck in Ukraine because of this Russian blockade. We spent some time today in the G7 meeting and then in the extraordinary session convened by my German colleague on the growing food insecurity crisis that has been accelerated by Russia’s war of aggression and the steps that countries are taking to address it. These months have been brutal for Ukraine. They’ve been very difficult for countries and people around the world, and the truth is it’s likely to stay that way for some time.
So let’s recall for a minute what we’re working to do and why we’re working to do it. First, we are helping Ukraine survive as a democratic, independent, sovereign state. The UN Charter promises that to every country. Russia, as a permanent member of the Security Council, is violating that charter every single day. Ukraine is fighting with extraordinary courage.
A war that President Putin thought would be over in a matter of days has now stretched on for months. They’re fighting not just for themselves, but for all of us, because if Russia gets away with violating the fundamental principles that are at stake, it’s not just the Ukrainian people who will suffer. It will drag us back to a much more dangerous time, a much more unstable time. It will send a message that these principles are somehow expendable, and that would make many countries around the world vulnerable to the very aggression to which Ukraine is now subject.
Yesterday, I authorized a drawdown of up to $450 million in arms and other equipment from the U.S. Defense Department inventories, including high-mobility artillery rocket systems, tens of thousands of additional rounds of ammunition for artillery systems that Ukraine has already received, including howitzers and patrol boats to help Ukraine defend its coast and its waterways. This is now our 13th drawdown for Ukraine’s defense since August of 2021. That brings our total military assistance to Ukraine to more than $6.1 billion since the war began. We’re giving Ukraine the support it needs to defend itself. For as long as it takes, we will continue to do so.
There have been recent reports that Russia’s limited military gains in eastern Ukraine are sparking concerns in Europe and beyond about the war’s trajectory, so let me be clear about a few things.
First, Ukraine is defending itself with extraordinary courage and resilience, and Russia has already lost. President Putin’s objective, in his own words, was to eliminate Ukraine as a sovereign, independent country. That effort has failed. A sovereign, independent Ukraine is going to be around a lot longer than President Putin is on the scene.
In terms of its military campaign, Russian forces failed badly in their attempt to capture Kyiv. Due to stiff Ukrainian resistance, Russia has dramatically altered its strategy. It scaled back its near-term objectives and focused instead on capturing territory in the east to try to shift the momentum and allow President Putin to falsely claim victory.
But while Russia has made slow, painful gains in one region, those gains have been far from decisive, and they’ve come at extraordinarily high cost. Public reports indicate that tens of thousands of Russian troops have been killed or wounded since the aggression began, and Russia continues to lose a large number of tanks, aircraft, ships, equipment, munitions. Even if Russia succeeds in capturing more territory, it will inherit cities and towns that its own artillery have turned to rubble and a local population that hates it. It will have to content with an increasingly assertive and well-armed Ukrainian force.
Russia’s become mired in a war of attrition of its own making, and despite what you hear from propagandists in the Kremlin, our intelligence indicates that Russian military continues to suffer from low morale, high casualty rates, equipment failures, and leaders who are afraid to tell the truth about what’s really happening on the ground.
Second, we’re raising the costs on Russia to bring the war to an end more swiftly through unprecedented sanctions and export controls. Economists predict that Russia’s GDP will contract by between 10 and 15 percent this year. Moscow’s prevented an economic meltdown so far by taking extraordinary measures to prop up its currency, but those tactics are unsustainable as the full impact of Western sanctions and trade restrictions begins to take hold. Access to credit will dry up. Manufacturing will decline. Shelves will remain empty. Unemployment will rise. Without access to global finance, technology, and commerce, Russia’s long-term economic potential, its ability to project military power, its capacity to deliver a high standard of living for its people, will badly degrade.
Even as Russia benefits from higher oil prices in the near term, it won’t over time as Europe significantly reduces its oil imports and Moscow can’t replace energy production equipment because of export controls. Likewise, the Kremlin can’t spend its money on the things that it really wants, like advanced defense and aerospace components, that have also been limited by export controls.
