Statement on Humanitarian Assistance to Nagorno-Karabakh
09/18/2023
Statement on Humanitarian Assistance to Nagorno-Karabakh
09/18/2023 04:36 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
We welcome today’s simultaneous shipment of humanitarian goods along the Lachin corridor and the Aghdam roadway into Nagorno-Karabakh, an approach President Aliyev and I recently discussed. These deliveries of critically needed supplies are an important step forward, and we encourage the sides to engage in direct talks and focus on ways to increase the flow of humanitarian supplies to the population of the region. The United States remains committed to supporting efforts between Armenia and Azerbaijan to resolve long-standing issues and achieve a dignified and durable peace.
120 Years of Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Bulgaria
09/19/2023
120 Years of Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Bulgaria
09/19/2023 07:13 AM EDT
Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson
On September 19, 1903, John B. Jackson, Minister to Greece, Romania, and Serbia, presented his credentials to serve as the first U.S. Diplomatic Agent to Bulgaria – six years prior to Bulgaria’s proclamation of full independence from the Ottoman Empire. Today, we celebrate the one hundred and twentieth anniversary of that act and the establishment of diplomatic relations between our two great nations. Our relationship as bilateral partners, and our friendship as members of the transatlantic family of nations, has never been stronger.
The United States and Bulgaria work closely together on a multitude of issues. Our shared commitment to provide military and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine in the face of Russia’s brutal war of aggression remains firm. We continue to deepen our collaboration on vital regional and global security issues as NATO Allies, working side by side in the NATO battlegroup hosted by Bulgaria and training together on a regular basis. Our nations are expanding cooperation on economic and energy issues to increase prosperity, address the climate crisis, and reduce Bulgaria’s reliance on Russian energy sources. Together, we are working to strengthen the rule of law and to boost democratic resilience against state-sponsored disinformation and malign influence. We also partner to promote innovation and economic opportunity through academic and professional exchanges and robust commercial relationships.
People-to-people ties have been the bedrock of our relationship since even before Asen Kermekchiev (“Ace Kermek”), a Bulgarian-American, began serving as the first U.S. Consular Agent in Bulgaria in 1912. Today, there are nearly 250,000 Bulgarians living in the United States, and nearly 90,000 Americans living in or traveling to Bulgaria every year. The warm relationship between our nations, based on shared transatlantic values, common interests, and family and cultural ties, continues to grow. We look forward to another one hundred and twenty years of friendship.
Joint Statement on U.S.-Finland Science and Technology Cooperation
09/19/2023
Joint Statement on U.S.-Finland Science and Technology Cooperation
09/19/2023 01:22 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The text of the following joint statement was released by the Governments of the United States and Finland at the Third U.S.-Finland Joint Committee Meeting on Science and Technology Cooperation.
Begin Text
On September 19 and 20, the Republic of Finland hosted the United States for the third Joint Committee Meeting (JCM) on Science and Technology Cooperation in Helsinki. Deputy Assistant Secretary for Science in the Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs (OES) Rahima Kandahari co-chaired the discussions with Acting Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Economic Affairs (MEAE) Petri Peltonen. Deputy Assistant Secretary Kandahari applauded the 104 years of diplomatic engagement between our two countries and emphasized how science and technology cooperation exemplifies the mutual benefits of U.S.-Finland collaboration.
The JCM topics focused on key policy and research priorities, including climate science; cybersecurity; biotechnology, health, and life sciences; emerging technologies such as 6G, artificial intelligence, and quantum information science; research integrity and security; the innovation pipeline; and energy solutions for the benefit of peoples and economies.
The U.S. delegation comprised leaders and experts from the National Science Foundation, the Department of Energy, the National Institutes of Health, the Department of Homeland Security, the U.S. Geological Survey, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, the University Corporation for Atmospheric Research, the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy, and the U.S. Department of State. The participating Finnish agencies and organizations included the Research Council of Finland, Business Finland, VTT Technical Research Centre of Finland, CSC IT Centre for Science, and the Ministries of Economic Affairs and Employment, Foreign Affairs, Transport and Communications, and Education and Culture.
As President Biden and President Niinistö reaffirmed during the July 2023 U.S.-Nordic Leaders’ Summit, the United States and Finland have a steadfast commitment to the principles of mutual trust, mutual respect, and mutual security. Our two countries are forged by our shared values of democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and a shared commitment to strengthening the international rules-based order. Finland’s NATO membership strengthens regional and transatlantic security. We collaborate on science and technology in addressing the climate crisis, cybersecurity, and promoting public health to create a more prosperous future for our citizens. We also work together on shared priorities in the Arctic. Both partners work to create inclusive scientific research communities to consider the importance of preserving principles for scientific cooperation, such as promoting the integrity and security of the international scientific enterprise, and to encourage the participation in cooperative activities of researchers and organizations from all sectors.
This JCM reaffirmed both countries’ commitment to continue close partnership and coordination on science and technology cooperation with a goal to advance responsible innovation, in alignment with our shared values, to address global challenges in health, climate, energy, and more. Continued scientific engagement and people-to-people ties between the United States and Finland will not only propel both economies forward, but also lead toward a more resilient future for all citizens.
End Text
Call for End of Hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh
09/19/2023
Call for End of Hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh
09/19/2023 01:54 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
The United States is deeply concerned by Azerbaijan’s military actions in Nagorno-Karabakh and calls on Azerbaijan to cease these actions immediately. These actions are worsening an already dire humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh and undermine prospects for peace. As we have previously made clear to Azerbaijan, the use of force to resolve disputes is unacceptable and runs counter to efforts to create conditions for a just and dignified peace in the region. We call for an immediate end to hostilities and for respectful dialogue between Baku and representatives of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh.
G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting at the High-Level Week of the United Nations General Assembly
09/19/2023
G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting at the High-Level Week of the United Nations General Assembly
09/19/2023 04:01 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The text of the following statement was released by Kamikawa Yoko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan in her capacity as Chair of the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting.
Begin text:
In today’s meeting in New York, the G7 Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the High Representative of the European Union reaffirmed their strong unity in addressing threats to international peace and security. The G7 members reiterated the importance of strengthening the free and open international order based on the rule of law, respecting the United Nations (UN) Charter as the foundation of cooperation among nations. They strongly opposed any unilateral attempts to change the peacefully established status of territories by force or coercion anywhere in the world. They were committed to working with all UN Member States to strengthen the roles of the UN Secretary-General as well as the UN General Assembly. They also recommitted to the reform of the UN Security Council (UNSC). They reaffirmed their support for the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). They committed to advancing all of the SDGs, balancing the social, environmental, and economic pillars of sustainable development to promote peace and prosperity for people and the planet, noting the Summit for a New Global Financing Pact, now and into the future. To achieve this, they committed to working with a wide range of countries, seeking to listen to the specific challenges they face and act on the issues that matter to them.
Russia’s War of Aggression against Ukraine and Its Global Consequences
More than a year and a half has passed since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and despite numerous calls from the international community, including the legally binding order of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), Russia has not ended hostilities. The G7 members once again reaffirmed their commitment to stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes and unequivocally condemned in the strongest possible terms Russia’s war of aggression and its violation of international law, including the UN Charter. They strongly condemned the escalation of attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure. Indiscriminate and deliberate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure constitute war crimes. Russia must withdraw its troops and military equipment from the internationally recognized territory of Ukraine immediately, completely, and unconditionally.
The G7 members recommitted to providing security, financial, humanitarian, recovery, and reconstruction support. They reaffirmed their intention to work with Ukraine on specific, bilateral, long-term security commitments and arrangements. They will continue to help repair and restore Ukraine’s civil and critical infrastructure as well as to support its domestic reform efforts, especially in the fields of anti-corruption, justice system and promotion of the rule of law, in line with its European path. They welcomed that 29 countries and institutions have already joined and encouraged others to join this endeavor.
The G7 members condemned Russia’s staging of sham “elections” in the illegally occupied territories of Ukraine. Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, Zaporizhzhia oblasts and Crimea are part of Ukraine. They will never recognize Russia’s illegitimate claims to sovereign Ukrainian territory and call on all States to unequivocally reject them.
Recalling the UN General Assembly resolution A/RES/ES-11/6 of February 2023, the G7 members reiterated their determination to support concrete efforts to achieve a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, including the further development of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Peace Formula in line with international law. In this regard, they welcomed successful meetings in Copenhagen and Jeddah. They concurred on the importance of the participants continuing to engage in this process and welcomed additional participants.
Russia’s prolonged war of aggression has not only cost thousands of lives and inflicted immense suffering on the people of Ukraine, but also imperiled access to food and energy across the world, exacerbating an already dire humanitarian crisis. In this regard, the G7 members strongly condemned Russia’s unjustified and intensified attacks on Ukrainian ports and grain infrastructure in the Black Sea and the Danube. They urged Russia to stop threatening global food security and return to the international framework associated with the UN to resume grain export from Ukraine. They recalled the Hiroshima Action Statement for Resilient Global Food Security, issued by the leaders of the G7 and invited countries. They reiterated their support for Ukraine’s undeniable right to export its grain and foodstuffs through other initiatives, including “the EU-Ukraine Solidarity Lanes”, and its humanitarian maritime corridor. The G7 members are working with nations around the world to enhance global food and energy security, particularly by building resilience to withstand future shocks.
Russia’s irresponsible nuclear rhetoric and its threat to deploy nuclear weapons in Belarus are unacceptable. Any use of chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons by Russia would be met with severe consequences. The G7 members expressed grave concern about Russia’s seizure and continued militarization of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant. They urged all countries to support the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) efforts to help strengthen nuclear safety and security in Ukraine. In this regard, they expressed support for the five principles announced by IAEA Director General Grossi in May at the UNSC.
The G7 members reiterated their commitment to holding those responsible to account consistent with international law, including by supporting the efforts of international mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court. They supported exploring the creation of an internationalized tribunal based in Ukraine’s judicial system to prosecute the crime of aggression against Ukraine.
The G7 members remained committed to maintaining and, where appropriate, expanding robust sanctions and other restrictions against Russia. They reiterated their call on third parties to cease any and all assistance to Russia’s war of aggression or face severe costs. They reaffirmed their commitment to strengthen their coordination to prevent third parties from supplying lethal support including weapons to Russia, and to respond to those that do so. They reaffirmed their commitment that, consistent with their respective legal systems, Russia’s sovereign assets in their jurisdictions will remain immobilized until Russia pays for the damage it has caused Ukraine.
China
The G7 members reaffirmed the importance of engaging candidly with and expressing their concerns directly to China, acknowledging the need to work together with China on global challenges as well as areas of common interest. They continue to be prepared to build constructive and stable relations with China. The G7 members called on China to engage with them, including in international fora, on areas such as the climate, biodiversity crises, vulnerable countries’ debt sustainability and financing needs, global health, and macroeconomic stability. They emphasized that economic resilience requires de-risking and diversifying where necessary and appropriate. With a view to enabling sustainable economic relations with China, and strengthening the international trading system, they will continue to push for a level playing field for their workers and companies. They called on China to act in accordance with its obligations under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, and not to conduct interference activities aimed at undermining the security and safety of their communities, the integrity of their democratic institutions and their economic prosperity.
The G7 members reiterated that China has a responsibility to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. They remained seriously concerned about the situation in the East and South China Seas. They strongly opposed any unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force or coercion. They reemphasized the universal and unified character of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and reaffirmed that UNCLOS sets out the legal framework that governs all activities in the oceans and the seas. They reiterated that there is no legal basis for China’s expansive maritime claims in the South China Sea and opposed China’s militarization and other provocative activities in the region.
The G7 members also reaffirmed the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait as indispensable to security and prosperity in the international community, and called for the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues. There is no change in the basic position of the G7 members on Taiwan, including stated one China policies. They reiterated their support for Taiwan’s meaningful participation in international organizations.
The G7 members called on China to press Russia to stop its military aggression, and immediately, completely, and unconditionally withdraw its troops from Ukraine. They welcomed China’s participation in the Ukraine-led meeting in Jeddah and further encouraged China to support a just and lasting peace, including through its direct dialogue with Ukraine.
The G7 members remained concerned about the human rights situation in China, including in Xinjiang and Tibet. They also called on China to honor its commitments under the Sino-British Joint Declaration and the Basic Law, which enshrine rights, freedoms, and a high degree of autonomy for Hong Kong.
Indo-Pacific and Beyond
The G7 members reiterated the importance of a free and open Indo-Pacific, which is inclusive, prosperous, secure, and based on the rule of law, and that protects shared principles including sovereignty, territorial integrity and peaceful resolution of disputes, fundamental freedoms, and human rights. They reaffirmed their unwavering support for ASEAN centrality and unity and their commitment to promoting cooperation with ASEAN Member States in line with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. They also underscored their partnership with Pacific Island countries, supporting their priorities and needs in accordance with the Pacific Islands Forum’s 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. The G7 members reiterated their commitment to support sustainable, inclusive, resilient and quality infrastructure in partner countries through the G7 Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII).
The G7 members welcomed Japan’s safe, transparent, and science-based process to responsibly manage the discharge of Advanced Liquid Processing System (ALPS) treated water, in proactively coordinating with scientists and partners particularly from across the IndoPacific region as well as with the IAEA, which concluded that Japan’s process is consistent with relevant international safety standards and that the discharge will have a negligible radiological impact on people and the environment.
The G7 members strongly condemned North Korea’s continuing expansion of its unlawful nuclear and ballistic missile programs and its escalation of destabilizing activities. This includes the failed space launch in August that used ballistic missile technology in flagrant violation of UN Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs). The G7 members reaffirmed their commitment to the denuclearization of North Korea and demanded North Korea abandon its nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs, and any other weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programs in a complete, verifiable, and irreversible manner in accordance with all relevant UNSCRs. They shared concerns that the Russia-North Korea cooperation could lead to violation of the relevant UNSCRs and could also undermine peace and security of the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. They called on all UN Member States to fully and effectively implement all relevant UNSCRs and urged the UNSC members to follow through on their commitments. They also deplored North Korea’s systematic human rights violations. They urged North Korea to cooperate with the United Nations and comply with its international obligations, including with respect to human rights, and resolve the abductions issue immediately.
The G7 members voiced their concern about recent developments in the Sahel. They condemned the attempted military takeover in Niger, called for the release of President Bazoum and the return to constitutional order, and expressed full support to the diplomatic efforts undertaken by ECOWAS, the African Union, and other regional actors. They reiterated their commitment to peace, stability, and good governance in the region, and the need to tackle the deep roots of and underlying conditions of instability related to terrorism, and irregular migration.
End text.
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan
09/19/2023
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan
09/19/2023 05:52 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan today about Azerbaijan’s military actions in Nagorno-Karabakh. The Secretary expressed the United States’ deep concern for the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh and underscored that the United States is calling on Azerbaijan to immediately cease hostilities and return to dialogue immediately. He told Prime Minister Pashinyan the United States fully supports Armenia’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity.
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Azerbaijani President Aliyev
09/19/2023
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Azerbaijani President Aliyev
09/19/2023 05:49 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev today to urge Azerbaijan to cease military actions in Nagorno-Karabakh immediately and deescalate the situation. The Secretary emphasized that there is no military solution and that the parties must resume dialogue to resolve outstanding differences between Baku and ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh. The Secretary noted President Aliyev’s expressed readiness to halt military actions and for representatives of Azerbaijan and the population of Nagorno-Karabakh to meet, and he underscored the need for immediate implementation.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With George Stephanopoulos of Good Morning America on ABC
09/20/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With George Stephanopoulos of Good Morning America on ABC
09/20/2023 10:27 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
New York City, New York
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, thank you for joining us this morning.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good morning, George.
QUESTION: I want to talk – start with Ukraine. President Biden, of course, is meeting with President Zelenskyy at the White House tomorrow, making the case here in New York for more aid, but there does seem to be resistance on Capitol Hill. How do you respond to that?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: George, we’ve seen various strong bipartisan support for helping Ukraine, going back to the very beginning of the Russian aggression. I’ve had the opportunity to speak to the Republican leader in the Senate, Mitch McConnell, to people like Mike McCaul who leads the Foreign Affairs Committee in the House. That support remains strong. And I think President Zelenskyy has an opportunity now in Washington to remind people of what the stakes are. This is not just the right thing to do because of the horrific abuses that Russia is committing in Ukraine; it’s the necessary thing to do. Because if we allow Putin to get away with this, then it is going to be open season for would-be aggressors anywhere. The rest of the world is watching what’s happening in Ukraine. And those who may have designs on their neighbors, as Putin had with Ukraine, are looking to see what happens. And if he gets away with it, they say: Maybe I can get away with it. And that’s a recipe for a world full of conflict, and that’s never good for the United States.
QUESTION: Another key issue – the U.S. engaged in talks with Saudi Arabia over a possible mutual defense pact. Of course, Saudi Arabia has been accused of war crimes in Yemen, responsible for killing an American journalist. How is that in the U.S. national interest?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: One thing first on Yemen – thanks to very good work that Saudi Arabia has done over the last year or so – more than a year, a year and a half – we’ve now had a truce in Yemen, which had been the worst humanitarian situation in the world. There’s been a truce. It’s fragile, but as a result, people are not getting killed, humanitarian assistance is getting there. That’s thanks to Saudi engagement with the Houthis, the group that has been disrupting the peace in Yemen.
Second, George, when it comes to possible normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel, this would be a transformative event. We’ve had decades of turmoil, decades of conflict in the Middle East. To bring these two countries together in particular would have a powerful effect in stabilizing the region, in integrating the region, in bringing people together, not having them at each other’s throats. Now, it’s hard to get there. There are things that Saudis are looking for, things the Israelis are looking for, things we’d be looking for that make getting to “yes” a challenge. But we see the reward, if we can get there, as well being worth the effort.
QUESTION: The President, of course, is also meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel —
SECRETARY BLINKEN: That’s right.
QUESTION: — today – not at the White House, here in New York City. Do you believe that the prime minister is willing to do what it takes to normalize relations with Saudi Arabia?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: My sense, George, is that everyone involved understands the potential benefits, sees the transformative nature of what this would be, but the devil is always in the details. And making sure that in terms of what the Saudis are looking for, the Israelis are looking for, what – as I said, what we’d be looking for – can we line all that up? Can we make it work? That remains to be seen. It’s challenging. But, again, I come back to this proposition that if we can get there, it would be one of the biggest changes for the good that we’ve seen in that part of the world. And beyond that, I think you’d see positive repercussions well beyond the Middle East.
