U.S. Department of State Weekly Digest Bulletin

Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Martha Raddatz of ABC This Week
02/19/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Martha Raddatz of ABC This Week
02/19/2023 10:43 AM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Munich, Germany

QUESTION: Secretary Blinken and I discussed all these issues yesterday during his trip to Munich. I began by asking him about that high-stakes meeting with China’s top diplomat.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: We had a very direct, very clear conversation about the Chinese surveillance balloon being sent over our territory in violation of our sovereignty, in violation of international law. I told Wang Yi, my Chinese counterpart, that that action was unacceptable and must never happen again.

We also had an opportunity to talk about the Russian aggression against Ukraine. We’re here in Munich and many of the countries here are focused, as we are, on that aggression. And one of the things that I shared with him was a growing concern on our part that China is considering providing lethal support to Russia in its aggression against Ukraine. And I made clear, as President Biden has – almost from day one with President Xi – that that would have serious consequences in our own relationship.

Finally, it was important for me to underscore the importance of having open lines of communication between us, in continuing to engage in direct diplomacy. We have a responsibility to manage the relationship responsibly. I think the world expects that of us; it’s also in our interest. And so that’s also something that I underscored in the meeting with Wang Yi this evening.

QUESTION: And I will say that Wang Yi has said of the Chinese spy balloon the whole shoot-down incident, that it was absurd and hysterical, and said Cold War mentality is back. Is that the message you got from him?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I don’t want to characterize what he said to me, Martha. But I think here in Munich, too, what we know is we are not the only ones on the receiving end of the Chinese spy balloons. More than 40 countries have had these balloons go over their territory, and this goes back some years. This program’s been around for a few years. So there’s a real concern that I’m hearing here from other countries – from allies and partners alike – about this program. And I think countries are – I was going to say “pleased,” but “pleased” is the wrong word. They appreciate the fact that we’ve exposed it.

QUESTION: I will assume you got no apology.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Again, don’t want to characterize what he said, but you’re correct.

QUESTION: And you talk about this lethal aid. What evidence do you have of that? What makes you think they’re about to send lethal aid to the Russians for the war in Ukraine?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Martha, what I can tell you is this: First of all, from day one, almost quite literally – because President Biden spoke to President Xi a couple of weeks into the Russian aggression back last March and said to him that it would be a deep concern to us if China provided lethal support to Russia or helped in the systematic evasion of sanctions. And part of the reason for that conversation – going back to last March – was just a few weeks before, President Putin and President Xi had met and they talked about a partnership with no limits, and we were very concerned that no limits might include significant support to Russia in its aggression.

We’ve been watching this very, very closely. And for the most part, China has been engaged in providing rhetorical, political, diplomatic support to Russia, but we have information that gives us concern that they are considering providing lethal support to Russia in the war against Ukraine. And it was important for me to share very clearly with Wang Yi that this would be a serious problem.

QUESTION: And Mr. Secretary, I want to go back to the Chinese spy balloon. Some U.S. officials believe it’s possible the Chinese didn’t intend for the spy balloon to go to the United States, to cross the United States. Do you believe that was their intent originally?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Martha, I can’t speak to their original intent. What I can tell you is this: Once over the United States, the balloon attempted to surveil very critical, important military installations. We protected the sensitive information that it was trying to surveil. We, at the same time, got information about the balloon itself as it was traversing the country going west to east, and then when it was safe to do so, there was no danger to people on the ground, President Biden ordered that it be shot down.




U.S. Assistance to Emergency Earthquake Response Efforts in Türkiye and Syria
02/19/2023.


U.S. Assistance to Emergency Earthquake Response Efforts in Türkiye and Syria
02/19/2023 10:28 AM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

The February 6 earthquakes that struck southeastern Türkiye and northern Syria have devastated millions of people. Within hours of the first quake, the United States, at the direction of President Biden, quickly mobilized federal agencies and partners to urgently provide life-saving assistance in close coordination with our NATO Ally Türkiye and partner organizations in Syria.

The Secretary announced today that President Biden intends to authorize $50 million in Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance Funds (ERMA) in response to the unprecedented and devastating earthquake in Türkiye and Syria. In addition, the United States is providing $50 million in humanitarian assistance through the State Department and USAID. This brings total U.S. humanitarian assistance to support the earthquake response in Türkiye and Syria to $185 million to date.

The United States also welcomes the February 16 UN Flash Appeal for earthquake-related assistance in Türkiye and the February 14 UN Flash Appeal for earthquake-related assistance in Syria. USAID’s Disaster Assistance and Response Team, which includes experienced emergency managers, construction riggers, hazardous materials technicians, licensed engineers and emergency medicine physicians, logisticians, paramedics, planners, search-and-rescue specialists, and search-and-rescue dogs with handlers, is assisting in southern Türkiye.

Our most highly trained Urban Search and Rescue Teams, with more than 200 members and 170,000 pounds of specialized equipment, conducted operations in support of Turkish rescue efforts in Adiyaman, one of the hardest hit areas. In Syria, the White Helmets, our local partners, have rescued more than 2,900 survivors from the rubble, and U.S.-supported Syrian medics have been treating survivors in Idlib, Aleppo, and other affected areas.