Meanwhile, we’ve seen now more than a thousand foreign firms flee the country, withdraw their investments. More will likely make the same decision as the effect of sanctions and export controls continues to compound. We’ve also seen many of Russia’s best and brightest leave the country as well, including highly educated professionals in the tech and energy fields and foreign experts who used to call Russia home. Maybe all of this is why the Russian Government stopped publishing key economic data in April.
Our information indicates that around half of Russians recently reported that their household economic situation has worsened since the war began. Eventually the Russian people will have to ask themselves: Is this war worth the cost? Why are we doing this? How is this in any way improving my life, my children’s lives?
Third, we’re working to end global dependence on Russian energy, which the Kremlin has used as a tool of coercion for far too long. The EU pledge to cut Russian oil imports by 90 percent by the end of the year and to ban EU firms from carrying Russian crude is a strong and courageous act. We know that carrying it out will not be easy. Germany, for example, has just taken new measures to conserve energy to help address rising fuel prices. But in the end, moving away from Russian oil and Russian energy means breaking free from Moscow’s grip, and that will ultimately make life better for the people of Europe.
Fourth, we’re strengthening our own defenses. At the NATO Leaders Summit next week, we will endorse a new Strategic Concept to ensure that NATO is prepared to face emerging threats over the next decade. We’ll announce new force posture commitments to strengthen NATO’s eastern flank and its defense and deterrence. And, of course, we’ll pursue Finland and Sweden’s applications to join the Alliance in light of the Kremlin’s war on their neighbor. President Putin wanted to weaken NATO with this war. Instead, NATO is stronger, more united, and on the cusp of enlarging.
We all wish that we could say with certainty when this war will end. The days ahead are not going to be easy. But we must and we will stay resolved to stand up to Russian aggression and defend Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence. President Putin used to claim that this war of aggression toward Ukraine was somehow about a threat that Ukraine or NATO posed toward Russia. But that’s not what this is about; it never has been, and President Putin now forthrightly acknowledges it. He recently compared himself to Peter the Great and said that when Peter waged a war with Sweden, he was simply taking back what belonged to Russia. Now, he said, Russia is again looking to take back what is theirs. He stopped pretending this war of choice is about Russia defending itself from a manufactured threat by NATO. It’s about conquest. It’s about subjugating Russia’s neighbor. We can’t let that happen.
From the start of this brutal war, the United States and our allies and partners have been united to a remarkable degree, and that continues. At every step there have been doubts about whether our shared resolve would last, and at every step we’ve proved that it would. Some doubted that we’d impose sanctions that would have a meaningful impact on the Russian economy; we did. Some have doubted whether we’d build a significant coalition behind those sanctions; we did. Some doubted whether countries in Europe would provide lethal defensive assistance to Ukraine; they did. Some doubted that Ukraine could withstand Moscow’s onslaught; it has, it will, and we’ll stand with them.
In the coming week, we’ll strengthen our unity yet again, both at the NATO Leaders Summit and at the G7 Leaders Summit, where we’ll reaffirm our support for a democratic, independent, sovereign, and prosperous Ukraine; address the impact that this war of aggression by Russia is having on rising global prices for food and gas; and roll out a set of concrete actions to continue to increase the costs on Russia.
President Zelenskyy said that this war will only definitively end through diplomacy. We stand ready to support any diplomatic solution. And yet, Russia has shown no interest. We’ll keep discussing diplomatic strategies with Ukraine, with our allies and partners. We’ll keep strengthening Ukraine’s position on the battlefield so it has the strongest possible position at any negotiating table that emerges.
As President Biden recently reiterated, we seek a democratic, independent, sovereign, and prosperous Ukraine with the means to deter and defend itself against any further aggression. We’ll support Ukraine’s efforts to achieve a negotiated end to the conflict because our principle throughout this crisis has been nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine, and that will continue.
The United States is grateful to our allies and partners for incredibly close coordination every step along the way. We join people around the world in standing resolutely with the Ukrainian people as they fight for their country and for the principles that make the world more secure and more free for everyone. Thank you.
MR PRICE: We have time for a few questions. We’ll start with Missy Ryan of The Washington Post.