QUESTION: Final question – it appears the United States may be on the verge of another government shutdown. There seems to be some stalling on the government funding bills in the House. What would that mean for the State Department, U.S. diplomatic efforts?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: It makes everything harder. We, of course, would do everything we can to make sure we’re doing the work of the country, the work that we’re trying to do on behalf of Americans to help keep them secure, to help continuing to make peace, end conflicts, and deal with the issues that are having an impact on the lives of Americans. But it would make everything much more difficult.
From my perspective, look, it’s important that the government be able to continue to function and that we continue to be able to go around the world helping to solve problems that are having an impact on Americans. Here in New York just this week, we’ve been dealing with everything from food insecurity to climate change to energy. We brought 100 countries together to deal with the scourge of fentanyl that is killing more Americans between 18 and 49 than anything else. These are the kinds of things we can do when we’re out in the world bringing counties together, using our diplomacy to try to find answers to problems that people are facing. If the government shuts down, it’s going to be harder to do that.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, thanks for coming in this morning.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, George.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With The Today Show on NBC with Savannah Guthrie
09/20/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With The Today Show on NBC with Savannah Guthrie
09/20/2023 10:40 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
New York City, New York
QUESTION: And joining us now in Studio 1A, Secretary of State Antony Blinken. Secretary Blinken, good morning to you. Good to have you here.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good morning.
QUESTION: Let’s talk about the news this week, the prisoner swap – five Americans brought home. You cannot look at these pictures of Americans being returned to U.S. soil and not be elated for them, emotional. But the thornier issue, of course, is at what cost? When you free up $6 billion in order to get Americans back, does that not endanger Americans elsewhere, put a higher price on their heads?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, first, Savannah, it was incredibly powerful and emotional to get these Americans back. I was on the phone with them after they touched down in Doha – the first port of call before coming back to be reunited with their families – one after more than eight years in an Iranian prison. And for me, my number-one responsibility around the world is to help Americans who are in trouble, and particularly those who are being unjustly held in jails anywhere – I want to bring them home.
Now, in this particular case, what’s so important to understand is that the monies that were freed up was Iranian funds that they had gotten from the sale of oil that were stuck in a bank and that, from day one, had been exempt from our sanctions. In other words, the Iranians have always had the right to use those funds for humanitarian purposes. We moved them from one bank account to another in another country with very clear controls on them to make sure that they could only be used for humanitarian purposes. Not a single taxpayer dollar is involved. Nothing is going into Iran itself. This is all for humanitarian purposes. So I think in order to get Americans home, that was a pretty good deal.
QUESTION: Well, fair enough. But as you well know, money is fungible. So the notion is that $6 billion Iran doesn’t have to spend on whatever the Iranian people need is $6 billion they can spend elsewhere and be up to no good. How do you respond to that? They’re suddenly flush with $6 billion of cash that they otherwise wouldn’t have.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Two things. First, again, from day one, our sanctions, the penalties that we try to impose on countries that are engaged in activities like Iran is that we profoundly object to, have always, always exempted humanitarian needs. And we don’t want to be in the business of denying the Iranian people what they need. The government, the regime is something totally different.
Second, for better or worse – and unfortunately, for worse – the Iranians have always found a way to spend money for the nefarious actions that they’re engaged in. They’ve done it before sanctions, during sanctions, after sanctions. That’s going to continue. But what we’re continuing to do is two things. First, making sure that everywhere Iran is acting in a way that is dangerous, destabilizing, supporting terrorists, we’re taking action – taking action with sanctions, taking action with travel restrictions, taking actions with other countries to come down on them. Second, here in New York at the United Nations, we’re coming together with other countries to try to establish a much stronger norm and understanding in international law that countries that engage in these practices —
QUESTION: The big-ticket item at the UN this week, of course, is Ukraine. President Zelenskyy addressed the UN General Assembly. He’s coming to Washington hat in hand, looking to secure more funding. He’s going to face skeptics. Let me play something that Speaker Kevin McCarthy said yesterday. Take a look.
SPEAKER MCCARTHY: Is Zelenskyy elected to Congress? Is he our president? I don’t think I have to commit anything. I have questions for him. Where’s the accountability on the money we already spent? What is the plan for victory?
QUESTION: How hard of a sell is this for President Zelenskyy?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Savannah, what we’ve seen to date is very strong bipartisan support for Ukraine, and there’s a good reason for that. It’s the right thing to do. We see the horrific abuses being committed by the Russians against Ukrainians, going back more than a year and a half. And I think that’s something that Americans respond to. But it’s not only the right thing to do, it’s the necessary thing to do in our interests. Because if we allow these kind of aggressions to go forward with impunity, if we allow Putin to get away with this, then it is open season for any would-be aggressor to do the same thing. Putin wouldn’t stop there himself, and then others in other parts of the world are looking to see, “Can he get away with this? And if he can, maybe so can I.” And that’s a recipe for a world of conflict. That’s a recipe for a world that inevitably creates bad things that are going to hurt Americans, not just the countries in question.
QUESTION: I understand the argument. If you don’t stop Putin here, you’ll be at war with him somewhere else. That’s the argument.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: And not just him, potentially. Again, other would-be aggressors and other parts of the world having nothing to do with Putin, they’re watching this very carefully.
QUESTION: But the larger question is – I mean, already the U.S. has committed $113 billion in 18 months to help Ukraine. How sustainable is this level of support when there’s really no end in sight to the war, no hint that there’s any talk of diplomacy among the two parties, and it – there doesn’t seem to be a strategy for victory, so this could just go on and on and on. And how much are you concerned that – about war fatigue, that people will not want to continue to be able to give this much support to Ukraine?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, first, just over the last year, Ukrainians have taken back more than 50 percent of the territory that Putin seized from them going back to February of 2022. But to the point of sustainability, what we’re working on, what dozens of other countries are working on is a plan to be able to support Ukraine for the long term but in a sustainable way. On the margins of the NATO Summit a couple of months ago, we had countries come together to say we’re going to look at how we can help the Ukrainians build their own military and build it so it’s a force for the future that can deter aggression, that can defend against aggression coming down the road.
QUESTION: In your mind, does this seem a war that will just go on for years? I mean, is that the expectation?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, first, it’s important to note this. Putin’s already failed in what he was trying to achieve, because remember, Savannah, his goal was to erase Ukraine from the map, to end its status as an independent country, to subsume it into Russia – that has failed. Now, exactly where the lines are drawn, that’s going to be up to the Ukrainians. But there’s a big difference here. Ukrainians are fighting for their own country, for their own land, for their own future. The Russians are not. At the end of the day, I think that is the biggest difference maker.
QUESTION: And I’ve got to ask you about the images we saw – Kim Jong-un traveling to Russia, walking with Putin. What are these two up to? And can the U.S. do anything to stop, for example, Kim Jong-un supplying weapons or arms support to Russia?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: It speaks first and foremost to a certain amount of desperation on the part of Russia that it has to go to regimes like the one in North Korea – or Iran, for that matter – to try desperately to get the weapons, the technology that sanctions, export controls that we and many other countries have imposed, (inaudible) —
QUESTION: But if he’s got willing partners there with Iran, North Korea, and those alliances are deepening, isn’t that a pretty big concern?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: And we are looking and taking action to try to disrupt that, to break that up wherever we can. But Russia is in a world of hurt as a result of the actions that Vladimir Putin has taken. Militarily, economically, diplomatically, it’s in a much worse position than it was before it engaged in this horrific war against Ukraine. And again, when the countries that it’s confined to dealing with – Vladimir Putin is not here in New York. He wasn’t at the G27 recently. He is in effect persona non grata in many parts of the world. And so the only thing they have left is to go to regimes like the ones in North Korea and Iran to try to get what they need.
QUESTION: Secretary Blinken, on a busy week, it’s nice to have you here in the studio.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, Savannah.
QUESTION: Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good to be with you.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With CBS Mornings with Tony Dokoupil and Nancy Cordes
09/20/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With CBS Mornings with Tony Dokoupil and Nancy Cordes
09/20/2023 11:30 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
New York City, New York
QUESTION: And Nancy’s sticking around because our next guest is Secretary of State Antony Blinken, in town because New York is beautiful in the fall, of course, and also a little thing called the UN General Assembly.
Mr. Secretary, thank you very much for being here.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Great to be with you. Thanks.
QUESTION: We just saw the amazing footage of these Americans returning to U.S. soil, freed from Iran after being detained there. In the exchange, the U.S. is unfreezing $6 billion in Iranian oil proceeds. Help the average American understand how you’re possibly going to be able to control how that money is spent.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, two things. First, for me, getting these Americans home – one who’d been imprisoned in Iran for more than eight years – having them reunite with their families – I know the families; I’ve talked to them – getting a chance to speak to those that we got out of Iran as soon as they touch ground in Doha on their way back to the United States, it was just a very powerful moment. And it’s a reminder of the human dimension of everything we do.
Now, as to the monies involved, two things. First, these are Iranian funds that they got from selling oil that were stuck in a bank account in South Korea. From day one for our sanctions, this has always been exempt, being able to use money, including by Iran, for humanitarian purposes – it’s always been exempt from our sanctions. They’ve actually been entitled to use this money all along. But for practical, technical reasons, they weren’t able to. So the monies were moved from one bank account in South Korea to another – not a single U.S. taxpayer dollar. And we made an arrangement with the bank in question – this is a bank in Qatar – to make sure that we would have clear visibility over the way the money is spent. And if it’s not being spent for humanitarian reasons, it’s not being spent for food, medicine, other things, it’ll get shut down.
QUESTION: But Mr. Secretary, I mean, you know how money works. If I give you $5 that you can spend on humanitarian aid, that frees up another $5 to spend on, I don’t know, drones, missiles, weapons that you might send to your friend Russia to fight in Ukraine.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Again, even allowing for that, these monies, these proceeds from Iran’s oil sales, they’ve always been entitled to use. Just as a practical matter, they couldn’t. But the other thing is whether we like it or not – and we don’t like it – the Iranians have always found ways to use money, whether there are sanctions or not, for military purposes. And we are taking steps every single day around the world to try to stop or disrupt the kinds of things that they’re engaged in – support for terrorism, destabilizing countries – that are having a profoundly negative effect around the world.
QUESTION: Don’t – does it not endanger the next American to travel to a country that may not be our friend? Does it not encourage more hostage taking, in essence?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: These are hard decisions – hard decisions for the President to make. He’s made them – we now have more than 30 Americans who were being unjustly detained in prisons around the world, potentially rotting away, who are now home as a result of those decisions. But it’s also very important that we do what we’re doing, which is, one, going after any of those that we find who are engaged in unlawfully detaining Americans with sanctions, with restrictions on their travel; second, here in New York at the UN General Assembly, all these countries of the world coming together, we’re bringing – along with Canada – a number of countries together to try to establish much more clearly in international law that the practice of taking people, using them in fact as political hostages is absolutely unacceptable, and also getting countries to say: If you take one of our people, then all of us together will come down on you.
The final thing is this: Countries that do this – the Irans, the Russias of this world – they turn themselves into even greater pariahs. They’re isolating themselves, because ultimately people are not going to want to set foot in those countries if they know they can be thrown in jail for no reason.
QUESTION: You’re asking Congress to approve $24 billion in new aid to Ukraine. And yet, two weeks ago, Volodymyr Zelenskyy had to fire his defense minister. A couple days ago, he fired all six of the deputy defense ministers. Corruption, apparently, in the defense ministry is rampant. How do you convince Congress that this money is going to be well spent by Ukraine?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: The very fact that President Zelenskyy has taken action apparently to deal with instances of corruption is evidence of the fact the Ukrainians take this deadly seriously. And they know that the United States and dozens of other countries around the world that are supporting Ukraine wanted to make sure that the support we’re giving them is being used the right way.
Second, we have in place in Ukraine teams on the ground, as well as other countries doing the same thing, to verify that the money is being spent for the purposes that we’re sending it to Ukraine for. And I’ve talked to members of Congress who have gone to Ukraine, and they’ve seen what we’re doing to make sure the money is well accounted for. They come back very impressed with these controls, with these measures, and they’ve told us that they haven’t seen anything as effective in other places in the past where we supported countries who were being the victims of aggression.
QUESTION: But clearly it had to get pretty bad, right, for Zelenskyy to basically wipe out the entire leadership of the defense ministry that’s in charge of waging this war?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So whether all of the folks in question who were let go were let go because of corruption, that’s an open question. I think there are other reasons in some cases. But to us, to me, the fact that Zelenskyy’s taking resolute action wherever he sees something, that’s proof that they’re taking this seriously, they want to make sure that we know they’re spending our money wisely.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, while we have you here, another question I think Americans are taking very seriously right now is the question of the President’s health and vigor at this stage. You’ve known President Biden for a long time. You work closely with him; you travel abroad with him. Is he up for another four years as a matter of health and energy?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I can tell you this: We just came back from a trip that took us, took the President from India, to Vietnam, to Anchorage, Alaska, and then back home to Washington. My problem was keeping up with him. And I’ve seen this around the world. I just came back from Ukraine myself. There’s a train ride to go to Ukraine from Poland – almost 12 hours on the train. And just a few months ago, the President was in Ukraine, crossed the Atlantic to Poland, in a car two hours to get to the train, 10 hours on the train, and then to Kyiv in the middle of the Russian aggression, then back out the same way.
As I said, I’ve been going around the world with him for more than 20 years, and I still have trouble keeping up.
QUESTION: All right. Secretary Blinken, I mean it; New York is beautiful in the fall. I hope you spend a few extra days here, take in a Broadway show.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks very much. Great to be with you.
QUESTION: Thank you for being here.
QUESTION: Thanks, Mr. Secretary.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks for having me this morning.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At United Nations Security Council Ministerial Meeting on Ukraine
09/20/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At United Nations Security Council Ministerial Meeting on Ukraine
09/20/2023 02:58 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
New York City, New York
United Nations Headquarters
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for focusing the Security Council on this critically important issue. And Mr. Secretary-General, thank you for the moral clarity that you’ve shown in dealing with Russia’s war against Ukraine.
We’re grateful to have been able to welcome President Zelenskyy to this council table, and we thank him. We thank him for reminding us yesterday, today, and every day what’s at stake in this conflict, not just for Ukraine, not just for Ukrainians, but for all of us.
Fellow council members, two weeks ago I was in Yahidne, a small Ukrainian town about two hours north of Kyiv. Russian forces seized the village in the first days of the invasion. They went door to door, rounding up residents at gunpoint, marching them to the local elementary school, where Russian soldiers had set up a command post. Then, soldiers forced more than 300 civilians – mostly women, children, and elderly people – into a basement not fit for human habitation, just a few small rooms, no windows, no circulation, no running water. The soldiers held residents there for 28 straight days, using them as human shields, before fleeing when Ukrainian defenders arrived to liberate the town.
In Yahidne, two residents took me into the basement where they and others had been imprisoned. My guide said that they were packed together so tightly that they could barely breathe. There was no room to sit, let alone lie down. When they cried out to their captors that people were sick and needed medical care, a Russian soldier yelled back, “Let them die.”
My guide pointed to two handwritten lists of names on the basement wall. One was for the villagers that Russian forces had executed, the other for the people who died in the basement. The oldest victim was 93 years old; the youngest 6 weeks old. The Russians only allowed the removal of bodies once a day, so children, parents, husbands, and wives were forced to spend hours next to the corpses of their loved ones.
I begin here because from the comfortable distance of this chamber, it’s really easy to lose sight of what it’s like for Ukrainian victims of Russian aggression. This is what happened in just one building, in one community in Ukraine. There are so many others like it. In the last week alone, Russia has bombed apartment buildings in Kryvyi Rih; it’s burned down humanitarian aid depots in Lviv. It’s demolished grain silos in Odesa. It shelled eight communities in Sumy in a single day.
This is what Ukrainian families are living through every day. It’s what they’ve experienced for 574 days of this full-scale invasion. It’s what they’ll endure tomorrow, and the day after that, for as long as Russia wages its vicious war, a war that President Putin openly declared from the outset is aimed at erasing Ukraine from the map as a sovereign country and restoring Russia’s lost empire.
In this war, there is an aggressor and there is a victim. One side is attacking the core principles of the UN Charter; the other fights to defend them. For over a year and half, Russia has shredded the major tenets of the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international humanitarian law, and flouted one Security Council resolution after another.
Let’s review. First, Russia’s invasion itself violates the central pillar of the UN Charter – respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations. Second, Russia’s committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ukraine on an almost daily basis. Third, Russia continues to engage in reckless nuclear saber-rattling, announcing that it’s stationing nuclear weapons in Belarus and continuing to use Europe’s biggest nuclear power plant and its employees as a shield for its aggression, risking catastrophic consequences.
Fourth, Russia is weaponizing hunger. Thanks to the Black Sea Grain Initiative brokered by the secretary-general and Türkiye, approximately 33 million metric tons of grain reached global markets, driving down food prices around the world. Nearly two-thirds of the wheat exported though that deal went to developing countries. Not only did Putin pull out of the deal, but Russia is now mining Ukraine’s fields, bombing its ports and rails, burning its silos. As a result, Ukraine’s wheat exports will likely fall by 2.8 million metric tons this year. That is the equivalent of 5.5 billion – 5.5 billion – loaves of bread trapped in the world’s breadbasket. Russia, meanwhile, on track for a record year of grain exports. The hungrier the world is, the more Moscow profits.
Fifth, Russia is using Iranian drones to attack Ukrainian civilians, drones that Russia procured from Iran in violation of Security Council Resolution 2231.
Finally, just last week, Russia hosted North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un. Putin said that they discussed ways to cooperate militarily. While Kim pledged the DPRK’s – and I quote – “full and unconditional support,” end quote, for Russia’s war of aggression. Of course, the transfer of arms between Moscow and Pyongyang would violate multiple resolutions of this council. It’s hard to imagine a country demonstrating more contempt for the United Nations and all that it stands for – this from a country with a permanent seat on this council.