QUESTION: Hi, Mr. Secretary. Thanks for doing this. I have two questions on Ukraine. First, you mentioned Russia’s limited military gains in eastern Ukraine, but at the same time Russia has – I assume you were referring to the fall of Sievierodonetsk or the withdrawal of Ukrainian forces from that city. But Russia has also managed to take other parts of eastern Ukraine, and I’m just wondering if you see the changing of control in Sievierodonetsk as potentially an indicator of the limits of Ukraine’s battlefield reach or capability and an indicator of this potentially settling into frozen conflict.
And then yesterday you mentioned the 450 million, the latest drawdown. In response to that, the ranking Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee welcomed the drawdown but also said that the administration, in his view, is still failing to go far enough in providing weapons that Ukraine has requested like longer-range drones and tanks. What’s your response to the idea that the United States and its allies, despite this massive amount of assistance that’s being rolled out, are arming Ukraine enough to maintain a stalemate or perhaps have this slow degrading of its territory but not enough to win?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, Missy. So first, what we’re seeing in the Donbas, in eastern Ukraine, after Russia’s failure to achieve its objectives of taking the entire country, eliminating its sovereignty and independence – that failed. It failed in large part because of the extraordinary courage of the Ukrainian people. It also failed because for many, many months, well before the aggression, we had been doing everything we could to make sure that Ukrainians had in their hands the tools that they needed, the weapons that they needed to repel Russian aggression. And that’s what they so effectively did around Kyiv and pushed the entire conflict to eastern Ukraine and southern Ukraine.
The fighting is intense in the Donbas throughout. We’re seeing horrifically large numbers of casualties on both sides, Russia and Ukraine, and what we’ve said all along is that the trajectory of this conflict was not going to be linear. It would move back and forth. The progress that we’ve seen Russia make in the Donbas, as I said, has come at incredibly high cost to Russia in lives and materiel. And as I mentioned a moment ago, in many cases, to the extent that Russia does take some additional territory, the territory that it’s taken has literally been bombed to the rubbles by Russia itself. And to the extent the local populace remains, it’s – as I said, it hates Russia. So that’s not a situation that suggests there will be stability in any parts of Ukraine that Russia seizes by force.
But again, I think we focus on the tactical at the expense of looking, again, at the strategic. And it’s worth emphasizing that Russia’s objectives, Putin’s objectives, had been to eliminate Ukraine as a sovereign and independent state. That has failed. And now there is a incredibly destructive battle going on in one part of Ukraine.
With regard to the assistance, what we’ve done at every step along the way is to make the best determination we can about what it is that Ukraine needs and can effectively use to repel the Russian aggression. And that evolves over time; that’s changed over time. Some of the systems that we and many others were providing to the Ukrainians to deal with the Russian attack on Kyiv were different from what is necessary now because the nature of the battle has changed, the nature of what’s needed has changed.
As I mentioned, this is now the 13th drawdown that we’ve done, well over $6 billion in assistance just from the United States, and of course dozens of allies and partners are also taking part in an effort coordinated by us – Secretary Austin in Ramstein just a couple of months ago brought everyone together to really further coordinate these efforts. And we make determinations every day about what we believe can be most effective in helping the Ukrainians deal with the Russian aggression and the specifics of that aggression.
Two things are necessary: the equipment itself, which is being provided very rapidly, to include most recently the HIMARS, to include most recently the MLRS – and that significantly increases the range that the Ukrainians have in dealing with Russian artillery positions and other things. It’s also critical, though, that – in the case of weapons systems being provided by many, many countries, including the United States – that the Ukrainians be effectively trained to use the system as well as have the ability to maintain them. So all of that has to be put together. We’re doing that, and again, we’re doing that in very close coordination with allies and partners, and I think you’ll see, as more equipment continues to get where it needs to get – into Ukrainian hands – that that will have an impact on the battlefield.
MR PRICE: Vivian.
QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. I do have a food security question, but if you’ll indulge me in light of the historic news back home, I wanted to ask you – of course, you may have heard that the Supreme Court has overturned Roe v. Wade, imposing potential restrictions that would largely buck worldwide trends. Yesterday the court also said that Americans can – have the right to carry firearms in public for self-defense on the heels of a series of mass shootings. Of course, we know this is not necessarily your portfolio, but the Biden administration has repeatedly touted its desire to improve America’s image abroad with allies and partners and to ensure them that on major issues and principles, America is on the same page. Does this complicate your efforts to do that?
And then I can ask you right away the food security question. You and your counterparts have repeatedly pushed back on Russia’s comments that sanctions are responsible for the food crisis, and there’s evidence to support that, but sanctions have caused tremendous challenges that cannot be denied, and so far, despite discussions with allies around the world, those efforts haven’t yet seen a significant impact as far as easing some of those logistical disruptions that are happening. And so how can you change that?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Sure, thank you. With regard to the Supreme Court’s decision, I believe the President is going to be speaking to that very shortly, maybe in the next hour or so. So I am certainly not going to get ahead of the President. I’ll let him speak to the decision.
With regard to grain, first, it is very important to continue to make clear, as I did earlier today when I was standing with my German counterpart, that this narrative that Russia has been pushing out that somehow our sanctions are contributing to food scarcity, that that is entirely wrong and it is Russia’s aggression against Ukraine that has exacerbated what was already a terrible pre-existing condition. We’ve seen rising food insecurity over the last few years, largely driven by climate change and COVID; now we have conflict and Russia’s aggression.
And again, to be absolutely clear about this, from day one, as we imposed sanctions on Russia for its aggression against Ukraine, we exempted from those sanctions food, food products, fertilizer, and also things necessary to move them out of Russia, including insurance and shipping. And we have been going around the world whenever a question, a practical question is raised about some perceived impediment to moving food to answer those questions, and if any complication has resulted that was unintended, we’re dealing with it and making sure that we can facilitate the export of food.
Russia itself has been playing terrible games with its own food, imposing its own export controls on itself, putting quotas on, deciding when and where it’s going to make food available for political reasons. As I said before, there is nothing preventing the export of food, food products, fertilizer from Russia except for Russia itself. And the only thing that is preventing the export of food from Ukraine, the breadbasket of Europe, is Russia. Blockading Odessa – as I said earlier, there are about 25 million tons of grain stuck in silos in Ukraine, on ships in the Odessa port, that can’t leave because of Russia.
So again, Russia has been spreading this false narrative, we are batting it down in every place that we can, and if any practical problems emerge, we deal with them.
MR PRICE: Fred Pleitgen, CNN.
QUESTION: Thank you, sir. I just got back from Russia; I was there for about two and a half weeks. And quite frankly, the Russians believe that they’re winning. They say that their economy has been hit, but it certainly hasn’t been crippled. They’re making tons of money off oil and gas. They’re actually trying to turn the offensive in Ukraine into an employment program by offering people up to five, six thousand dollars a month to fight there, especially people from lower-income regions of Russia. And they’ve defined or they’ve called the battlefield losses that you say are horrific – they’ve called those acceptable. Doesn’t that mean that the U.S. essentially needs to step up a lot as far as economic pressure is concerned and military assistance to Ukraine is concerned if it really wants to dissuade Russia from continuing to attack Ukraine?
I do want to also follow up on what Vivian was saying or asking, because I did have the chance to speak to Dmitry Peskov and he told me that the Russians will be perfectly fine with allowing goods to get out of the port of Odessa, but the Ukrainians have to remove the mines and the Russians want to inspect every ship. Do you give any credence to demands like that?
And finally – this is probably just a yes-or-no answer – is there any chance that you’ll bump into or meet Sergey Lavrov at the G20 in Bali?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So let me take those in a slightly different order. Thank you.
First, with regard to Odessa, again, the only thing preventing Ukrainian grain from leaving is the Russian effective blockade of the port. When Russia says that it might be prepared to let ships out, that potentially creates the risk of Russian ships going in and attacking Odessa directly. So the Ukrainians have to have confidence that in doing anything that would allow their ships to get out of port, that the Russians won’t take advantage of that and allow Russian ships to go in and attack Odessa.
With regard to inspections, by what right or by what logic does Russia insist on inspecting Ukrainian sovereign ships leaving Ukrainian ports going to other countries? That makes no sense. Having said that, the United Nations, the secretary-general have been working very persistently to see if some kind of agreement can be reached that would allow a channel out of Odessa for Ukrainian ships, and so food and grain. We very much support that effort. They are trying to bring Russians, Ukrainians together. Turkey’s involved also in supporting this effort. If they can come to an agreement, that would be a very good thing, but I have doubts about whether Russia is really serious about doing this. It keeps sort of kicking the can down the road despite the best efforts of the UN secretary-general, but we hope that that can achieve something.