President Putin is betting that if he keeps doubling down on the violence, that if he’s willing to inflict enough suffering on enough people, the world will cave on its principles and Ukraine will stop defending itself. But Ukrainians are not giving up, for they’ve seen what life would look like if they submit to Russian control. It’s that basement in Yahidne. It’s families having their children torn away from them and deported to Russia, children taken away from their parents and deported far away. It’s the rubble of Mariupol. It’s the mass graves of Bucha.
We are not giving up, either. Indeed, since we were last here, a growing number of countries have come together to try to forge a different way forward. In June, over a dozen countries met with Ukraine in Copenhagen to discuss the path toward a just and lasting peace, one that upholds the United Nations Charter and its core principles. Two months later, more than 40 countries, including many members of this council, carried forward that discussion with Ukraine in Jeddah. President Zelenskyy has put forward a 10-point plan for such a peace. President Putin has put forward nothing.
Now, some argue that continuing to stand with Ukraine and holding Russia accountable distracts us from addressing other priorities, like confronting the climate crisis, expanding economic opportunity, strengthening health systems. That is a false choice. We can and we must do both; we are doing both. We must work together to tackle the global challenges that are affecting our people, meet the Sustainable Development Goals, invest in a world where all people have an opportunity to reach their full potential.
The United States is the world’s leading contributor to these efforts. And as President Biden told the General Assembly yesterday, we will continue to do more than our share to answer the imperatives of our time. At the same time, as President Biden has made clear, we must continue to shore up the pillars of peaceful relations among nations, without which we will be unable to achieve any of our goals. That’s why we must send a clear message, not only to Russia but to all would-be aggressors, that we will stand up – not stand by – when the rules that we all agreed to are being challenged – not only to prevent conflict, instability, and suffering, but to lay the foundation for all that we can do to improve people’s lives in times of peace.
I opened by sharing the horrors that I saw in Yahidne. Let me close by telling you what else I saw that day in Ukraine. I saw volunteers rebuilding homes that had been razed by Russian bombs, farmers harvesting fields, people reopening businesses, citizens clearing mines and unexploded ordnance, children returning to schools. In short, I saw a nation rebuilding and reclaiming its future. That is the right of all members of our United Nations. That’s what we defend when we stand up for the international order: the right of people not only to survive, but to thrive, to write their own future. Our people, Ukraine’s people, the people of all nations get to write their own future. We cannot, we will not let one man write that future for us. Thank you.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At the CEO Roundtable on Ukraine Economic Recovery
09/20/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At the CEO Roundtable on Ukraine Economic Recovery
09/20/2023 06:53 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
New York City, New York
Palace Hotel
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good afternoon, everyone. First, thanks to each and every one of you for being here today. We have a remarkable roundtable of people with us, starting first of all with our friend and colleague from Ukraine, the Minister of Strategic Industries, Oleksandr Kamyshin. Thank you, Mr. Minister, for being here. And of course, the indomitable ambassador from Ukraine to the United States – I think probably a household figure for many, many Americans, and it’s wonderful to have you here today. But also a number of people that I’ll come to in a minute, particularly representatives from the private sector who are already engaged in Ukraine and I think can provide tremendous guidance to all of us as we’re thinking about how to strengthen and increase private sector engagement in Ukraine.
The destruction wrought by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, particularly with regard to its economy in all of its manifestations, has been horrific. But we are already seeing remarkable strides by Ukraine not only to build back what has been lost, but in many cases to really build back with the future in mind. That’s happened in part with significant assistance from the many friends of Ukraine around the world, dozens of countries. It’s happened with the support of international financial institutions. But ultimately the way it’s really going to happen, and the way it’s going to be sustained, is through the engagement of the private sector and investment flowing to a place that has so many extraordinary things to offer, starting with its remarkable human resources. We’ve all had an opportunity to work with, to engage with our Ukrainian friends, whether it’s in private enterprise or through government. And for all of the great strengths that Ukraine brings to the world, the number-one strength is that human resource.
So I think the future has extraordinary potential. But it’s also important that we understand not only what that potential is, but what some of the barriers might be to fully reaching it. And I’m – and all of us are eager to hear about that.
The effort to support and to strengthen and to help build Ukraine’s economic recovery is a fundamental piece of the approach of the Biden administration, as well as many other countries around the world in their support for Ukraine. We see this as one of the most fundamental, essential tenets of the work that we’re doing. Because ultimately the objective here is not only for Ukraine to survive – which it will, which it is, which it has – but to thrive. And the difference between surviving and thriving is the difference between a Ukraine that has, for the future, a strong, capable military that can deter aggression and as necessary defend against it and defeat it far into the future; but as important, a strong and thriving economy, one that creates opportunities for Ukrainians, but also, I believe, opportunities for people throughout Europe and around the world, including the United States. So that’s what we want to drive at.
And as evidence of the importance that we attach to this, the President just a week or so ago appointed our Special Representative for Ukraine’s Economic Recovery, Penny Pritzker, who is with us today and I think is known to virtually everyone around this table and well beyond as, among many other things, our former secretary of commerce. I can think of no one better to lead this effort, to lead this effort in the United States, to lead this effort internationally, than Penny.
So Penny, let me turn it over to you, say a few words, and then we’ll get going.
MS PRITZKER: First of all, thank you, Secretary Blinken and Minister Kamyshin and everybody, for being here today. You heard President Biden speak yesterday about how he believes in the potential of the Ukrainian people, and he’s sincere and we’re sincere in that we’re in this for as long as it takes. And even amid Russia’s brutal war, Ukraine is poised for meaningful economic transformation. President Biden believes it, I know the Secretary believes it, I believe it, and that’s why I accepted this role as the special representative for Ukraine’s economic recovery.
And I’ve only been on the job for six days. (Laughter.) But I do have three decades of private sector experience, and I know and understand the conditions that businesses need to grow and to build and to invest in markets. So when I look at Ukraine now, I see three things. First, even amid and certainly after Russia fails in its war of aggression, Ukraine has the conditions for economic convergence with Europe: an educated and talented workforce, fertile land, mineral and mining and material wealth, proximity and access to the European single market. These are ingredients for growth. Even now they exist and they’re there.
Second, now is a window of opportunity for reform. The Ukrainian people’s deep patriotism and national consensus are unified behind a reform agenda that positions Ukraine for future economic success. And we all know that these reforms have to align with private sector expectations for – so that the businesses are comfortable with the environment and willing to take on the risk of investment.
And third, I would just say I view Ukraine’s economic recovery as both a sprint and a marathon. We need to plan for a long-term sustainable, digital, clean, competitive, European Ukraine, integrated into global markets. That’s the marathon. And I’m a marathon runner, so I know that. But we need results now also, and to jumpstart revival and give the Ukrainians and give the people confidence to come home and to start building towards the future. That’s the sprint.
And I know different sectors vary. And we want to know what are the barriers that you’re seeing and the blind spots that exist to mobilizing capital. That’s what today is about – both now in the short run and in the long term. And I’m very interested particularly – Mr. Secretary, I’m glad that you’ve convened different sectors of the economy – what are the challenges to investment, what are the opportunities for growth from folks.
And I will just close by saying I’m really honored to serve. As President Biden stated so eloquently, we stand with Ukraine, and we stand with them to help them build their economy from the severe impacts of this monstrous aggression. And I’m honored to be here and to be – try to be helpful and to support the ambassador’s sign, which sits on the Ukrainian embassy, that says they are open for business.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you, Penny, very, very much. Mr. Minister, can I give the floor to you?
MINISTER KAMYSHIN: Sure. Secretary, thank you. First of all, I would like to tell that that’s my first visit since the beginning of the war to U.S., to New York, and I’m happy to see New York is the same, but the traffic is even worse than the traffic on Ukrainian railways. (Laughter.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Can I tell you a secret about that? Just – and – there’s a three-word secret to dealing with this, three words: take the subway. (Laughter.) Works every time.
MINISTER KAMYSHIN: I know. Everything that runs on rails works much better than anything else. (Laughter.) We know.
Speaking about the economic recovery of Ukraine, first of all, I’m happy that the administration assigned Penny Pritzker as the special representative to Ukraine, and it’s a good sign for Ukraine, for U.S., for the whole world, because that means that it’s a real, real strong move from U.S. side. And I’m sure that we will do more together.
By far, U.S. is the largest donor in Ukraine’s future, in Ukraine’s victory. And by far, you are the largest promoter of the coalition that supports Ukraine. I’ve seen that at Ramstein yesterday, and I’m happy that I can thank you personally for that. That’s something I will never stop thanking. It’s really important for me and for my country. Thank you.
I would like to bring to your attention another opportunity that could be interesting for economic recovery of Ukraine and for opportunities for U.S. companies – that’s defense industry. It’s not only the backbone of security; it’s also the locomotive of recovery of the country. And definitely, if we speak about running a marathon, that’s part of the game. I’ve done marathon in New York four years ago, and by the way, that time, the traffic is even worse. (Laughter.)
We got many great U.S. brands already fighting in the frontline. It’s Bradleys, Javelins, and 777 HIMARS; hope (inaudible) soon well, and I’m sure that producing them in Ukraine would be smart move for U.S. companies as well. We’ve got several projects from several U.S. companies, and I’m sure we will do more. We showed that our creativity and resilience can bring new stories like defense tech. That’s something I’m sure that we will share experience with U.S. companies as well, and I’m sure that would be useful. And I’m happy to say that we are searching for a way how we can move from “give us” to “let’s do it together” model. Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very, very much.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At the Vision for Adapted Crops and Soils: Global Solutions for Food Security Event
09/20/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At the Vision for Adapted Crops and Soils: Global Solutions for Food Security Event
09/20/2023 08:48 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
New York City, New York
Rockefeller Foundation
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Thank you very, very much. So we’re, what, about halfway through High-Level Week, I think – (laughter) – which is known at the department basically as speed-dating for diplomats. And we have lots of events, lots of meetings, lots of gatherings. But I have to tell you I was really looking forward to this particular meeting, this particular gathering, and I’ll tell you why in a few minutes.
But let me just start by saying to Raj, my friend and colleague of many years, thank you. Thank you for the extraordinary leadership that you’ve shown here, the leadership that you showed in government, but also the partnership on this issue and so many others. And that includes hosting us here just about a month ago to meet with and learn from agricultural leaders about what it’s going to take to meet growing global food demand. It was, for me at least, a very enlightening session. Cary was there, and we continued to learn a lot every single day.
Cary Fowler is a remarkable resource for the State Department and for the country, the State Department’s Special Envoy for Global Food Security, known, I think, to everyone in this room. Cary has taught me more about soil and seeds than I ever knew I wanted to know. (Laughter.) And we’re also joined by another extraordinary colleague, Jose Fernandez, our Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment.
So we’re here in large part because, among many other challenges we face, we are facing a global food crisis – one that, as you all know, is fueled by climate change, COVID, and now, especially, conflict. This emergency has left 700 million people undernourished. It’s helped stunt the growth of more than 30 percent of Sub-Saharan African children under five. It’s driven the price of staple crops like rice to a 15-year high.
When I think about just one of those statistics, stunted growth for more than 30 percent of Sub-Saharan African children under five, I’m thinking about my own kids, who are almost exactly that age. I’m thinking about what President Biden has said, which is that if your kids have an empty stomach, pretty much nothing else matters. It is the foundation of everything. And so as Raj said, we’re tackling a lot of other challenges around the world, but if we don’t get this right, I actually don’t think anything else really, really matters. We have to as a matter of our humanity and, quite frankly, as a matter of our profound self-interest.
We are working in our government to try to deliver solutions to, in the first instance, mitigate the impact of the immediate crisis we face. If you go back to January of 2021, we’ve provided more than $17.5 billion to address global food security – insecurity. And we’re continuing to work to rally the world to deliver the urgent relief that people need – people facing acute hunger in this moment, including the millions affected by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the world’s breadbasket. We continue to join the UN and countries around the world in calling on Russia to stop its attacks on Ukrainian ports and grain silos, to allow desperately needed grain to reach the world.
You all know this, but it’s important to keep emphasizing. The fact that we had to have a Black Sea Grain Initiative negotiated by the United Nations and Türkiye, that never should have been necessary in the first place. It was – only became necessary because Russia invaded Ukraine and then, having done that, blockaded its ports. The result of that initiative – getting the grain moving again – meant that some 35 million tons of grain got out of Ukraine and, principally, to the developing world. Two-thirds of the wheat coming out through that got to the developing world – the equivalent of 18 billion – 18 billion – loaves of bread. Now Putin’s torn it up and is trying to use it once again as political leverage. Weaponizing food – talk about unacceptable; that should be near the top of the list.
So we are working aggressively on this to try to mitigate the damage that’s being done, to look in the case of Ukraine for alternate routes, but also, more broadly, to come to the assistance of people who desperately need it right now. I’m proud of the fact that the United States is by far the largest donor in the world to the World Food Program. We provide about 50 percent of the World Food Program’s budget every year. I would note that other very large countries that are often in the headlines provide less than 1 percent of its budget.
But here is the thing, and this is something I am profoundly convinced of from the conversations I’ve been able to have over the last couple of years with colleagues, especially colleagues in Africa. Even as we focus on these near-term needs, even as that is an obligation for us, we can’t lose sight of the fundamental challenge of the coming decades – feeding more and more people in the world where growing food is becoming harder and harder. And working to genuinely give countries the capacity to have sustainable productive capacity of their own – this is what countries around the world most want. Yes, they deeply value the emergency assistance. But what they really want to be able to do is stand on their own feet, and we have the means, I’m convinced, to help them do that and so much more. I think there is huge potential that countries that right now are not able to feed their own people to turn around and not only feed their own people, but feed many others. There is so much untapped productive capacity around the world if we can just do our jobs and do them right.
But the challenge we have, especially if you project out over the next 25 or so years, is this: Global demand for food is projected to increase by 50 percent between now and 2050. Over the same period, prolonged droughts, horrific wildfires, catastrophic storms caused or exacerbated by climate change we know could reduce yields by as much as 30 percent.
So we’ve already got a huge problem, and if we’re looking out to 2050 we see hugely growing demand and potentially significantly diminishing supply. We have to do something about that and we have to do it now.
Our ability to provide sufficient, affordable, and nutritious food in the future, I think, depends on making some significant decisions today.
President Biden talks a lot about what he calls an inflection point. It’s something that comes along every six or seven generations, and what it means is this: The changes in the international environment right now are so significant, so profound, that the decisions that we and other countries make today are going to shape the future not just for the next few years but for the coming decades. And this is the kind of moment that comes around only once every six or seven generations. We had it after World War II. We had it after the Cold War. Now we’re facing such a moment again.
And this question of food security, I think, is a powerful example of that. Quite literally, the decisions we make now in the next few years are going to shape the next decades.
So, in February of this year, the United States, the African Union, the Food and Agriculture Organization came together and launched something we call the Vision for Adapted Crops and Soils – or VACS. VACS is part of USAID’s Feed the Future initiative. And USAID has been our extraordinary leader on all things food security, and Feed the Future has been our comprehensive response to food insecurity, and we are devoting a billion dollars annually to strengthen food systems, to expand social safety nets, to boost nutrition in over 40 countries.
But the new element we’ve added, the new approach that Cary has really helped pioneer and shape, VACS – twofold. First, we’re investing above ground: identifying the indigenous and traditional African crops that are most nutritious but also most resilient to climate impacts; and then we’re taking them, improving these varieties, and delivering them to consumers and markets. At the same time, we’re investing below ground: mapping, conserving, building healthy soils – because as Dr. Fowler reminds us, poor soils do not produce rich harvests.
In July, the United States committed $100 million to VACS – $30 million to adapt crops, $70 million to enhance the health of soil. And working through the International Fund for Agricultural Development – IFAD – we have also established a new multi-donor funding platform to help finance those better seeds and soils. I am very proud of the fact that the United States is a founding donor, and I have a very simple request to you tonight: Join us. Commit to this effort so that we can demonstrate real action on climate adaptation ahead of COP28 in Dubai. Make this investment in our shared future. I think we have a powerful opportunity to make a profound difference, to do the shaping of the next decades starting right now.
Now, I know for all of us involved in this, the task can seem daunting, even overwhelming. But we’ve been here before, as Raj reminds us. In the middle of the last century, experts were predicting a “population bomb.” They were warning of mass starvation. I remember studying this in school. And of course, it was Norman Borlaug – working through the Rockefeller Foundation – who catalyzed the Green Revolution and is literally credited with saving billions of lives. Think about that for just a minute. Talk about extraordinary; that’s the definition.
So here tonight, and the reason I was so excited about being with you tonight, is because I think we have in this room and in the networks of people, organizations, institutions, expertise that you’re all connected to, I think we have the ability to once again mobilize our respective governments and institutions, to harness agricultural ingenuity, to feed the world. What an extraordinary and wonderful mission. Thank you for being willing to take part in it.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
Malta National Day
09/21/2023
09/21/2023 12:01 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
On behalf of the Government of the United States of America, I congratulate the people of Malta as you celebrate 59 years of independence. The United States values its longstanding friendship with Malta, which started at the founding of our nation more than two centuries ago.
We are grateful for Malta’s efforts in support of transatlantic and European values, including strong support for Ukraine and its sovereignty in the face of Russia’s aggression. We appreciate our increased cooperation to advance our mutual goals of peace, prosperity, and human rights since Malta joined the UN Security Council earlier this year, and we look forward to deepening our collaboration in the year to come.
Best wishes and congratulations on this special day.
Armenia National Day
09/21/2023
Armenia National Day
09/21/2023 12:01 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
On behalf of the United States of America, I send best wishes to the people of Armenia on your Independence Day. Armenia put itself on a path towards freedom and self-determination when it declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Since then, we have seen your commitment to democratic values, to developing and strengthening human rights, rule of law, economy, and justice for all Armenians. These values echo our own and we are proud to partner with Armenia in these areas. We will continue to support the Armenian people’s democratic aspirations, sovereignty, and security. The United States supports Armenia’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, and remains committed to promoting a durable and dignified peace for the South Caucasus region where the rights of all are respected.
We look forward to continuing to grow our bilateral relationship and economic ties. I wish the Armenian people a prosperous and peaceful year ahead.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Joe Scarborough, Mika Brzezinski, Willie Geist, Andrea Mitchell, Katty Kay, and Mike Barnicle of Morning Joe on MSNBC
09/21/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Joe Scarborough, Mika Brzezinski, Willie Geist, Andrea Mitchell, Katty Kay, and Mike Barnicle of Morning Joe on MSNBC
09/21/2023 11:12 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
New York City, New York
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, great to have you with us. So where do we stand right now in terms of Washington supporting Kyiv? Do you think you still have enough Republicans in the House and Senate to keep this country united in its pushback against Vladimir Putin’s illegal invasion?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Joe, first, great to see you. Mika, great to see you.
QUESTION: Great to see you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: And it’s really great to be here this morning. Look, the hallmark of this effort to support Ukraine has been bipartisan support, and we’ve seen that from day one. Conversations I’ve had with leaders in Congress, including Republican leaders, in recent days shows that that support remains strong. And I think as President Zelenskyy has an opportunity to come to Washington, to make his case directly to folks in Congress, I think you’ll see that support continue to be manifested. And it is so vital that we continue to back the Ukrainians the way we have. And by the way, not just us – we have dozens of other countries doing the same thing. The stakes are extraordinarily high.
You know, we’re here in New York at the United Nations, and this place came together – I mean, we tend to forget it because it’s so long ago. This place came together after two world wars. And the basic idea was countries need to come together, agree on certain rules – how they’re going to operate and how they’re going to relate to each other – to make sure we don’t have another world war. And a big part of that was saying – and it’s right there in the UN Charter – that you’ve got to respect another country’s sovereignty, its territorial integrity. You can’t just go in, cross its borders, bully the country, try to take it over, erase it from the map – exactly what Putin has tried to do and failed to do in Ukraine.
If we allow that to go forward with impunity, if we allow Putin to get away with it, then it is open season for any would-be aggressor anywhere in the world. They’re all watching. And they’re saying: If he can do it, I can do it. That’s a world full of conflict; that’s a world full of hurt. It’s a world we don’t want to be in. So I think the stakes are clear; the interest is clear. And then of course, there’s a profound human dimension that I know touches lots of Americans.
QUESTION: And that was just the first point, the point about the UN Charter and sovereignty, that you made it in your case before the Security Council yesterday. You added that Russia is committing war crimes, engaging in nuclear saber-rattling, weaponizing hunger, now cooperating with North Korea in the war effort. It’s a case you’ve made many times over the last year and a half. Is it your sense that the people who need to hear that message are internalizing it? Are they willing to do anything about it?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Willie, I think it’s really important that we keep coming back not just to the strong interest that we have in supporting Ukraine with all these other countries, but also the human dimension, because it’s easy from so far away or in a conference room to lose sight of that. We’re talking big policy issues. I was just in Ukraine for the fourth time since the Russian aggression, and Andrea has been there so many times as well.
We went to a small town, Yahidne. It’s about two and a half hours’ drive outside of Kyiv. And went there, and when the Russians came in 18 months ago, they took over this town, they herded up all of the residents – just a few hundred people – they took them to the schoolhouse, they put them in a basement, a basement unfit for human habitation. They had their command post on the ground floor. And they basically put people there as human shields. And it was elderly people, it was women, it was children as young as a month old.
They kept them there for 28 days in a room not any bigger than this set. No air, no sanitation, and what happened during those 28 days is truly horrific. I had – I saw this room, people who had been there. They showed me on the wall a list that they kept, a list that they kept of local residents who had been executed by the Russian invaders, and then a list of people who were in that room and who had died in that room, including about 10 people, mostly elderly. If they died after noon, the Russians would not allow the removal of the body. So you had children in that room as young as a couple of months old – but 3,4,5,6 years old – forced to be there with barely no room to lie down, to be there with those bodies. Twenty-eight days until the Ukrainians came back.
Now, this is one small town in one place in Ukraine, and what we’re seeing in different ways over these 18 months are these kinds of abuses and atrocities being committed. We can’t lose sight of that either.
QUESTION: So when you tell that story, Mr. Secretary, to your counterpart from Beijing or your counterparts from India – who might actually be in a position to lean on Vladimir Putin, to have a little bit of leverage, but haven’t done so – what do they say? Why aren’t they doing more?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So first, do no harm. What we want to make sure of is that countries that may have some affinities with Russia don’t go in there and support Russia —
QUESTION: Right.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: — with material support, with arms, with weapons. But we’re also seeing something else. Over the last few months, the Ukrainians have been pushing their own peace proposal. And we’ve had a couple of meetings where we brought countries together from around the world, including countries like Brazil, like India, like South Africa, like China, all coming together to talk about the Ukrainian plan for peace. And that’s progress, because if all of these countries rally behind those basic ideas, then I think we can eventually see some movement.
The problem now is this. In this moment, Vladimir Putin has shown no interest in actually coming up with a meaningful diplomatic settlement.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, I was at an event last night where President Zelenskyy was awarded and gave a speech, and it’s so compelling in person. Are you counting on him in person to Congress? Because a new letter today has enough House and Senate members to block the aid, and they’re still saying they’re going to refuse.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think we all know – we’ve all heard him many times – President Zelenskyy is incredibly compelling. He’s a terrific communicator. But that communication is – comes from someplace deep and real. And ultimately – and I keep coming back to this because I’ve seen, talked to so many Ukrainians over the last 18 months – the real difference-maker when it comes to success is the fact that they’re fighting for their own country, for their own future, for their own lives. The Russians are not in the same way, and I think that makes the biggest difference.
And let’s keep this in perspective, too. Just over the last year, the Ukrainians have taken back more than 50 percent of the territory that had been seized from them by Putin starting in February 2022. Now, the last few months in this counteroffensive, it’s been tough, it’s been hard going, but they’re making progress there, too. This is not the time to give up on them.
But the – there’s one last thing that’s important here. We’re also working to make sure that we can transition to the kind of sustainable, long-term support that we and other countries can really get behind. And that means basically getting to a point where Ukraine is standing on its own two feet militarily, economically, democratically. And we’ve got 30 countries working on that right now.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, there’s a – seems to be kind of two conversations happening in New York this week with the conversation we’re having around the table at the moment, which is about Ukraine, but a lot of countries from what you might call the Global South saying hold on a second, this is a priority that is led by America and European countries but we’re actually much more focused on issues like climate change and the inequity around climate change and the degree to which we’re suffering. How much are you trying to reach out to those countries not just on Ukraine, but say listen, we do hear you? And the expansion of the BRICS, the G20 – they have a sort of sense of momentum about them and a feeling that perhaps America is ignoring their agendas.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So Katty, I think if you had an opportunity to listen to the President speak to this, to the General Assembly, two thirds, three quarters of his speech was exactly on those issues, the issues directly of concern to people around the globe. And he made the case that we need, as an international community, to focus on them. He made the case that the United States is by far the leading contributor to all of these efforts whether it’s on climate, whether it’s on food security, whether it’s on building better infrastructure and building it in the right way, whether it’s dealing with global health. All of the issues that people care about around the world, we are the number one provider, and it’s a false choice to say it’s either Ukraine or it’s this global agenda. We have to do both, and in fact we are doing both.
And I think what I heard after the President spoke, just talking to a lot of my counterparts from around the world, was deep appreciation for the focus that he brought to these issues and appreciation for the fact the United States is leading on them.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, you mentioned a few moments ago the Ukrainian peace proposal. Could you give us the details of the Ukrainian peace proposal? And this is a peace proposal made by the heads of a government, of a nation that has been destroyed. It’s been destroyed. It’s going to cost billions and decades to recover. What’s going on?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: So Mike, two things here. First, the proposal is grounded in the basic principles of the United Nations Charter, starting with territorial integrity, starting with sovereignty, but also looking at elements that would help the Ukrainians rebuild the country that’s been devastated by the Russians and find other accommodations. It’s a very strong foundation for starting a negotiation. But the recovery of Ukraine is hugely important because as much as the military support matters, the flip side of that is for the country not just to survive but to thrive, it has to have a strong economic recovery and it has to deep-root its democracy.
So one of the things we did just this week is the President named a close colleague of mine, former Secretary of Commerce Penny Pritzker, who is deeply connected to the private sector, deep government experience, to lead our own efforts on helping Ukraine pursue its economic recovery. As I look at it, as we look at it, we see tremendous opportunity for private sector investment in Ukraine. Governments can do a lot; they have done a lot. International banks have done a lot; they’ll continue to do a lot. But ultimately, the secret to success is making sure Ukraine has a really strong and positive investment environment and that companies go there. We met with a number of leading American companies just yesterday here in New York, and I think there’s a real enthusiasm for working in Ukraine. That is the secret to Ukraine’s long-term success: strong military, strong economy, strong democracy.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, I want to ask you about the Middle East because Prime Minister Netanyahu has said to the President, to President Biden, yesterday that they could make history together. And I’m told that this deal is really, really coming together; it’s going to be very difficult, it’s complicated, but it’s a three-way deal where Israel will give up some land to the Palestinians yet undefined, Saudi Arabia would get civilian nuclear power ability from the U.S. – which has long been a red line for a lot of people, especially in Congress – and Saudi Arabia would recognize Israel, which would be a tectonic shift which could end the Arab-Israeli conflict. And a lot of other side deals, plus this defense agreement between the United States and Saudi Arabia, which will be the first for the Middle East. Now, hard to come together. But that is history being made. Do you think that this could actually happen, maybe in the new year?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Andrea, as you’ve laid out very well, there are a lot of moving pieces here. But the points you made that this would be transformative is exactly right. We’ve had decades of instability, disruption, conflict in the Middle East – go back to 1979 or even before. To move to a region that’s more and more integrated, where countries have a stake in working together, in keeping the peace, and of course the strong message that it sends if you have the leading Islamic country in the world making peace with Israel, I think that truly is transformative. But it’s complicated, and to land all of these different pieces, it takes a tremendous amount of work. We’re in the middle of it; it’s still a challenge. I don’t want to predict where it’s going to go. But the bottom line is yes, it’s possible, and if we can get there, it would be a huge change.
QUESTION: But can it be done with this prime minister, who is arguably leading the most right-wing coalition and has a deeply divided domestic situation over what he’s trying to do with the judiciary system in Israel?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Each of the leaders involved is going to be looking, I think, fundamentally, to what is their national interest. And this isn’t about individual leaders, it’s not about individual governments. It is about transforming relationships among some of the most critical countries in the world. And at the end of the day, I think that’s what’s going to motivate everyone involved.
QUESTION: And you met with China’s vice president —
QUESTION: All right, Mr. Secretary, thank you so much for being with us. We greatly appreciate it.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you, Joe.
QUESTION: And I know you’ve got to go, but Mika and I just want to thank you so much and the entire Brzezinski family want to thank you for your recent speech at Johns Hopkins.
QUESTION: The School of Advanced International Studies, their new home at 565 Pennsylvania Avenue, and the Brzezinski Lecture.
QUESTION: The Brzezinski Lecture. So we thank you so much for doing that.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: It was an honor to do it. You know, Mika, I really revered your dad. I got to spend some time with him, got to learn a lot from him. So being able to do that lecture meant a lot.
QUESTION: All right, it means a lot for us.
QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you so much.
QUESTION: And thank you so much for being here. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, greatly appreciate it.
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At the Advancing the Sustainability and Adaptability of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda Event
09/21/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken At the Advancing the Sustainability and Adaptability of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda Event
09/21/2023 01:03 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
New York City, New York
United Nations Headquarters
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very, very much and good morning, everyone.
PARTICIPANTS: Good morning.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Wonderful to be with you and particularly wonderful to be with you for this event.
To our co-chair, my friend, the Foreign Minister Luminita, and to the UN Women’s Executive Director Sima Bahous: thank you, thank you for your leadership on this vital issue. And it’s very gratifying to know that Romania will be carrying the torch going forward. Thank you for that.
And to my fellow ministers from countries across this network: thank you for your partnership.
We’re also joined by U.S. Representative Lois Frankel. Where’s Lois? Somewhere in the house?
PARTICIPANT: (Off-mike.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: All right, we’re joined in spirit – (laughter) – by U.S. Representative Lois Frankel, who has been a champion of women and girls as a co-chair of our congressional Women, Peace, and Security – or WPS – Caucus.
So it’s been more than two decades now since the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1325.
That landmark statement recognized the particular devastating ways that conflict harms women and girls. Combatants use rape, forced marriages, and other forms of gender-based violence as weapons of war. Fighting interrupting access to essential health services, including critical maternal care. Compared to boys, girls living in conflict zones are more than twice as likely to miss school and then less likely to return to the classroom afterward. And all too often, efforts to prevent radicalization and stop violence forget that women can be combatants, too.
At the same time, the Security Council declared that women play a critical role in building peace and strengthening security. When peacekeeping forces include women, they’re better able to build trust with the communities they’re protecting and address the unique challenges that women and girls face in post-conflict societies. The research also shows that when women are meaningfully involved in negotiating peace agreements, there is a higher chance the deal will be reached. And those agreements, in turn, are 35 percent more likely to endure.
Now, I get to see this day-in, day-out in my work. I know that it is real, and it’s very powerful.
Women’s leadership is essential in times of war and in times of peace. So it’s imperative that the experiences and perspectives of women – in all of their diversity – are included in initiatives to deliver aid, to end conflict, and to strengthen security.
For the United States, we are deeply committed to making progress on these fronts, including through the State Department’s Office of Global Women’s Issues led by Ambassador Geeta Rao Gupta, who is with us today and I am so glad to have leading our efforts. This year, we’re co‑chairing the Women, Peace, and Security Focal Points Network. This is the organization established to try to translate the words of Resolution 1325 into concrete action.
So in this work, we are trying some new strategies. For example, we saw the need for more collaboration at a legislative level as more countries across the globe strive to pass laws, including women and girls in matters of peace and security. So, in partnership with other governments, civil society programs, and our own congressional WPS Caucus, the United States is now helping to launch a network of women parliamentarians, and we’re calling it Global WPS Caucus.
Through this group, we’ll build new partnerships, new exchanges, and we will strive to exchange in particular best practices. One of the things I’ve been convinced of – doing this for now 30 years – is that on any given issue, for any given problem, there’s probably somewhere in the world someone who has actually found a solution. But if we don’t share that information, then we reinvent the wheel time and again. So the power of these networks, of these connections, of these groups, particularly in sharing best practices, is we can really speed up bringing them to bear in a much greater part of the world than we otherwise would. This will include lessons that the United States has learned as the first country to turn our commitment to these issues into a federal law through the 2017 WPS Act. So by comparing notes, we will all find ways to make our policies more inclusive and more equal.
As we’re building this new initiative, the United States will also continue to bolster the global fight for women and girls and the entire community that is fighting for them.
One new way we’ll do this is by supporting the WPS Centers of Excellence that are building connections between government officials and civil society leaders, and helping them integrate gender perspectives into peace and security policies. Now, whether that’s developing responses to climate disasters that address the needs of women and girls, or working to combat gender-based violence in partnership with local community leaders, we’ll be at this in a variety of ways.
Finally, later this fall, our government will release our updated Strategy and National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security. This document is informed by years – quite literally years of research, years of consultation with civil society, experts – and it outlines how we’ll incorporate the needs and the perspectives of women and girls into our own diplomacy, defense, development policies going forward in the years ahead. So I am very much looking forward to bringing this to fruition and sharing the results with so many of you.
The last note I wanted to leave you with. As we move forward with these efforts, we will continue to draw support and inspiration from this network and all of its members.
I am convinced that together we actually have an opportunity to make the world just a little bit safer, a little bit more peaceful for women and girls, but in turn, for all of our people. And if we can do this together, I think we will be able to take great satisfaction in actually having made some progress.
So I thank you all not just for being here today but for being there every day in this work. As I like to say, these gatherings are important because it focuses all of our minds and attention on a critical issue. But it’s one day. It’s the 364 days that follow that really make the difference.
Thank you. (Applause.)
Additional U.S. Security Assistance for Ukraine
09/21/2023
Additional U.S. Security Assistance for Ukraine
09/21/2023 05:44 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Ukraine’s resilience, courage, and determination have inspired the world and galvanized U.S. and global efforts to help it defend itself and secure its future. Following President Biden’s announcement of a new security assistance package for Ukraine, pursuant to a delegation of authority from the President, I am authorizing additional security assistance for Ukraine, which will provide $128 million worth of U.S. arms and equipment from Department of Defense stocks. The Department of Defense will also be providing $197 million in arms and equipment under previously directed drawdowns.
The arms and equipment include additional air defense munitions to help strengthen Ukraine’s air defenses against aerial assaults from Russia now and in the coming winter, when Russia is likely to renew its attacks against Ukrainian critical infrastructure. It also contains artillery ammunition and anti-armor capabilities, as well as cluster munitions, which will further enhance Ukraine’s capacity to continue its counter-offensive against Russia’s forces.
The United States and Ukraine have forged a partnership that is stronger than ever. In the past year, Ukraine’s forces have taken back more than 50 percent of the territory seized by Russia’s forces since February of 2022. We will stand united with Ukraine as it secures its future – a future in which its people rebuild and live safely in a resilient and thriving democracy, fully integrated with Europe.
Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Turkish Foreign Minister Fidan
09/22/2023
Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Turkish Foreign Minister Fidan
09/22/2023 04:27 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:
Secretary Blinken met today with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan on the margins of the UN General Assembly to emphasize the importance of the U.S.-Türkiye relationship and express his strong support for increased economic and bilateral collaboration. He also underscored the necessity of ratifying Sweden’s NATO accession as soon as possible. The Secretary thanked Türkiye for its ongoing efforts to revive the Black Sea Grain Initiative and encouraged support for efforts to end hostilities and prevent a deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh.
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan
09/23/2023
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan
09/23/2023 04:06 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan today about Azerbaijan’s military actions in Nagorno-Karabakh and reaffirmed U.S. support for Armenia’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. The Secretary expressed the United States’ deep concern for the ethnic Armenian population in Nagorno-Karabakh. He underscored the United States is calling on Azerbaijan to protect civilians and uphold its obligations to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh and to ensure its forces comply with international humanitarian law.