Meanwhile, there’s – more grain is moving out of Ukraine by rail, by land through to Poland, Romania, and other places. We’ve seen the volume go up month to month. It’s still not anywhere near where it was before the Russian aggression, but that is – that is increasing. We’re working to help facilitate that. One of the other big problems that Ukraine has – and the President addressed this the other day – is that because so much grain is stuck in silos, as the new harvest comes in there’s no place for it to go. So we’re looking at some creative solutions to that problem.
Again, with regard to the sanctions and the pressure, Putin has developed over the years one of the most effective 24/7 propaganda systems of any country on earth, and so the steady diet of propaganda that Russians are fed every single day without other sources of information that Putin over many years has sought to eliminate makes it sometimes difficult for the truth to penetrate immediately. But as I said earlier, the sanctions have already had a dramatic impact on Russia’s economic fortunes. Much of what it’s doing, for example, to prop up the ruble is unsustainable, and I think you’ll see changes there.
As I mentioned, while oil revenues are coming in because of higher prices, the export controls are such that the things that Russia most wants to buy, including technology to modernize its defense sector, to modernize its ability to extract energy in different places, they can’t buy it. Meanwhile, this exodus of more than a thousand companies from Russia – that also has an impact over time. For example, companies that have been involved in selling things that Russians want to buy, they had inventory in Russia, so even as they left or said they were leaving, the inventory was still there, so Russians could still buy an iPhone.
As those inventories are depleted, I think you’ll see that the Russian people will not be able to buy what they’ve been able to buy for the last 20 or 30 years since Russia’s opening to the world, and what Putin has forfeited among many other things with this aggression against Ukraine is everything that’s been achieved in terms of Russian’s openness to the world and the opportunities that creates for the Russian people. He’s forfeited that with this aggression against Ukraine.
This will bite more and more and more. We’re seeing a downgrading of Russian bonds to junk status. We’re seeing expectations for Russian growth to be somewhere between minus 10 and minus 15 this coming year, and all of that has a cumulative impact. And as I said, at some point, despite the propaganda system, the Russian people are actually going to feel this in their daily lives. I wish that were not the case. I wish that these consequences of Putin’s aggression were not going to also cause suffering in Russia, but that is a fact. It is a result of Putin’s aggression, and I just come back to this simple question that if one could speak to Russians directly – and maybe you did in your time there – what is this possibly doing to improve their lives? How is this horrific aggression that is costing so many Ukrainian lives and so many Russian lives – how is that doing anything to actually address what the Russian people want?
I think with time they’re going to be asking those questions more and more and more.
MR PRICE: Kristin Becker, ARD.
QUESTION: (Off-mike.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Oh. I won’t get ahead of that. We’ll – stay tuned.
MR PRICE: Kristin Becker, ARD.
QUESTION: Thank you. Mr. Secretary, in your statement, you said we will continue to help Ukraine as long as it takes, more or less. I was wondering, like, also in Germany these days solidarity is the big word, but in Germany and as well in the U.S., you have sort of a worsened situation for the normal people in terms of inflation, gas prices. So how long do you think you can keep up this solidarity? Is there a limit?
And if you allow me, just – I do understand that you cannot offer an official position on the Roe v. Wade case, but in Germany we have a big day today on abortion rights as well because parliament voted for more liberalization on that. And I was just wondering if you could offer at least a personal note. Your ex-boss – ex-President Obama said it’s an attack on “the essential of millions of Americans.” Do you agree?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Second part first, again, because President Biden will be speaking to this very shortly, I’m not going to have anything to say. I want – I don’t want to get ahead of the President.
With regard to the sustainability of everything that we’re doing, I’d say two things. First, as I mentioned in my opening comments, at virtually every step along the way in this process starting from before Russia’s aggression through to right now, there have been lots of doubts expressed about our ability to do things we said we would do, about our ability to maintain solidarity, about the willingness of allies and partners to take significant steps when it comes either to sanctions or to supporting Ukraine, including with security assistance.