Condemnation of Violent Attacks on Kosovo Police
09/25/2023
Condemnation of Violent Attacks on Kosovo Police
09/25/2023 08:10 AM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
The United States strongly condemns the coordinated violent attacks on the Kosovo Police near the Banjska Monastery on September 24, and expresses deep condolences to the family of the Kosovo Police sergeant killed in the line of duty. The perpetrators of this crime must be held accountable via a transparent investigative process. We call on the governments of Kosovo and Serbia to refrain from any actions or rhetoric which could further inflame tensions and to immediately work in coordination with international partners to de-escalate the situation, ensure security and rule of law, and return to the EU-facilitated Dialogue.
The Kosovo Police have full responsibility for enforcing the rule of law in the Republic of Kosovo. The United States recognizes and respects the Kosovo Police’s role as first responder in emergency and crisis situations.
The United States appreciates the close coordination of the Kosovo Police with the EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo and with NATO Kosovo Force, particularly in ensuring the safety of the civilians on the scene. We will continue to monitor the situation and coordinate with all involved.
New U.S.-Poland Foreign Military Financing Direct Loan Agreement Showcases Strong Security Partnership
09/25/2023
New U.S.-Poland Foreign Military Financing Direct Loan Agreement Showcases Strong Security Partnership
09/25/2023 10:06 AM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
Today, the United States is proud to announce the signing of a milestone $2 billion Foreign Military Financing (FMF) direct loan agreement to support Poland’s defense modernization.
Poland is a stalwart U.S. Ally, and Poland’s security is vital to the collective defense of NATO’s Eastern Flank. In addition to its central support role in facilitating international assistance to neighboring Ukraine, Poland has demonstrated its ironclad commitment to strengthening regional security through its robust investments in defense spending. Poland continues to demonstrate leadership in NATO on meeting the 2014 Wales Summit Defense Investment Pledge. Poland plans to significantly expand the Polish Armed Forces; has divested its legacy Russian origin military equipment in favor of an ambitious multi-year, multi-billion-dollar defense modernization program; has concluded an Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) with the United States; hosts Allied and U.S. forces, including the U.S.-led NATO Battlegroup and U.S. V Corps Headquarters (Forward); and actively participates in NATO missions across the region.
The U.S. government is providing up to $60 million in FMF for the cost of this loan, which will help accelerate Poland’s defense modernization by supporting urgent procurements of defense articles and services from the United States.
FMF direct loans are a security cooperation tool reserved for some of our most important security cooperation partners. Loan proceeds will further advance Poland’s military modernization effort across a wide range of capabilities, substantially contributing to strengthening the defense and deterrence of NATO’s Eastern Flank.
For additional information, please contact the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs’ Office of Congressional and Public Affairs at pm-cpa@state.gov.
NATO Permanent Representatives Travel to Norfolk, VA and Washington, D.C.
09/25/2023
NATO Permanent Representatives Travel to Norfolk, VA and Washington, D.C.
09/25/2023 02:09 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
A delegation of NATO Permanent Representatives, representing all 31 Allies and Invitee Sweden, will travel to the United States, September 24-28. During their visit, the delegation will meet with U.S. leadership to discuss global security challenges and plans for the Washington Summit in July 2024, which will mark the 75th anniversary of the Alliance. The delegation will visit the Allied Command Transformation (ACT) and Joint Force Command (JFC) in Norfolk, Virginia, from September 24-26 to discuss NATO’s deterrence strategies, as well as the Alliance’s collective defense and response capabilities. The delegation will then travel to Washington, D.C., from September 26-28, engaging with leaders from the Department of State, including Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Acting Deputy Secretary of State Victoria Nuland. The delegation will also hold meetings with the National Security Council, the Department of Defense, and members from both the House and the Senate to hear U.S. perspectives on the Alliance and the importance of Allies sharing the responsibilities of protecting Transatlantic security.
Under Secretary Zeya’s Travel to Rome, the Vatican, Palermo, and Warsaw
09/25/2023
Under Secretary Zeya’s Travel to Rome, the Vatican, Palermo, and Warsaw
09/25/2023 02:30 PM EDT
Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Uzra Zeya will travel to Italy, Vatican City, and Poland September 26-October 2, 2023. During her visit to Italy and Vatican City, she will meet with senior government officials and civil society organizations to deepen coordination on combating human trafficking; promoting safe, orderly, and humane migration management and access to protection; and addressing the global synthetic drug threat.
In Rome and Vatican City, the Under Secretary will meet with senior Italian and Vatican officials and civil society on shared efforts to address global human rights challenges. In Palermo, she will lead a U.S. delegation from the Department of State, Department of Justice, and Department of Homeland Security at the Palermo Convention Ministerial Conference. This event celebrates the 20th anniversary of the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime.
Finally, in Poland, Under Secretary Zeya will deliver the U.S. opening statement at the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Chair’s 2023 Warsaw Human Dimension Conference. She will highlight the OSCE’s work across the region and will join Allies and partners in condemning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, in violation of the UN Charter and against Helsinki Final Act principles. The Under Secretary will also meet with senior Government of Poland officials and members of civil society from OSCE participating States.
For further information, please follow @UnderSecStateJ.
Joint Statement on the Strategic Dialogue between the United States and Bulgaria
09/25/2023
Joint Statement on the Strategic Dialogue between the United States and Bulgaria
09/25/2023 06:25 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The following is the text of a joint statement by the Governments of the United States of America and Bulgaria.
Begin text:
On September 25, 2023, the United States and Bulgaria held the second high-level Strategic Dialogue to discuss bilateral, regional, and global issues of priority importance for both countries. The Dialogue aligned with the 120th anniversary of the start of diplomatic relations between the United States and Bulgaria, and we marked that milestone together as friends, Allies, and partners. We remain focused on advancing the following priorities:
Common Approaches to Global and Regional Issues
We stand resolutely united in support of Ukraine. Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine blatantly violates international law, threatens the rules-based international order, and undermines the stability of Europe, including the security of the Black Sea region. We share the goal of a secure, prosperous, and interconnected Black Sea region that is free from threats to territorial integrity, economic coercion, and malign influence.
Deepening Defense and Security Cooperation
Noting Bulgaria’s strategic position in the region and within NATO, we are growing our defense partnership to improve security in the Balkans and the Black Sea region, including through our joint participation in the multinational NATO battlegroup hosted by Bulgaria. Our robust cooperation enhances NATO interoperability, advances Bulgaria’s defense modernization efforts, and further develops Bulgaria’s defense industrial sector.
Expanding Economic and Energy Cooperation
We noted Bulgaria’s significant progress in diversifying its energy sector and further reducing its dependence on Russian energy resources. We are working together to create a more resilient energy market, expand our civil nuclear cooperation, and accelerate the transition to low-carbon and renewable energy sources. We plan to collaborate on expanding bilateral trade and investment ties by promoting innovation, adopting effective governance of new technologies, and fostering a favorable business environment, and we will consider how to expand our cooperation on emerging technology and space policy. We intend to prioritize the screening of foreign direct investments to ensure national security.
Defending Democracy and Strengthening Rule of Law
Acknowledging the importance of deepening and extending our cooperation on countering foreign disinformation and propaganda, we signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Countering Foreign Information Manipulation. We are working to achieve tangible and practical results that will help safeguard our democracies by countering the growing threat of foreign malign influence and state-sponsored disinformation. We also underscored our continuing efforts to strengthening the rule of law and ensuring judicial independence, and we intend to continue joint efforts to eradicate the scourge of trafficking in persons.
Broadening Bilateral Ties
We recognized our abiding people-to-people ties and will continue to nurture them through academic, cultural, and professional exchanges. Both sides welcomed Bulgaria’s progress towards inclusion in the Visa Waiver Program, and the United States reaffirmed its support of Bulgaria’s ongoing efforts to fulfill the legal requirements for admission into the program.
The Strategic Dialogue was convened by the Counselor of the U.S. Department of State Derek H. Chollet and the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bulgaria Mariya Gabriel, and included high-level representatives from both governments.
End Text.
U.S. and Bulgaria to Collaborate on Combatting Disinformation
09/25/2023
U.S. and Bulgaria to Collaborate on Combatting Disinformation
09/25/2023 06:36 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The United States and Bulgaria signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) today that increases cooperation to counter foreign information manipulation. The MOU – signed by Under Secretary of State for Public Affairs and Public Diplomacy Liz Allen and Bulgarian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Mariya Gabriel – provides a strong foundation for both countries to work together against the spread of disinformation and media manipulation, an increasing threat in Central and Eastern Europe.
The MOU signals a commitment by the United States and Bulgaria to develop a shared approach to better understanding foreign disinformation and building collaborative mechanisms to counteract its threat. The United States and Bulgaria recognize that authoritarian governments manipulate information and spread disinformation to influence people around the world. This MOU demonstrates the commitment of the United States and Bulgaria to work together, and with like-minded nations, to counteract information manipulation. This cooperation includes national policy making, support for civil society, and multilateral engagement.
The MOU signing ceremony concluded the Second U.S. Bulgaria Strategic Dialogue, held at the State Department on September 25, and marked the 120th anniversary of the start of diplomatic relations between the United States and Bulgaria.
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Azerbaijani President Aliyev
09/26/2023
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Azerbaijani President Aliyev
09/26/2023 08:04 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke with Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev today to emphasize the need for Azerbaijan to refrain from further hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh and provide unhindered humanitarian access. He called on President Aliyev to provide assurances to the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh that they can live secure in their homes and that their rights will be protected. The Secretary urged President Aliyev to commit to broad amnesty and allow an international observer mission into Nagorno-Karabakh, and noted the President’s public commitments to help build a future for all those in Nagorno-Karabakh based on peace, mutual understanding, and mutual respect.
United States Imposes Sanctions on Transnational Procurement Network Supporting Iran’s One-Way Attack UAV Program
09/27/2023
ent Network Supporting Iran’s One-Way Attack UAV Program
09/27/2023 11:20 AM EDT
Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson
Today, the United States is designating a network linked to the U.S.-designated Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). This network–comprised of five entities and two individuals based in Iran, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Hong Kong, Türkiye, and the United Arab Emirates–has been procuring sensitive parts for Iran’s one-way attack unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) program.
Iran is supplying Russia with arms, including Shahed-136 UAVs, to support Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine. One of the servomotors procured by the network designated today was recovered in the remnants of a Russia-operated Shahed-136 that was recently shot down in Ukraine.
The United States is determined to take actions against those supporting Russia’s war machine, particularly the provision of weapons that target Ukraine’s people and civil infrastructure.
For more information on today’s action, please see the Department of the Treasury’s press release .
Special Presidential Advisor for the Americas Dodd’s Travel to Spain
09/27/2023
Special Presidential Advisor for the Americas Dodd’s Travel to Spain
09/27/2023 08:31 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
Special Presidential Advisor for the Americas Christopher J. Dodd will travel to La Toja, Spain, from September 27 to October 1, 2023. SPA Dodd will participate in the international economic conference “La Toja Forum – Transatlantic Linkage” to promote U.S. efforts to foster more inclusive and sustainable economic growth in Latin America and the Caribbean, including through the Americas Partnership for Economic Prosperity, and build support for deeper transatlantic linkages with the Western Hemisphere.
For further information, please contact WHA-Press@state.gov.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With The Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg at The Atlantic Festival
09/28/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With The Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg at The Atlantic Festival
09/28/2023 01:23 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Washington, D.C.
MR GOLDBERG: Thank you, and good morning. And again, on behalf of everyone at The Atlantic, thank you so much for coming today and tomorrow, I hope. We have an amazing program. We’re kicking it off with the Secretary of State. I’ve told him that he’s the warm-up act for Nancy Pelosi. (Laughter.) And he accepted that with equanimity, I think, because you’re a diplomat.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I always wanted to make the arena stage, so —
MR GOLDBERG: Yeah, you made the arena stage; you’re opening for Nancy. So we’ll see. (Laughter.) But next year, next year you might headline.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Who knows?
MR GOLDBERG: Next year you might headline this event; I don’t know. We’ll see. See how you do in the next 27 minutes.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you, Jeff.
MR GOLDBERG: We thank you very much for coming. I appreciate it. And I was hoping that we could talk today, do – like, lift up a little bit from the daily press of events and get a lager picture of where America is in the world, and where the world is. And you’ve been speaking somewhat about this subject. Obviously, you’re speaking about the subject of the Cold War in the shadow of what’s going on in Ukraine. But the big question that I want to start with is simply this: Are we in a new Cold War? Is this the – does this mark the end of Cold War I and the beginning of Cold War II? And I think the anxiety-producing aspect of this question is: This feels worse in some ways, our relationship with Russia right now, than it felt even in some of the unhappy – unhappiest moments of the Cold War. Where do we stand?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, I don’t think we’re in a new Cold War, but we are in a new era. Because as we see it, the post-Cold War era is over, and what we’re in now is a period where there is an intense competition to shape what comes next – a competition that involves Russia and China in different ways, and a competition that also involves a whole panoply of countries, including in the developing world, about how we’re going to face and tackle these huge transnational challenges that defy the ability of any one country alone to meet them.
So as we see it, we have to engage this era from a position of strength. That’s why we’ve done two things: We’ve invested in ourselves at home in historic ways, and at the same time – and this is my piece of it, on the President’s instruction – we have from day one worked to revitalize, re-engage, rejuvenate our alliances and partnerships, and build new ones that are fit for specific purposes. And in doing that, our hope is that we can be the ones who are doing a lot of the shaping of this new era.
MR GOLDBERG: When did the – take us back a little bit. When did the Cold – the Cold War ended in ’89, ’90, in that period. Was there a true thaw, or were the Russians just nursing their resentments that whole time?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think historians will be talking about that and debating about that for years. And there’s no fixed endpoint. You’ve seen a gradual progression. A lot of the things that we hoped and expected would happen after the Cold War didn’t materialize the way we wanted.
Now, put it in context. A tremendous amount of good came, both from the post-World War II period and then the post-Cold War period: lifting hundreds of millions, billions, of people out of poverty around the world; avoiding great power conflict – that was, of course, the purpose of the entire system that was set up after World War II – moving to tackle some of these transnational challenges.
But we’ve had a serious erosion that’s taken place, I’d say, over the last decade, and there’s a lot to get into about why that happened. And to some extent, this culminated really in a perfect storm. COVID was an accelerant to all of this. But we find ourselves at a point where the great power competition that some hoped would be a thing of the past is now back in the present, but it’s overlaid with, again, these tremendous transnational challenges that, in their complexity and multiplicity, demand that we find ways to work with others to tackle them.
MR GOLDBERG: So you remember, of course, that Mitt Romney, when he was running against Barack Obama, talked about Russia as the main adversary of the United States, and Barack Obama said, “Mitt, the Cold War called. It wants its foreign policy back.” It turns out Mitt Romney was right, though. Is that fair to say?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I had occasion to tell Senator Romney that I thought he had been rather prescient in some of the things that he said. (Laughter.)
MR GOLDBERG: And was he satisfied when you told him that? (Laughter.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I’ll let him speak to that, Jeff. This is not what we wanted. In fact, when President Biden came to office, one of the things that we tried to explore was whether Russia was interested in having a more stable, predictable relationship with the United States. You remember President Biden and President Putin met in Geneva. That was – and this is before the re-aggression against Ukraine. The whole intent was to test that out. Unfortunately – more than unfortunately – tragically, in so many ways, that’s not what Putin wanted.
MR GOLDBERG: Do you think there’s any purpose in ever having President Biden meet with Putin again, or is it beyond repair?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Look, never say never because ultimately what everyone wants, starting with the Ukrainians, is a just and durable peace. So let’s see if we ever get to a point where that’s possible.
MR GOLDBERG: What does a just and durable peace look like to you?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, it’s two things. Just in the sense that it reflects the basic principles that are at the heart of the UN Charter – territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence for Ukraine. Durable in the sense that you want to make sure that if you’re getting to a peace, you’re not also leaving in place conditions that would allow this aggression to happen again a year later, two years later, five years later. So those are the two things. Those are the two guideposts. How you specify that, how you define that, obviously the Ukrainians have to make fundamental decisions about what they want their future to look like.
MR GOLDBERG: But the Ukrainians say right now that the future peace looks like 100 percent of their territory under their control. That seems like a hard lift, and we can talk about how the war is actually going in a second. But do you ever see a moment when this administration, your administration, and the Zelenskyy administration are just going to be at loggerheads over that core question?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: We have been and we will remain closely joined. And what the President has said repeatedly is that these are fundamentally decisions for Ukrainians to make. Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine – that remains very much the north star of what we’re doing. But Jeff, I think what’s so important here is there are two reasons that we’ve been engaged in this – and not just us, dozens of other countries.
By the way, for years people complained when we’ve been engaged abroad in the lack of burden sharing, allies and partners picking up their fair share. This is an instance where we’ve had very successful burden sharing. In fact, if you look at the numbers across the board, both in total and military, economic, humanitarian support, other countries together are doing even more than we’re doing. So it’s quite extraordinary.
But we want to make sure that as we’re doing this, we’re doing two things. One, I don’t think people in this country, in any other country, like to see the horrific bullying that’s going on with one large country aggressing another and doing terrible things in the process. So we’re moved by that, and Americans, I think, feel that inherently. But equally, this is about more than Ukraine. It is about a Russian aggression against the very principles that have been at the heart of the international system.
We were in New York a week ago for the UN General Assembly, and it was kind of a useful moment to remind ourselves that the reason the UN came about in the first place was after the Second World War, and the major intent was to make sure that the world came together in a way that didn’t allow for a third world war after the first two. And in order to do that, there was an agreement in the UN Charter about the basic understandings that countries have in how they relate to one another. And at the heart of that are things like territorial integrity, sovereignty, and defense.
MR GOLDBERG: I have to say, though, the UN seems kind of useless in this situation. Russia’s on the Security Council; it vetoes the resolutions that are opposed to Russia. It has China has an authoritarian partner in their common desire to not have internal intervention. So what is the defense of the – I mean, they had nice parties last week, but what’s the defense of the United Nations at this point?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, two things. First, you’re right, the Security Council has a lot of problems and we’re working on them. But –
MR GOLDBERG: Well, you’re working. Stop – how are you working on them?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, one of the things that we’re doing is we’re leading the effort to actually reform the council, to bring countries on to the council that better reflect realities of today, not when the council was first established.