And thus far at every step along the way, the doubters have been proved wrong, and our solidarity, our ability to work as allies and partners in support of Ukraine militarily, economically, and on a humanitarian basis; to impose costs on Russia for the aggression in an effort to get it to end the war more quickly, and as we’ll see in just a few days, strengthening our defensive Alliance at NATO – I think that cohesion, that solidarity has been unlike any I’ve seen in the 30 or so years that I’ve been doing this. As I said earlier, too, we can’t predict how long this war will last, and I fear that it will still be some time. We’d like to see it – Russia’s aggression end tomorrow, and we’ll look for any opportunity to advance an end to the aggression.
But what I heard today from my partners in the G7 was an ongoing commitment to continue doing what we’ve been doing in support of Ukraine: imposing costs on Russia, strengthening our own defenses. I know we’ll see more of that at NATO and we’ll see that at the leaders’ level at the G7. And I think the solidarity is strong, it’s real, and there’s a real commitment to carry it through as long as is necessary.
`MR PRICE: Take a final question from Carsten Hoffmann, DPA.
QUESTION: Yes. Mr. Secretary, you mentioned food security already today and there was the conference, but there is another big problem that is energy security. There is concern that Germany and other European countries might be hit very hard in the winter because of a lack of gas. Is there something that you have to – that the U.S. could do? Have you talked with your partners in Europe about this?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes, and in fact, that’s been an ongoing conversation – more than a conversation, active coordination – for several months. We set up a task force with the European Union to look at energy concerns that have arisen since Russia’s aggression, including concerns about the availability of energy for Europe. We have ourselves directed more liquified natural gas to Europe. We’ve worked with other countries, including in Asia, who were contracted to take some liquified natural gas that’s been redirected to Europe. We’re doing everything we can to support transitions that Europe is making away from Russian oil in the first instance, and then ultimately diversifying their sources of energy going forward.
This isn’t easy at all. I mean, the dependence on Russia has built up over decades, so you can’t just flip a switch and end it easily and cleanly. But there seems to me to be a real commitment in Europe to do that. And for people in Europe, continuing to allow Russia to have a stranglehold through energy on different countries in Europe, that I believe is both unacceptable and unsustainable. And European leaders are taking very courageous steps to move away from that.
I think we’ve said all along that in standing up to this Russian aggression, the costs would primarily be borne by the Ukrainian people, but we would also bear costs. And I think leaders throughout Europe and beyond in Asia have made the judgment that those costs are necessary because what’s at stake, the ongoing dangers posed to all of us by allowing the Russian aggression to go forward with impunity, are enormous. And so there are sacrifices that are being made, but we’re taking very active steps to try to address them, to end them, to mitigate them wherever we can. And again, there’s an ongoing work that’s being done virtually every day to look at what we can do to help make sure that Europe has the energy it needs when it needs it.
Thank you.
MR PRICE: Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, everyone.
Chair’s Statement: Roadmap for Global Food Security – Call to Action
06/24/2022
Chair’s Statement: Roadmap for Global Food Security – Call to Action
06/24/2022 04:49 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The following statement was issued on May 19 by the United States as Chair of a Global Food Security Ministerial Meeting held at United Nations Headquarters. As of today, it is endorsed by 92 countries: Albania, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahrain, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Brazil, Brunei, Bulgaria, Canada, Cape Verde, Chad, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Djibouti, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, Estonia, Eswatini, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Guyana, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Indonesia, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kiribati, Kuwait, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malta, Mauritania, Mexico, Micronesia, Moldova, Montenegro, Morocco, the Netherlands, Niger, Nigeria, North Macedonia, Norway, Oman, the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Romania, Rwanda, Samoa, San Marino, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Singapore, Slovakia, Spain, Suriname, Sweden, Switzerland, Timor-Leste, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Yemen, and Zambia.
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We issue this Roadmap for Global Food Security–Call to Action to affirm our commitment to act with urgency, at scale, and in concert to respond to the urgent food security and nutrition needs of millions of people in vulnerable situations the world. We commit to provide immediate humanitarian assistance, build resilience of those in vulnerable situations, support social protection and safety nets, and strengthen sustainable, resilient, and inclusive food systems in line with the objectives of the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals, and the objectives of the 2021 UN Food Systems Summit.