MR GOLDBERG: But how do you do that when Russia and China have a veto over reform?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, it’s a process. (Laughter.) But here’s the thing. But —
MR GOLDBERG: By the way, that’s Nancy Pelosi-level game right there. (Laughter.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Now, that’s flattery. Thank you. (Laughter.) Listen, General Assembly – pretty instructive. We’ve had three votes on the General Assembly at various points where 140 countries or more, in one way or another, condemned what Russia was doing. That’s a powerful signal. That’s a powerful message.
And if you look at the UN agencies that are out there doing incredible work – whether it’s UNHCR, whether it’s UNICEF, whether it’s the International Organization of Migration, and down the list – they’re doing things to help people in distress that, were they not doing it, either we would have to do it entirely on own or no one would do it, and then you’d have a world of even greater hurt.
So yeah, of course the UN needs a lot of work. But it’s as my boss likes to say, “Don’t compare me to the Almighty. Compare me to the alternative.”
MR GOLDBERG: Right. (Laughter.) So General Mark Milley, who I spent some time with recently, was talking about Ukraine, the battle space of Ukraine, as the fulcrum of the world in terms of democracy versus authoritarianism, like the whole story is there. If Russia wins and gets its way through force, that means that authoritarians will be truly ascendant. And so my question is: Do you believe that all of our eggs are in that basket as well?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, let me say two things. First, one thing about Mark – it’s been an incredible privilege to serve alongside him. He’s an extraordinary American, an extraordinary leader, an an amazing patriot. And I’ve not only learned a tremendous amount from him but just enjoyed immensely being in the Situation Room with him and getting to work with him in these past couple of years. The piece that you ran was extraordinary – requisite plug for The Atlantic – (laughter) – and so I really wanted to note that. Really an extraordinary person and extraordinary leader.
And this is not a question of all the eggs being in a basket, but he’s exactly right about what the stakes are because here’s the thing. If Russia is allowed to do what it’s doing in Ukraine and to do it with impunity, then it tells would-be aggressors everywhere they can get away with it, we can get away with it. And that’s why you’ve seen so many countries far removed from Europe and Ukraine engaged in supporting Ukraine – Japan, Korea, Australia, New Zealand. They all understand that there are global stakes involved, and that’s why —
MR GOLDBERG: They’re watching Russia and thinking China?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: They’re watching Russia and thinking, look, my own region – this could happen here. And the message we send, the actions we take, are going to have an effect on what happens later.
MR GOLDBERG: So let me ask you this because everything we’re talking about is – we’re talking about – understanding that there’s a rather important election coming up in this country: How do you build guardrails for NATO? How do you build guardrails now to protect the effort to continuing to keep Ukraine in the fight? We know very clearly – he doesn’t dissemble on this question – we know that Donald Trump doesn’t like NATO, would, if he had his druthers, pull out of NATO, doesn’t like Ukraine, obviously has a great affection for Putin, apparently. How are you right now building systems so that that fight can continue even if Donald Trump wins the presidency?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Jeff, first, in my job, I do elections everywhere, except for the United States, so – (laughter) —
MR GOLDBERG: I’m not asking you to predict the election or – I mean, you can endorse a candidate. It’s pretty safe to understand who you might endorse. But the question is – and the question is – and I – and this – you hear from allies every day what’s going to happen. The only reason Ukraine is in the fight – I mean, there’s two reasons Ukraine is in the fight. One, Ukrainians are very, very brave and have sacrificed a huge amount on the battlefield. (Applause.) The other reason is this enormous American effort to keep them armed, to keep the intelligence flowing, to keep the international coalition, to revitalize NATO. I mean, this is sort of the obvious question: If we go in a completely different direction, what happens to that cause?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I’d say two things. First, again, not just us, 50 other countries doing this and sustaining this. And what we’re doing is trying to make sure that, to the best of our ability, the steps that we’re taking now are as deep-rooted as they possibly can be. So for example, one of the results of Putin’s historic folly in Ukraine is the fact that NATO enlarged. It’s stronger and now it’s bigger. We have Finland in; Sweden’s about to get in, something I think unimaginable before the Russian aggression. That is something that is lasting —
MR GOLDBERG: Putin has done more for NATO than any Western leader.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Oh, Putin’s – Putin has done – yes, that’s undeniable. If you look – by the way, I think it’s also important to note that, no matter what happens, this has already been a historic strategic failure for Russia. In terms of Ukraine itself, it wanted to erase it from the map, destroy its independence, subsume it into Russia. That has failed and can’t possibly succeed.
But if you look at Russia now – militarily, economically, diplomatically – its standing has dropped precipitously. If you look at what’s happened with NATO, as you just pointed out; if you look at what’s happened with Europe, moving away from energy dependence on Russia – in each one of these areas, this has been a debacle for Russia. And of course, the Ukrainian people are more united than they’ve ever been, including against Russia, which was not the case before 2014, and now it’s on steroids since the aggression in 2022.
I’ll give you another example. We have worked very hard – you saw this with the Camp David summit with Korea and Japan – not only to have this trilateral partnership to try to tackle issues together, but in so doing, to bring Japan and Korea closer together. That’s something that’s lasting, that has its own momentum, and that will continue.
Look, Jeff, the best we can do is to work in the moment we’re in and to do everything we can to try to advance the national interests. If results follow, I believe people will want to sustain that.
MR GOLDBERG: Let’s talk about results. Americans are an impatient people. We know that. Americans don’t like long wars. And there’s a feeling – and maybe this is an unfair feeling – but there’s a feeling that the Ukrainian offensive is bogged down or just going slowly. Give us your sense of the war as it stands. I realize we’re not talking to Lloyd Austin, but you still have an overall sense of how that effort is going.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, if you put this in context, I was just in Ukraine a couple of weeks ago. I’d previously been there exactly a year before. I’ve been there three times into Kyiv since the Russian aggression. And in the space of that year, the Ukrainians have taken back more than 50 percent of the territory that Russia took from them starting in February of 2022. Now, of course, they’re engaged in this counteroffensive along the south and the east. It’s been tough going, and there’s a good reason for that. The Russians had many, many months to build up defenses. But the Ukrainians are making real progress.
At the end of the day, I think the fundamental difference-maker is this: You’re right. Our support, the support of more than 50 countries, has been a big difference-maker; but the fundamental difference-maker is the fact that Ukrainians are fighting for their own land, their own freedom, their own future. The Russians are not. And I think, at the end of the day, that is what tips the balance.
Now, exactly where this settles, exactly where lines wind up being drawn – that’s going to be up to the Ukrainians. They have to make important decisions. And it’s a democracy, and those decisions will be reflected in Ukraine’s democracy.
MR GOLDBERG: It seems like your administration is having a harder time than one might expect selling the idea of American support for Ukraine in large swaths of America. What are you – what more do you need to do to convince Americans that that fight is our fight?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I’m not sure I accept the premise, for a couple of reasons. One, if you look at polling – which is not what’s driving things – but at least some of the polls I’ve seen recently suggest that there is strong, enduring support for our support for Ukraine. In Congress, yes, there are some loud voices that are taking a different tack. But if you look at the majority in both parties, the support is there and it’s sustained.
I had an opportunity to spend some time with Leader McConnell, Mitch McConnell. It’s clear the House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Mike McCaul – also a very strong supporter. So I believe the support is still there.
We, of course, have to continuously try to focus our fellow citizens on the stakes. And it’s a natural progression. You have intense focus on something over a period of time – and actually the intensity of the focus on Ukraine lasted a lot longer than I would have predicted – but inevitably, other things happen. The media moves on. And it’s in those moments where, sure, it’s a little bit more challenging to keep people focused on something and in so doing to really sustain the support. But at least where we are now, I have not seen that erosion, but it’s something we have to work out all the time.
MR GOLDBERG: What do you think about the so-called realist perspective on Ukraine and Russia which is related to maybe some of this quasi-isolationism you hear in the more Trump-ified portions of the Republican Party, which admittedly is most the Republican Party at this moment, that this war is partially – at least partially the product of Western overreach; that of course Russia is going to react negatively to the expansion of NATO, to feeling boxed in, and so on?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think history says exactly the opposite. Again, consider this: Before 2014, when the Russians first went into Ukraine, you had in Ukraine itself very little public support for joining NATO, favorable attitudes – including in the West – toward Russia. NATO itself was on a downward trajectory: defense budgets were actually declining, not going up; the American presence in Europe had declined dramatically from the end of the Cold War – 300,000 troops to about 60,000; the heavy equipment that was a part of NATO was actually being pulled back – tanks and planes. That was the trajectory.
And, again, there was a good reason for that. The hope and expectation was we had moved into a better, more positive period. There was even a NATO-Russia Founding Act. I remember it very well. I was working for President Clinton at the time and – when he signed this – and this was a means of cooperation between NATO and Russia. So if you’re looking at it from that perspective, I think the trajectory was clear. And NATO has never had a design on a single inch of Russian territory. It’s not an offensive alliance; it’s a defensive alliance. Putin has managed in these actions to precipitate everything he claims he wants to prevent, and that starts with a stronger and bigger NATO.
MR GOLDBERG: Is Russia a bigger threat to the U.S. and to Western democratic interests now or is China actually the number one?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: They’re very different in their nature. The – China has – by its military capacity, its economic capacity, although a little bit more challenged these days, its diplomatic capacity, its presence around the world – much greater ability certainly than Russia to try to shape what the international system looks like. And I think they want a world order, but the world order that they seek is profoundly illiberal in nature; ours is liberal with a small “L.” And that’s the fundamental difference. The world that we hope to shape looks very different from the world that they might prefer so ‑-
MR GOLDBERG: What does China want, ultimately?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think that what it seeks is to be the dominant power in the world militarily, economically, diplomatically. And depending on the purpose that it brings to that, that can move things in one direction or another. But I think fundamentally that’s what China is seeking, that’s what Xi Jinping is seeking, and in a sense that’s not a surprise. There’s an extraordinary history in China, and I think if you look and listen to the Chinese leaders, they are seeking to recover what they believe is their rightful place in the world.
MR GOLDBERG: Did you – are you surprised that the imperial spirit is so alive across much of the world at this late stage?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: These are things that we thought, hoped, expected that we’d left behind. And one would think that the lessons learned from that experience would have continued to move things in that direction, but the reality is it hasn’t. And that’s exactly what we’re grappling with now. That’s why, as I said at the outset, this is the start of a new era. This is the end of the post-Cold War era. This is the start of something new.
And the President talks about it this way – and you’ve heard him, I think, Jeff – he talks about it as an inflection point, and by that he means the decisions that we make just in the next few years will have a profound effect in shaping not just the few years that follow but decades to follow. We had an inflection point after the Second World War. We had another one arguably at the end of the Cold War. This is a third one. And that’s why the stakes couldn’t be higher, but it’s also why I’m feeling real confidence about our ability to do that shaping.
We’ve had as a result of our re-engagement with the world built convergence with dozens of countries, starting in Europe but well beyond, on the approach to Russia and Ukraine. We built convergence much greater than we’ve ever had on the approach to China, and we’ve managed also to bring partners together in the Atlantic and in the Asian theaters. The way we’re looking at it is this – and if you look at what we’ve actually been doing – I talk about it almost like variable geometry. We have coalitions of different shapes and sizes that are fit for specific purposes. Part of that is using existing alliances and partnerships, but part of it is also building new ones.
An example, we were at – in New York, as I said, last week. This summer we put together a global coalition to deal with one of the greatest threats in our time, and that is synthetic opioids here in this country. More Americans between 18 and 49 die as a result of fentanyl than anything else. We now have a hundred countries coming together to try to deal in a much more concentrated and coordinated fashion with this scourge, including making sure that precursors – chemical precursors that get diverted into the illegal manufacture of fentanyl that we find ways to block and to stop and to control that – among many other things.
Down the line, whether it’s on food security, whether it’s on climate, whether it’s on building infrastructure and meeting the demands that are out there around the world – but making sure that we’re building it to the highest standards – in each and every one of these ways, we put together different collections of countries to work on it, and organizations. And we’re also doing these in cross-cutting ways and in new ways.
So I think if you look at that and you look at the investments that we’ve made in ourselves – truly historic investments, starting with infrastructure – CHIPS and then the IRA giving us leadership on the technologies that are going to define the 21st Century economy when it comes to green economies – we’re in without question a much stronger position at home and abroad than we’ve been in recent years.
MR GOLDBERG: I’ve got to say, though – I mean, if the choice is between a very sanguine Secretary of State and easily excitable Secretary of State, I guess you go with sanguine. But we’re a year away – (laughter) – we’re a year away from an election where your guy is running against the other guy and the other guy wants to dismantle everything that you just talked about.
And so I don’t – I’m not really tracking your sanguinity – (laughter) on this and I’ll come back to that question. And maybe there is no answer. Maybe you can’t future-proof the work that this administration has done over the past three years. And by the way, there have been mistakes that the Biden administration has made, there have been victories along the way, but it’s all within a certain bandwidth of reality-based policymaking.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. I’ll take that.
MR GOLDBERG: You’re – well, no, that’s the – yeah. (Applause.) I don’t mean to be too nice about it or anything, but – no, I mean, it’s – there’s the usual bandwidth and then there’s the special bandwidth that we’ve been dealing with – (laughter) – in the last seven or eight years.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I’m really looking forward, years from now, to someone saying about my tenure “reality-based policymaking.” I think that’s – (laughter) —
MR GOLDBERG: Yes, it is, but how do you – again, I come back to this. You seem very – yes, I understand you have this kind of almost fatalistic “all I can do is work in the present,” but the next time – and by the way —
SECRETARY BLINKEN: If you can tell me how I can work in the future, I —
MR GOLDBERG: No, well – no, but this is the question. (Laughter.) I would like you to work in the future, but this is the question. Is there anything that this administration can do to build guardrails for some of the plans and programs that you’re talking about, including very, very key programs like supporting Ukraine?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Look —
MR GOLDBERG: Or is it just you got to – Joe Biden (inaudible)?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I mentioned a few of them, a number of the things that we’ve done, that we’ve helped, that we’ve supported, including NATO’s enlargement. That’s going to last no matter what the next administration is. The work that we’ve done —
MR GOLDBERG: But he can pull out – the previous president, if he’s elected again, and that’s a plausible – maybe not probable, but a plausible outcome – he could pull the United States out of NATO. What’s NATO without the United States? Sorry.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think that there is a strong demand signal from around the world and also a demand signal here at home, whoever is president, whoever the future administration is, about the direction that people want this country to go in. That matters. That makes a difference. So our job, as I said, is to do the – to the best of our ability to make sure that what we’re doing resonates with people; that they see, as I said, that there are results; and that given a choice between different directions, they want to sustain the direction that we’re taking.
MR GOLDBERG: Let me ask in a couple of minutes that we have left about a couple of threats and possibilities on the horizon. The first is Taiwan. Obviously, a lot of people, especially if you’re talking about Indo-Pacific issues, they look at Ukraine and they ask the question: Is Taiwan ready for what might be coming? Is it?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: What we’ve seen over the last years – not just the last year, years plural, really going back to 2016 – is China looking to stir the pot, to change the status quo with regard to Taiwan. But what we’ve seen just over the last year is a very strong convergence of countries around the world – in the region and well beyond – saying to Beijing, “Don’t do it.” The stakes not just for Taiwan but quite literally for the entire world are extraordinarily high. Fifty percent of the world’s container traffic goes through the Taiwan Strait every day, 70 percent of semiconductors manufactured there. Were there to be a crisis over Taiwan precipitated by Chinese actions, you would have a global economic crisis.
And so I think the message that China is hearing increasingly from countries around the world is “Don’t stir the pot.” We want – everyone wants peace and stability. Everyone wants the status quo to be preserved.
MR GOLDBERG: Do you think the Chinese are surprised at the level of American engagement with Ukraine?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think that what China’s taken note of, clearly, is the success we’ve had in building convergence both in Asia, in Europe, and even points beyond about the approach to take toward China. And if you look not only at what colleagues around the world are saying, but what countries are actually doing, there is an incredible alignment. China’s taken note of that.
MR GOLDBERG: Right. I mean, it is interesting – I want to come to the last point in a second, but it is interesting to note that China has somehow managed to create a new U.S.-Vietnam alliance, which is not historically an easy thing to pull off. (Laughter.) Talk about that for one minute.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, that – look, that’s extraordinary in so many ways. I was with the President in Vietnam a couple weeks ago. I’ve been there a number of times over the years going back to the Obama administration. And it’s one of the most extraordinary stories in recent history for a whole variety of reasons, but I think what you’ve seen is us take this relationship to a new and unprecedented level. It reflects the desire of the Vietnamese to have a strong and more comprehensive partnership with the United States.
Now, yes, is some of that driven by their concerns about China? Of course. But at the same time, I think there’s – in Vietnam in particular, you just see an extraordinary energy, an extraordinary entrepreneurial class of young people, an incredibly young population, and they’re attracted to the United States. And it’s a remarkable, remarkable transition of history.
But look, I think it’s important to put this in perspective, because this story, while incredibly powerful and positive, is also not novel in other ways. Among our closest allies in the world right now: Germany and Japan.
MR GOLDBERG: Germany and Japan, right. First we go through some bad stuff and then we have some good stuff. (Laughter.)
The final question for you, and a short question: Normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia; you’ve been working on this quite a bit. What are the chances?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: First, it would be transformative if we can get there. You would go from a region where there have been, as you know better than anyone, decades of turmoil – go back to 1979, even earlier – and moving that to the prospects for a much more stable and integrated region, to have at the same time a rapprochement by the leading country in Islam with Israel, that would have reverberations well beyond the Middle East. So if it can be achieved, I think it would be transformative.
Achieving it is not easy. There are really hard issues that are on the table. We’re working through them. I don’t want to put a percentage number on it, but I can say this: I think we’re invested in really testing this out. I believe the Saudis and the Israelis are as well. But we still have to grapple with a lot of hard practical issues. And whether we can get there and when we can get there, that we don’t know.
MR GOLDBERG: Well, I want to thank the overly sanguine Secretary of State. (Laughter.) All I’ve managed to do is get myself overheated, but we tried. (Laughter.) We tried.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, if it’s any consolation, I’m going to go backstage and scream. (Laughter.)