We note with grave concern that the newly-released 2022 Global Report on Food Crises indicates that the number of people facing acute food insecurity greatly increased from 135 million in 2019 to 193 million in 2021 in the 53 countries most in need of assistance, and that nearly 40 million people across 36 countries experienced emergency levels of acute food insecurity, just one step away from famine. Driven by conflicts, extreme climate-related events, such as historic multi-season droughts and floods; economic shocks, including the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on livelihoods, incomes, and food prices; and a multitude of other threats to human, animal and crop health, the food security outlook for 2022 and beyond is grim. This is compounded by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which is further exacerbating this already dire situation. We call on all United Nations Member States, international organizations, the private sector, and civil society and academia to urgently support the emergency response to address humanitarian needs and to also focus on building resilient and sustainable food systems particularly for those most vulnerable to food insecurity and malnutrition.
We reaffirm the vital role of the United Nations system, its implementing partners, and non-government organizations in responding to the global food security crisis, in particular through the work of the World Food Programme, Food and Agriculture Organization, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, International Fund for Agricultural Development, United Nations Children’s Fund, and the Global Network against Food Crises. We strongly support the swift initiative of the UN Secretary-General in ensuring a coordinated and comprehensive response through the UN Secretariat’s Global Crisis Response Group on Food, Energy and Finance (GCRG). We thank the UN Secretary-General for his consistent leadership to raise collective awareness and action on food security and food systems transformation.
We welcome the G7’s efforts under the German Presidency’s leadership to prioritize and respond to the escalating global food security crisis, most prominently the shaping of a Global Alliance for Food Security. We recall the G7 Famine Prevention Compact agreed during the United Kingdom Presidency and we look forward to addressing food security as a core component of social, economic, and environmental development under Indonesia’s G20 Presidency, recalling also the G20 Matera Declaration on Food Security, Nutrition and Food Systems promoted under the Italian G20 Presidency. We welcome the different initiatives taken by the African Union (AU) for the elimination of hunger and food insecurity in Africa under the Senegalese presidency’s leadership. In this regard, we recall the AU theme of the year 2022: Strengthening Resilience in Nutrition and Food Security on the African Continent: Strengthening Agro-Food Systems, Health and Social Protection Systems for the Acceleration of Human, Social and Economic Capital Development.” We take note of various other international initiatives, such as the Food and Agriculture Resilience Mission (FARM).
We welcome the commitment of the multilateral development banks and international financial institutions to combine their expertise and financing to quickly increase policy and financial support to countries and households vulnerable to the food security crisis and to increase domestic agricultural production in, and supply to, affected countries in line with a transition to sustainable food systems. We are pleased that these commitments have been encapsulated in the IFI Action Plan to Address Food Insecurity.
Recognizing that the impacts of and capacity to respond to global food insecurity are unevenly distributed across countries, and that conflicts, climate change, and macroeconomic shocks threaten global food security both immediately and into the future, we call on all UN Member States to commit to addressing immediate humanitarian needs and disruptions, including guaranteeing full, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access to populations in need. We ask that UN Member States rapidly provide additional contributions to urgent humanitarian appeals to the areas most affected by acute hunger, which are experiencing the compound effects of multiple historic shocks and where the greatest number of lives are under immediate threat due to food insecurity and malnutrition.
We also call on all UN Member States to work together to mitigate the mid-term and long-term impacts of recent shocks to global agriculture and food systems. We must collectively mitigate fertilizer shortages and the subsequent threat to food production, increase investments in agricultural capacity and resilience, buffer those in vulnerable situations from impacts to their food security, nutrition and well-being, and sustain high-level global political engagement on these critical issues.
As part of the Roadmap for Global Food Security–Call to Action, we call for the following actions:UN Member States with available resources to make new, additive financial donations to key humanitarian organizations providing immediate life-saving humanitarian assistance, including cash, food and nutrition supplies, health and nutrition programming, water and sanitation, and humanitarian protection to populations at the most severe risk, while at the same time strengthening their resilience to multiple shocks wherever possible.UN Member States with available resources, including those with large emergency food stockpiles, to provide in-kind donations and necessary associated costs to key humanitarian organizations for transportation and delivery of food commodities, based on assessed needs by governments of affected countries or humanitarian organizations.All UN Member States to keep their food and agricultural markets open and to avoid unjustified restrictive measures, such as export bans on food or fertilizer, which increase market volatility and threaten food security and nutrition at a global scale, especially among those in vulnerable situations already experiencing increased poverty, hunger, and malnutrition, and call on all members to ensure safe maritime transportation in the Black Sea.UN Member States with available resources to temporarily increase fertilizer production in order to compensate shortages, support fertilizer innovations and promote methods to maximize fertilizer efficiency, invest in diversifying sustainable production of fertilizers, and increase the use of residues as fertilizers to create longer-term supply chain resilience for this key input.UN Member States with available resources to increase efforts to support the sustainable transformation of agriculture and food systems to make them more resilient and available to smallholder farmers, and strengthen the infrastructure, logistical support, and innovation needed to cultivate, store, and distribute food.All UN Member States to increase their investments in research to develop and implement science-based and climate-resilient agricultural innovations, including seeds, that contribute to building sustainable and resilient agricultural sectors and food systems.All UN Member States and regional organizations to closely monitor markets affecting food systems, including futures markets, to ensure full transparency, and to share reliable and timely data and information on global food market developments, especially through the relevant international organizations.
We note the many commitments made today in response to this Roadmap for Global Food Security–Call to Action and urge the mobilization of additional resources to implement this roadmap on an urgent basis.
We will regularly review actions outlined in this Roadmap for Global Food Security–Call to Action, and will coordinate commitments and their implementation with UN System agencies, the G7, G20, multilateral development banks and international financial institutions, and other partners as appropriate.
Enhanced coordination at country level is key, including to support the work of the GCRG in partner countries. We will step-up our efforts in this regard, including strengthened reporting concerning the actions and impact on the ground to avert further socio-economic shocks and risks.
Today’s Supreme Court Decision
06/24/2022
Today’s Supreme Court Decision
06/24/2022 10:06 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
As Secretary of State, I usually avoid commenting on Supreme Court rulings. But today’s decision overturning Roe v. Wade has raised understandable questions and concerns across the world and within our workforce.
So let me be clear: under this Administration, the State Department will remain fully committed to helping provide access to reproductive health services and advancing reproductive rights around the world. And this Department will do everything possible to ensure that all our employees have access to reproductive health services, wherever they live.
We will not waver from this commitment.
Slovenia’s National Day
06/25/2022
Slovenia’s National Day
06/25/2022 12:01 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
On behalf of the United States of America, I wish the people of Slovenia a happy Statehood Day.
As we honor the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and Slovenia, we celebrate our shared democratic values and vision, including our commitment to protecting human rights and the rule of law, addressing the challenges of climate change, and expanding economic ties between our two countries by harnessing the new opportunities of the green economy. The United States reaffirms its belief that Slovenia is a very well qualified candidate to the UN Security Council for 2024-2025 and would be, if elected, a trusted voice in contributing to international peace and security.
Congratulations on your Statehood Day. We look forward to continuing to advance our bilateral relationship in the years ahead.
Mozambique National Day
06/25/2022
Mozambique National Day
06/24/2022 11:59 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
On behalf of the United States of America, I extend best wishes to the people of Mozambique and join in commemorating your independence.
Over the last year, our cooperative efforts have contributed to a more peaceful, prosperous, and healthy Mozambique. Our joint security cooperation has created space for continued economic growth and development. Our people-to-people engagement through professional, academic, and cultural exchanges, has deepened our ties. Our active health partnership has enabled us to fight against the COVID-19 pandemic as well as HIV, tuberculosis, polio, and malaria. When your government joined us in a festive inauguration of our new embassy, we renewed our commitment to a strong and enduring friendship.
In that spirit, we look forward to working side by side during Mozambique’s first and historic UN Security Council term next year. May our joint efforts continue to be a guiding force in the pursuit of peace, progress, and prosperity in the region and around the world.
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