MR GOLDBERG: Okay. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
U.S. Special Envoy to Northern Ireland for Economic Affairs Joseph Kennedy Announces Details of Business Delegation to Northern Ireland
09/28/2023
U.S. Special Envoy to Northern Ireland for Economic Affairs Joseph Kennedy Announces Details of Business Delegation to Northern Ireland
09/28/2023 05:19 PM EDT
U.S. Special Envoy to Northern Ireland for Economic Affairs Joseph P. Kennedy, III, today announced the first four members of his business delegation to Northern Ireland, which will take place October 24 to 26, 2023.
Members of the delegation will include:The Honorable Thomas P. DiNapoli, Comptroller, State of New York
Mark Hartney, Breakthrough Energy Ventures
John Murphy, President and Chief Financial Officer, The Coca-Cola Company
Tim Sweeney, President and Chief Executive Officer, Liberty Mutual Insurance
The delegation will engage with a wide range of business leaders in Northern Ireland, including employers who have started or grown operations over the past 25 years.
Special Envoy Kennedy’s travel follows President Biden’s announcement of the delegation in April during his remarks at Belfast’s Ulster University. The trip will highlight progress made in the 25 years since the signing of the Belfast / Good Friday Agreement, and the important role U.S. investors have made in preserving the gains of the Belfast / Good Friday Agreement.
Under Secretary Fernandez Travels to Berlin, Paris, Brussels, Rome, and London
09/28/2023
Under Secretary Fernandez Travels to Berlin, Paris, Brussels, Rome, and London
09/28/2023 05:25 PM EDT
Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose W. Fernandez is traveling to Germany, France, Belgium, Italy, and the United Kingdom through October 11, 2023, to deepen transatlantic cooperation on key economic growth and economic security priorities. This includes a wide range of policy areas such as trade, technology, climate, energy, food security, and providing sustained support for Ukraine’s economic recovery, future, and shared prosperity.
In Berlin, Under Secretary Fernandez joined the High-Level Economic Dialogue to strengthen even further the robust U.S.-German bilateral relationship.
Under Secretary Fernandez visited Paris to participate in the International Energy Agency (IEA) Ministerial alongside Ministers of Energy from all over the world, to discuss ways to better source and process critical minerals, which are vital for the clean energy transition.
In Brussels, Under Secretary Fernandez will tour the Belgium-based Interuniversity Microelectronics Centre (IMEC) factory in Leuven, one of Europe’s leading semiconductor R&D centers, employing 5,000 researchers. He will also hold meetings with U.S. private sector companies and meet with senior European Union officials to discuss trade issues related to the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council (TTC), in addition to meeting with the head of the Secretariat of the Donor Coordination Platform for Ukraine.
In Rome, Under Secretary Fernandez will meet with senior government officials to discuss G7 planning and economic security issues.
In London, the Under Secretary will participate in a Financial Times Mining Summit to discuss the importance of securing reliable, transparent, and sustainable critical minerals and participate in the Minerals Security Partnership Ministerial hosted by the United Kingdom.
To stay updated, follow Under Secretary Fernandez on Twitter: @State_E , Facebook: @StateDeptE , and LinkedIn: @State-E .
For press inquiries, please contact: E_Communications@state.gov.
Condemning the Life Sentence of Professor Rahile Dawut
09/29/2023
Condemning the Life Sentence of Professor Rahile Dawut
09/29/2023 12:15 PM EDT
Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson
We condemn the reported life sentence handed down by the Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) following secret court proceedings of Professor Rahile Dawut, an anthropologist and expert on Uyghur folklore and traditions.
Professor Dawut and other Uyghur intellectuals, including Ilham Tohti, have been unjustly imprisoned for their work to protect and preserve Uyghur culture and traditions. Professor Dawut’s life sentence is part of an apparent broader effort by the PRC to eradicate Uyghur identity and culture and undermine academic freedom, including through the use of detentions and disappearances.
We call upon the PRC government to immediately end the genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang and to abide by its international commitments to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. We continue to call on the PRC government to immediately release Professor Dawut and all individuals who are unjustly detained.
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Serbian President Vucic
09/29/2023
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Serbian President Vucic
09/29/2023 04:18 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke today with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic. Secretary Blinken and President Vucic discussed the importance of taking immediate measures to de-escalate tensions with Kosovo in the wake of the September 24 violence and death of a Kosovo Police Sergeant. The Secretary underscored that those responsible for the attacks who are now in Serbia must be held accountable. The Secretary voiced his support for the actions of KFOR and EULEX in responding to this event, noting that incidents like those near the Banjska Monastery present unacceptable challenges to KFOR and the international community, and welcomed KFOR’s increased presence and the North Atlantic Council’s decision to authorize additional forces. The Secretary reiterated Serbia must accompany immediate de-escalation with full implementation of its commitments under the normalization agreement within the EU-facilitated Dialogue.
Stay connected with the State Department:
09/27/2023 11:20 AM EDT
Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson
Today, the United States is designating a network linked to the U.S.-designated Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). This network–comprised of five entities and two individuals based in Iran, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Hong Kong, Türkiye, and the United Arab Emirates–has been procuring sensitive parts for Iran’s one-way attack unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) program.
Iran is supplying Russia with arms, including Shahed-136 UAVs, to support Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine. One of the servomotors procured by the network designated today was recovered in the remnants of a Russia-operated Shahed-136 that was recently shot down in Ukraine.
The United States is determined to take actions against those supporting Russia’s war machine, particularly the provision of weapons that target Ukraine’s people and civil infrastructure.
For more information on today’s action, please see the Department of the Treasury’s press release .
Special Presidential Advisor for the Americas Dodd’s Travel to Spain
09/27/2023
Special Presidential Advisor for the Americas Dodd’s Travel to Spain
09/27/2023 08:31 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
Special Presidential Advisor for the Americas Christopher J. Dodd will travel to La Toja, Spain, from September 27 to October 1, 2023. SPA Dodd will participate in the international economic conference “La Toja Forum – Transatlantic Linkage” to promote U.S. efforts to foster more inclusive and sustainable economic growth in Latin America and the Caribbean, including through the Americas Partnership for Economic Prosperity, and build support for deeper transatlantic linkages with the Western Hemisphere.
For further information, please contact WHA-Press@state.gov.
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With The Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg at The Atlantic Festival
09/28/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With The Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg at The Atlantic Festival
09/28/2023 01:23 PM EDT
Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Washington, D.C.
MR GOLDBERG: Thank you, and good morning. And again, on behalf of everyone at The Atlantic, thank you so much for coming today and tomorrow, I hope. We have an amazing program. We’re kicking it off with the Secretary of State. I’ve told him that he’s the warm-up act for Nancy Pelosi. (Laughter.) And he accepted that with equanimity, I think, because you’re a diplomat.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I always wanted to make the arena stage, so —
MR GOLDBERG: Yeah, you made the arena stage; you’re opening for Nancy. So we’ll see. (Laughter.) But next year, next year you might headline.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Who knows?
MR GOLDBERG: Next year you might headline this event; I don’t know. We’ll see. See how you do in the next 27 minutes.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you, Jeff.
MR GOLDBERG: We thank you very much for coming. I appreciate it. And I was hoping that we could talk today, do – like, lift up a little bit from the daily press of events and get a lager picture of where America is in the world, and where the world is. And you’ve been speaking somewhat about this subject. Obviously, you’re speaking about the subject of the Cold War in the shadow of what’s going on in Ukraine. But the big question that I want to start with is simply this: Are we in a new Cold War? Is this the – does this mark the end of Cold War I and the beginning of Cold War II? And I think the anxiety-producing aspect of this question is: This feels worse in some ways, our relationship with Russia right now, than it felt even in some of the unhappy – unhappiest moments of the Cold War. Where do we stand?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, I don’t think we’re in a new Cold War, but we are in a new era. Because as we see it, the post-Cold War era is over, and what we’re in now is a period where there is an intense competition to shape what comes next – a competition that involves Russia and China in different ways, and a competition that also involves a whole panoply of countries, including in the developing world, about how we’re going to face and tackle these huge transnational challenges that defy the ability of any one country alone to meet them.
So as we see it, we have to engage this era from a position of strength. That’s why we’ve done two things: We’ve invested in ourselves at home in historic ways, and at the same time – and this is my piece of it, on the President’s instruction – we have from day one worked to revitalize, re-engage, rejuvenate our alliances and partnerships, and build new ones that are fit for specific purposes. And in doing that, our hope is that we can be the ones who are doing a lot of the shaping of this new era.
MR GOLDBERG: When did the – take us back a little bit. When did the Cold – the Cold War ended in ’89, ’90, in that period. Was there a true thaw, or were the Russians just nursing their resentments that whole time?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think historians will be talking about that and debating about that for years. And there’s no fixed endpoint. You’ve seen a gradual progression. A lot of the things that we hoped and expected would happen after the Cold War didn’t materialize the way we wanted.
Now, put it in context. A tremendous amount of good came, both from the post-World War II period and then the post-Cold War period: lifting hundreds of millions, billions, of people out of poverty around the world; avoiding great power conflict – that was, of course, the purpose of the entire system that was set up after World War II – moving to tackle some of these transnational challenges.
But we’ve had a serious erosion that’s taken place, I’d say, over the last decade, and there’s a lot to get into about why that happened. And to some extent, this culminated really in a perfect storm. COVID was an accelerant to all of this. But we find ourselves at a point where the great power competition that some hoped would be a thing of the past is now back in the present, but it’s overlaid with, again, these tremendous transnational challenges that, in their complexity and multiplicity, demand that we find ways to work with others to tackle them.
MR GOLDBERG: So you remember, of course, that Mitt Romney, when he was running against Barack Obama, talked about Russia as the main adversary of the United States, and Barack Obama said, “Mitt, the Cold War called. It wants its foreign policy back.” It turns out Mitt Romney was right, though. Is that fair to say?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I had occasion to tell Senator Romney that I thought he had been rather prescient in some of the things that he said. (Laughter.)
MR GOLDBERG: And was he satisfied when you told him that? (Laughter.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I’ll let him speak to that, Jeff. This is not what we wanted. In fact, when President Biden came to office, one of the things that we tried to explore was whether Russia was interested in having a more stable, predictable relationship with the United States. You remember President Biden and President Putin met in Geneva. That was – and this is before the re-aggression against Ukraine. The whole intent was to test that out. Unfortunately – more than unfortunately – tragically, in so many ways, that’s not what Putin wanted.
MR GOLDBERG: Do you think there’s any purpose in ever having President Biden meet with Putin again, or is it beyond repair?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Look, never say never because ultimately what everyone wants, starting with the Ukrainians, is a just and durable peace. So let’s see if we ever get to a point where that’s possible.
MR GOLDBERG: What does a just and durable peace look like to you?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, it’s two things. Just in the sense that it reflects the basic principles that are at the heart of the UN Charter – territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence for Ukraine. Durable in the sense that you want to make sure that if you’re getting to a peace, you’re not also leaving in place conditions that would allow this aggression to happen again a year later, two years later, five years later. So those are the two things. Those are the two guideposts. How you specify that, how you define that, obviously the Ukrainians have to make fundamental decisions about what they want their future to look like.
MR GOLDBERG: But the Ukrainians say right now that the future peace looks like 100 percent of their territory under their control. That seems like a hard lift, and we can talk about how the war is actually going in a second. But do you ever see a moment when this administration, your administration, and the Zelenskyy administration are just going to be at loggerheads over that core question?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: We have been and we will remain closely joined. And what the President has said repeatedly is that these are fundamentally decisions for Ukrainians to make. Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine – that remains very much the north star of what we’re doing. But Jeff, I think what’s so important here is there are two reasons that we’ve been engaged in this – and not just us, dozens of other countries.
By the way, for years people complained when we’ve been engaged abroad in the lack of burden sharing, allies and partners picking up their fair share. This is an instance where we’ve had very successful burden sharing. In fact, if you look at the numbers across the board, both in total and military, economic, humanitarian support, other countries together are doing even more than we’re doing. So it’s quite extraordinary.
But we want to make sure that as we’re doing this, we’re doing two things. One, I don’t think people in this country, in any other country, like to see the horrific bullying that’s going on with one large country aggressing another and doing terrible things in the process. So we’re moved by that, and Americans, I think, feel that inherently. But equally, this is about more than Ukraine. It is about a Russian aggression against the very principles that have been at the heart of the international system.
We were in New York a week ago for the UN General Assembly, and it was kind of a useful moment to remind ourselves that the reason the UN came about in the first place was after the Second World War, and the major intent was to make sure that the world came together in a way that didn’t allow for a third world war after the first two. And in order to do that, there was an agreement in the UN Charter about the basic understandings that countries have in how they relate to one another. And at the heart of that are things like territorial integrity, sovereignty, and defense.
MR GOLDBERG: I have to say, though, the UN seems kind of useless in this situation. Russia’s on the Security Council; it vetoes the resolutions that are opposed to Russia. It has China has an authoritarian partner in their common desire to not have internal intervention. So what is the defense of the – I mean, they had nice parties last week, but what’s the defense of the United Nations at this point?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, two things. First, you’re right, the Security Council has a lot of problems and we’re working on them. But –
MR GOLDBERG: Well, you’re working. Stop – how are you working on them?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, one of the things that we’re doing is we’re leading the effort to actually reform the council, to bring countries on to the council that better reflect realities of today, not when the council was first established.
MR GOLDBERG: But how do you do that when Russia and China have a veto over reform?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, it’s a process. (Laughter.) But here’s the thing. But —
MR GOLDBERG: By the way, that’s Nancy Pelosi-level game right there. (Laughter.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Now, that’s flattery. Thank you. (Laughter.) Listen, General Assembly – pretty instructive. We’ve had three votes on the General Assembly at various points where 140 countries or more, in one way or another, condemned what Russia was doing. That’s a powerful signal. That’s a powerful message.
And if you look at the UN agencies that are out there doing incredible work – whether it’s UNHCR, whether it’s UNICEF, whether it’s the International Organization of Migration, and down the list – they’re doing things to help people in distress that, were they not doing it, either we would have to do it entirely on own or no one would do it, and then you’d have a world of even greater hurt.
So yeah, of course the UN needs a lot of work. But it’s as my boss likes to say, “Don’t compare me to the Almighty. Compare me to the alternative.”
MR GOLDBERG: Right. (Laughter.) So General Mark Milley, who I spent some time with recently, was talking about Ukraine, the battle space of Ukraine, as the fulcrum of the world in terms of democracy versus authoritarianism, like the whole story is there. If Russia wins and gets its way through force, that means that authoritarians will be truly ascendant. And so my question is: Do you believe that all of our eggs are in that basket as well?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, let me say two things. First, one thing about Mark – it’s been an incredible privilege to serve alongside him. He’s an extraordinary American, an extraordinary leader, an an amazing patriot. And I’ve not only learned a tremendous amount from him but just enjoyed immensely being in the Situation Room with him and getting to work with him in these past couple of years. The piece that you ran was extraordinary – requisite plug for The Atlantic – (laughter) – and so I really wanted to note that. Really an extraordinary person and extraordinary leader.
And this is not a question of all the eggs being in a basket, but he’s exactly right about what the stakes are because here’s the thing. If Russia is allowed to do what it’s doing in Ukraine and to do it with impunity, then it tells would-be aggressors everywhere they can get away with it, we can get away with it. And that’s why you’ve seen so many countries far removed from Europe and Ukraine engaged in supporting Ukraine – Japan, Korea, Australia, New Zealand. They all understand that there are global stakes involved, and that’s why —
MR GOLDBERG: They’re watching Russia and thinking China?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: They’re watching Russia and thinking, look, my own region – this could happen here. And the message we send, the actions we take, are going to have an effect on what happens later.
MR GOLDBERG: So let me ask you this because everything we’re talking about is – we’re talking about – understanding that there’s a rather important election coming up in this country: How do you build guardrails for NATO? How do you build guardrails now to protect the effort to continuing to keep Ukraine in the fight? We know very clearly – he doesn’t dissemble on this question – we know that Donald Trump doesn’t like NATO, would, if he had his druthers, pull out of NATO, doesn’t like Ukraine, obviously has a great affection for Putin, apparently. How are you right now building systems so that that fight can continue even if Donald Trump wins the presidency?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Jeff, first, in my job, I do elections everywhere, except for the United States, so – (laughter) —
MR GOLDBERG: I’m not asking you to predict the election or – I mean, you can endorse a candidate. It’s pretty safe to understand who you might endorse. But the question is – and the question is – and I – and this – you hear from allies every day what’s going to happen. The only reason Ukraine is in the fight – I mean, there’s two reasons Ukraine is in the fight. One, Ukrainians are very, very brave and have sacrificed a huge amount on the battlefield. (Applause.) The other reason is this enormous American effort to keep them armed, to keep the intelligence flowing, to keep the international coalition, to revitalize NATO. I mean, this is sort of the obvious question: If we go in a completely different direction, what happens to that cause?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I’d say two things. First, again, not just us, 50 other countries doing this and sustaining this. And what we’re doing is trying to make sure that, to the best of our ability, the steps that we’re taking now are as deep-rooted as they possibly can be. So for example, one of the results of Putin’s historic folly in Ukraine is the fact that NATO enlarged. It’s stronger and now it’s bigger. We have Finland in; Sweden’s about to get in, something I think unimaginable before the Russian aggression. That is something that is lasting —
MR GOLDBERG: Putin has done more for NATO than any Western leader.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Oh, Putin’s – Putin has done – yes, that’s undeniable. If you look – by the way, I think it’s also important to note that, no matter what happens, this has already been a historic strategic failure for Russia. In terms of Ukraine itself, it wanted to erase it from the map, destroy its independence, subsume it into Russia. That has failed and can’t possibly succeed.
But if you look at Russia now – militarily, economically, diplomatically – its standing has dropped precipitously. If you look at what’s happened with NATO, as you just pointed out; if you look at what’s happened with Europe, moving away from energy dependence on Russia – in each one of these areas, this has been a debacle for Russia. And of course, the Ukrainian people are more united than they’ve ever been, including against Russia, which was not the case before 2014, and now it’s on steroids since the aggression in 2022.
I’ll give you another example. We have worked very hard – you saw this with the Camp David summit with Korea and Japan – not only to have this trilateral partnership to try to tackle issues together, but in so doing, to bring Japan and Korea closer together. That’s something that’s lasting, that has its own momentum, and that will continue.
Look, Jeff, the best we can do is to work in the moment we’re in and to do everything we can to try to advance the national interests. If results follow, I believe people will want to sustain that.
MR GOLDBERG: Let’s talk about results. Americans are an impatient people. We know that. Americans don’t like long wars. And there’s a feeling – and maybe this is an unfair feeling – but there’s a feeling that the Ukrainian offensive is bogged down or just going slowly. Give us your sense of the war as it stands. I realize we’re not talking to Lloyd Austin, but you still have an overall sense of how that effort is going.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, if you put this in context, I was just in Ukraine a couple of weeks ago. I’d previously been there exactly a year before. I’ve been there three times into Kyiv since the Russian aggression. And in the space of that year, the Ukrainians have taken back more than 50 percent of the territory that Russia took from them starting in February of 2022. Now, of course, they’re engaged in this counteroffensive along the south and the east. It’s been tough going, and there’s a good reason for that. The Russians had many, many months to build up defenses. But the Ukrainians are making real progress.
At the end of the day, I think the fundamental difference-maker is this: You’re right. Our support, the support of more than 50 countries, has been a big difference-maker; but the fundamental difference-maker is the fact that Ukrainians are fighting for their own land, their own freedom, their own future. The Russians are not. And I think, at the end of the day, that is what tips the balance.
Now, exactly where this settles, exactly where lines wind up being drawn – that’s going to be up to the Ukrainians. They have to make important decisions. And it’s a democracy, and those decisions will be reflected in Ukraine’s democracy.
MR GOLDBERG: It seems like your administration is having a harder time than one might expect selling the idea of American support for Ukraine in large swaths of America. What are you – what more do you need to do to convince Americans that that fight is our fight?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I’m not sure I accept the premise, for a couple of reasons. One, if you look at polling – which is not what’s driving things – but at least some of the polls I’ve seen recently suggest that there is strong, enduring support for our support for Ukraine. In Congress, yes, there are some loud voices that are taking a different tack. But if you look at the majority in both parties, the support is there and it’s sustained.
I had an opportunity to spend some time with Leader McConnell, Mitch McConnell. It’s clear the House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Mike McCaul – also a very strong supporter. So I believe the support is still there.
We, of course, have to continuously try to focus our fellow citizens on the stakes. And it’s a natural progression. You have intense focus on something over a period of time – and actually the intensity of the focus on Ukraine lasted a lot longer than I would have predicted – but inevitably, other things happen. The media moves on. And it’s in those moments where, sure, it’s a little bit more challenging to keep people focused on something and in so doing to really sustain the support. But at least where we are now, I have not seen that erosion, but it’s something we have to work out all the time.
MR GOLDBERG: What do you think about the so-called realist perspective on Ukraine and Russia which is related to maybe some of this quasi-isolationism you hear in the more Trump-ified portions of the Republican Party, which admittedly is most the Republican Party at this moment, that this war is partially – at least partially the product of Western overreach; that of course Russia is going to react negatively to the expansion of NATO, to feeling boxed in, and so on?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think history says exactly the opposite. Again, consider this: Before 2014, when the Russians first went into Ukraine, you had in Ukraine itself very little public support for joining NATO, favorable attitudes – including in the West – toward Russia. NATO itself was on a downward trajectory: defense budgets were actually declining, not going up; the American presence in Europe had declined dramatically from the end of the Cold War – 300,000 troops to about 60,000; the heavy equipment that was a part of NATO was actually being pulled back – tanks and planes. That was the trajectory.
And, again, there was a good reason for that. The hope and expectation was we had moved into a better, more positive period. There was even a NATO-Russia Founding Act. I remember it very well. I was working for President Clinton at the time and – when he signed this – and this was a means of cooperation between NATO and Russia. So if you’re looking at it from that perspective, I think the trajectory was clear. And NATO has never had a design on a single inch of Russian territory. It’s not an offensive alliance; it’s a defensive alliance. Putin has managed in these actions to precipitate everything he claims he wants to prevent, and that starts with a stronger and bigger NATO.
MR GOLDBERG: Is Russia a bigger threat to the U.S. and to Western democratic interests now or is China actually the number one?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: They’re very different in their nature. The – China has – by its military capacity, its economic capacity, although a little bit more challenged these days, its diplomatic capacity, its presence around the world – much greater ability certainly than Russia to try to shape what the international system looks like. And I think they want a world order, but the world order that they seek is profoundly illiberal in nature; ours is liberal with a small “L.” And that’s the fundamental difference. The world that we hope to shape looks very different from the world that they might prefer so ‑-
MR GOLDBERG: What does China want, ultimately?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think that what it seeks is to be the dominant power in the world militarily, economically, diplomatically. And depending on the purpose that it brings to that, that can move things in one direction or another. But I think fundamentally that’s what China is seeking, that’s what Xi Jinping is seeking, and in a sense that’s not a surprise. There’s an extraordinary history in China, and I think if you look and listen to the Chinese leaders, they are seeking to recover what they believe is their rightful place in the world.
MR GOLDBERG: Did you – are you surprised that the imperial spirit is so alive across much of the world at this late stage?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: These are things that we thought, hoped, expected that we’d left behind. And one would think that the lessons learned from that experience would have continued to move things in that direction, but the reality is it hasn’t. And that’s exactly what we’re grappling with now. That’s why, as I said at the outset, this is the start of a new era. This is the end of the post-Cold War era. This is the start of something new.
And the President talks about it this way – and you’ve heard him, I think, Jeff – he talks about it as an inflection point, and by that he means the decisions that we make just in the next few years will have a profound effect in shaping not just the few years that follow but decades to follow. We had an inflection point after the Second World War. We had another one arguably at the end of the Cold War. This is a third one. And that’s why the stakes couldn’t be higher, but it’s also why I’m feeling real confidence about our ability to do that shaping.
We’ve had as a result of our re-engagement with the world built convergence with dozens of countries, starting in Europe but well beyond, on the approach to Russia and Ukraine. We built convergence much greater than we’ve ever had on the approach to China, and we’ve managed also to bring partners together in the Atlantic and in the Asian theaters. The way we’re looking at it is this – and if you look at what we’ve actually been doing – I talk about it almost like variable geometry. We have coalitions of different shapes and sizes that are fit for specific purposes. Part of that is using existing alliances and partnerships, but part of it is also building new ones.
An example, we were at – in New York, as I said, last week. This summer we put together a global coalition to deal with one of the greatest threats in our time, and that is synthetic opioids here in this country. More Americans between 18 and 49 die as a result of fentanyl than anything else. We now have a hundred countries coming together to try to deal in a much more concentrated and coordinated fashion with this scourge, including making sure that precursors – chemical precursors that get diverted into the illegal manufacture of fentanyl that we find ways to block and to stop and to control that – among many other things.
Down the line, whether it’s on food security, whether it’s on climate, whether it’s on building infrastructure and meeting the demands that are out there around the world – but making sure that we’re building it to the highest standards – in each and every one of these ways, we put together different collections of countries to work on it, and organizations. And we’re also doing these in cross-cutting ways and in new ways.
So I think if you look at that and you look at the investments that we’ve made in ourselves – truly historic investments, starting with infrastructure – CHIPS and then the IRA giving us leadership on the technologies that are going to define the 21st Century economy when it comes to green economies – we’re in without question a much stronger position at home and abroad than we’ve been in recent years.
MR GOLDBERG: I’ve got to say, though – I mean, if the choice is between a very sanguine Secretary of State and easily excitable Secretary of State, I guess you go with sanguine. But we’re a year away – (laughter) – we’re a year away from an election where your guy is running against the other guy and the other guy wants to dismantle everything that you just talked about.
And so I don’t – I’m not really tracking your sanguinity – (laughter) on this and I’ll come back to that question. And maybe there is no answer. Maybe you can’t future-proof the work that this administration has done over the past three years. And by the way, there have been mistakes that the Biden administration has made, there have been victories along the way, but it’s all within a certain bandwidth of reality-based policymaking.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. I’ll take that.
MR GOLDBERG: You’re – well, no, that’s the – yeah. (Applause.) I don’t mean to be too nice about it or anything, but – no, I mean, it’s – there’s the usual bandwidth and then there’s the special bandwidth that we’ve been dealing with – (laughter) – in the last seven or eight years.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I’m really looking forward, years from now, to someone saying about my tenure “reality-based policymaking.” I think that’s – (laughter) —
MR GOLDBERG: Yes, it is, but how do you – again, I come back to this. You seem very – yes, I understand you have this kind of almost fatalistic “all I can do is work in the present,” but the next time – and by the way —
SECRETARY BLINKEN: If you can tell me how I can work in the future, I —
MR GOLDBERG: No, well – no, but this is the question. (Laughter.) I would like you to work in the future, but this is the question. Is there anything that this administration can do to build guardrails for some of the plans and programs that you’re talking about, including very, very key programs like supporting Ukraine?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Look —
MR GOLDBERG: Or is it just you got to – Joe Biden (inaudible)?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I mentioned a few of them, a number of the things that we’ve done, that we’ve helped, that we’ve supported, including NATO’s enlargement. That’s going to last no matter what the next administration is. The work that we’ve done —
MR GOLDBERG: But he can pull out – the previous president, if he’s elected again, and that’s a plausible – maybe not probable, but a plausible outcome – he could pull the United States out of NATO. What’s NATO without the United States? Sorry.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think that there is a strong demand signal from around the world and also a demand signal here at home, whoever is president, whoever the future administration is, about the direction that people want this country to go in. That matters. That makes a difference. So our job, as I said, is to do the – to the best of our ability to make sure that what we’re doing resonates with people; that they see, as I said, that there are results; and that given a choice between different directions, they want to sustain the direction that we’re taking.
MR GOLDBERG: Let me ask in a couple of minutes that we have left about a couple of threats and possibilities on the horizon. The first is Taiwan. Obviously, a lot of people, especially if you’re talking about Indo-Pacific issues, they look at Ukraine and they ask the question: Is Taiwan ready for what might be coming? Is it?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: What we’ve seen over the last years – not just the last year, years plural, really going back to 2016 – is China looking to stir the pot, to change the status quo with regard to Taiwan. But what we’ve seen just over the last year is a very strong convergence of countries around the world – in the region and well beyond – saying to Beijing, “Don’t do it.” The stakes not just for Taiwan but quite literally for the entire world are extraordinarily high. Fifty percent of the world’s container traffic goes through the Taiwan Strait every day, 70 percent of semiconductors manufactured there. Were there to be a crisis over Taiwan precipitated by Chinese actions, you would have a global economic crisis.
And so I think the message that China is hearing increasingly from countries around the world is “Don’t stir the pot.” We want – everyone wants peace and stability. Everyone wants the status quo to be preserved.
MR GOLDBERG: Do you think the Chinese are surprised at the level of American engagement with Ukraine?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think that what China’s taken note of, clearly, is the success we’ve had in building convergence both in Asia, in Europe, and even points beyond about the approach to take toward China. And if you look not only at what colleagues around the world are saying, but what countries are actually doing, there is an incredible alignment. China’s taken note of that.
MR GOLDBERG: Right. I mean, it is interesting – I want to come to the last point in a second, but it is interesting to note that China has somehow managed to create a new U.S.-Vietnam alliance, which is not historically an easy thing to pull off. (Laughter.) Talk about that for one minute.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, that – look, that’s extraordinary in so many ways. I was with the President in Vietnam a couple weeks ago. I’ve been there a number of times over the years going back to the Obama administration. And it’s one of the most extraordinary stories in recent history for a whole variety of reasons, but I think what you’ve seen is us take this relationship to a new and unprecedented level. It reflects the desire of the Vietnamese to have a strong and more comprehensive partnership with the United States.
Now, yes, is some of that driven by their concerns about China? Of course. But at the same time, I think there’s – in Vietnam in particular, you just see an extraordinary energy, an extraordinary entrepreneurial class of young people, an incredibly young population, and they’re attracted to the United States. And it’s a remarkable, remarkable transition of history.
But look, I think it’s important to put this in perspective, because this story, while incredibly powerful and positive, is also not novel in other ways. Among our closest allies in the world right now: Germany and Japan.
MR GOLDBERG: Germany and Japan, right. First we go through some bad stuff and then we have some good stuff. (Laughter.)
The final question for you, and a short question: Normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia; you’ve been working on this quite a bit. What are the chances?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: First, it would be transformative if we can get there. You would go from a region where there have been, as you know better than anyone, decades of turmoil – go back to 1979, even earlier – and moving that to the prospects for a much more stable and integrated region, to have at the same time a rapprochement by the leading country in Islam with Israel, that would have reverberations well beyond the Middle East. So if it can be achieved, I think it would be transformative.
Achieving it is not easy. There are really hard issues that are on the table. We’re working through them. I don’t want to put a percentage number on it, but I can say this: I think we’re invested in really testing this out. I believe the Saudis and the Israelis are as well. But we still have to grapple with a lot of hard practical issues. And whether we can get there and when we can get there, that we don’t know.
MR GOLDBERG: Well, I want to thank the overly sanguine Secretary of State. (Laughter.) All I’ve managed to do is get myself overheated, but we tried. (Laughter.) We tried.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, if it’s any consolation, I’m going to go backstage and scream. (Laughter.)
MR GOLDBERG: Okay. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
U.S. Special Envoy to Northern Ireland for Economic Affairs Joseph Kennedy Announces Details of Business Delegation to Northern Ireland
09/28/2023
U.S. Special Envoy to Northern Ireland for Economic Affairs Joseph Kennedy Announces Details of Business Delegation to Northern Ireland
09/28/2023 05:19 PM EDT
U.S. Special Envoy to Northern Ireland for Economic Affairs Joseph P. Kennedy, III, today announced the first four members of his business delegation to Northern Ireland, which will take place October 24 to 26, 2023.
Members of the delegation will include:The Honorable Thomas P. DiNapoli, Comptroller, State of New York
Mark Hartney, Breakthrough Energy Ventures
John Murphy, President and Chief Financial Officer, The Coca-Cola Company
Tim Sweeney, President and Chief Executive Officer, Liberty Mutual Insurance
The delegation will engage with a wide range of business leaders in Northern Ireland, including employers who have started or grown operations over the past 25 years.
Special Envoy Kennedy’s travel follows President Biden’s announcement of the delegation in April during his remarks at Belfast’s Ulster University. The trip will highlight progress made in the 25 years since the signing of the Belfast / Good Friday Agreement, and the important role U.S. investors have made in preserving the gains of the Belfast / Good Friday Agreement.
Under Secretary Fernandez Travels to Berlin, Paris, Brussels, Rome, and London
09/28/2023
Under Secretary Fernandez Travels to Berlin, Paris, Brussels, Rome, and London
09/28/2023 05:25 PM EDT
Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment Jose W. Fernandez is traveling to Germany, France, Belgium, Italy, and the United Kingdom through October 11, 2023, to deepen transatlantic cooperation on key economic growth and economic security priorities. This includes a wide range of policy areas such as trade, technology, climate, energy, food security, and providing sustained support for Ukraine’s economic recovery, future, and shared prosperity.
In Berlin, Under Secretary Fernandez joined the High-Level Economic Dialogue to strengthen even further the robust U.S.-German bilateral relationship.
Under Secretary Fernandez visited Paris to participate in the International Energy Agency (IEA) Ministerial alongside Ministers of Energy from all over the world, to discuss ways to better source and process critical minerals, which are vital for the clean energy transition.
In Brussels, Under Secretary Fernandez will tour the Belgium-based Interuniversity Microelectronics Centre (IMEC) factory in Leuven, one of Europe’s leading semiconductor R&D centers, employing 5,000 researchers. He will also hold meetings with U.S. private sector companies and meet with senior European Union officials to discuss trade issues related to the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council (TTC), in addition to meeting with the head of the Secretariat of the Donor Coordination Platform for Ukraine.
In Rome, Under Secretary Fernandez will meet with senior government officials to discuss G7 planning and economic security issues.
In London, the Under Secretary will participate in a Financial Times Mining Summit to discuss the importance of securing reliable, transparent, and sustainable critical minerals and participate in the Minerals Security Partnership Ministerial hosted by the United Kingdom.
To stay updated, follow Under Secretary Fernandez on Twitter: @State_E , Facebook: @StateDeptE , and LinkedIn: @State-E .
For press inquiries, please contact: E_Communications@state.gov.
Condemning the Life Sentence of Professor Rahile Dawut
09/29/2023
Condemning the Life Sentence of Professor Rahile Dawut
09/29/2023 12:15 PM EDT
Matthew Miller, Department Spokesperson
We condemn the reported life sentence handed down by the Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) following secret court proceedings of Professor Rahile Dawut, an anthropologist and expert on Uyghur folklore and traditions.
Professor Dawut and other Uyghur intellectuals, including Ilham Tohti, have been unjustly imprisoned for their work to protect and preserve Uyghur culture and traditions. Professor Dawut’s life sentence is part of an apparent broader effort by the PRC to eradicate Uyghur identity and culture and undermine academic freedom, including through the use of detentions and disappearances.
We call upon the PRC government to immediately end the genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups in Xinjiang and to abide by its international commitments to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. We continue to call on the PRC government to immediately release Professor Dawut and all individuals who are unjustly detained.
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Serbian President Vucic
09/29/2023
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Serbian President Vucic
09/29/2023 04:18 PM EDT
Office of the Spokesperson
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Matthew Miller:
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke today with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic. Secretary Blinken and President Vucic discussed the importance of taking immediate measures to de-escalate tensions with Kosovo in the wake of the September 24 violence and death of a Kosovo Police Sergeant. The Secretary underscored that those responsible for the attacks who are now in Serbia must be held accountable. The Secretary voiced his support for the actions of KFOR and EULEX in responding to this event, noting that incidents like those near the Banjska Monastery present unacceptable challenges to KFOR and the international community, and welcomed KFOR’s increased presence and the North Atlantic Council’s decision to authorize additional forces. The Secretary reiterated Serbia must accompany immediate de-escalation with full implementation of its commitments under the normalization agreement within the EU-facilitated Dialogue.
Stay connected with the State Department:
This email was sent to politikimx@gmail.com using GovDelivery Communications Cloud on behalf of: U.S. Department of State · 2201 C Street NW · Washington, DC 20520 |