U.S. military helicopters are conducting airlift operations from Incirlik Airbase, transporting rescue personnel to sites where they are needed most. Additionally, the U.S. Navy has repositioned naval vessels to the Eastern Mediterranean Sea to provide logistics, medical, and rotary air lift support as necessary to support the needs identified by the Turkish government. U.S. military aircraft have also airlifted approximately 18 metric tons of critical relief supplies from Adana’s Incirlik airfield to local Turkish government authorities for distribution to earthquake-affected populations.

The State Department and USAID are working through UN agencies and NGOs to provide emergency assistance in Türkiye and Syria, including hot meals, water, medical care and supplies; non-food items such as blankets, clothes, and hygiene kits, temporary shelter, and structural engineers; and essential mental health and psychosocial support – especially to affected children and to other vulnerable individuals.

Additionally, U.S. NGOs are providing valuable assistance, and the U.S. private sector has already donated more than $66 million to support the relief and recovery efforts.

U.S. officials have remained in regular coordination with Turkish counterparts and UN leadership on how we can best support their efforts. This includes calls between President Biden and President Erdogan, Secretary Blinken and Foreign Minister Çavuşoğlu and UN Secretary General Guterres, and Secretary Austin and Defense Minister Akar to relay our offers of assistance and discuss how the United States can continue to assist during this crisis.

The United States is committed to expanding humanitarian access to all affected areas of Syria. In that regard, we are grateful to the Government of Türkiye for facilitating the UN’s renewed access to the Bab al-Salama crossing so aid can flow into northwest Syria, and we are supporting efforts at the UN to sustainably keep open additional crossing points for UN assistance between Türkiye and Syria.

To underscore that U.S. sanctions will not prevent or inhibit providing humanitarian assistance in Syria, the Department of the Treasury issued a broad General License to provide additional authorizations for disaster relief assistance to the Syrian people.

The United States is proud to join the global effort to help Türkiye, a valued and longstanding friend, partner, and NATO Ally, just as Türkiye has so often contributed its own humanitarian rescue experts to so many other countries in the past. In both Türkiye and Syria, the United States will remain committed to doing whatever it takes, for as long as it takes, to provide necessary assistance to those affected by these earthquakes. The United States will continue to support the people of Türkiye and Syria, and we welcome and encourage support from our international partners in this time of great need.




United States Announces Additional Earthquake Relief for the People of Türkiye and Syria
02/19/2023


United States Announces Additional Earthquake Relief for the People of Türkiye and Syria
02/19/2023 11:00 AM EST



The Secretary of State

Today the United States is announcing an additional $100 million in assistance in response to the devastating earthquake in Türkiye and Syria. President Biden intends to authorize $50 million in Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance Funds (ERMA). In addition to the ERMA funds, the United States is also providing an additional $50 million in humanitarian assistance through the State Department and USAID. This will bring the total U.S. humanitarian assistance to support the earthquake response to $185 million.

This humanitarian assistance will target vulnerable earthquake-affected populations in Türkiye and Syria and be available to support international and nongovernmental organizations providing assistance. This announcement will benefit the procurement and distribution of core relief and lifesaving items such as blankets, mattresses, food packs, warm clothing, tents, and shelter materials. It will additionally support medicine and health services, clean water and sanitation efforts, and programs supporting the education of children and youth impacted by this tragic earthquake.

The United States will continue working with the international community to provide lifesaving aid to earthquake affected areas.




The United States and Türkiye: A Key NATO Ally and Critical Regional Partner
02/19/2023



The United States and Türkiye: A Key NATO Ally and Critical Regional Partner
02/19/2023 11:25 AM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

Türkiye and the United States are North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Allies and longstanding partners. We have a proud history of working together in times of crisis and on regional security and prosperity. The United States will remain committed to providing necessary assistance to those affected by the devastating earthquakes on February 6. More information about U.S. assistance to emergency earthquake response efforts in Türkiye and Syria is available on the Earthquake Assistance Fact Sheet.

U.S.- Türkiye Relations: A Longstanding Friendship

The U.S.-Türkiye friendship dates to 1831, when the United States established diplomatic relations with the Ottoman Empire. After World War I and the founding of the Turkish Republic, the United States established diplomatic relations with the Republic of Türkiye in 1927. The Economic and Technical Cooperation agreement – signed July 12, 1947, between the United States and Türkiye – advanced the relationship further. A NATO member since 1952, Türkiye has supported missions around the world, including Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Balkans.

The U.S.- Türkiye Strategic Mechanism

On January 18, 2023, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu held the fourth meeting of the U.S.-Türkiye Strategic Mechanism, an extensive dialogue on a broad range of areas of bilateral and regional cooperation that emphasized the significance of our partnership as NATO Allies. Secretary Blinken and Minister Çavuşoğlu discussed ways to bolster NATO coordination and solidarity in the face of current threats and challenges. They reaffirmed their long-standing commitment to collective defense as Allies, as well as to NATO’s Open Door Policy. They discussed strengthening the U.S.- Türkiye defense partnership including the modernization of Türkiye’s Air Force, reaffirmed their long-standing commitment to collective defense and NATO’s Open Door Policy, and discussed the implementation of the trilateral memorandum signed by Finland, Sweden, and Türkiye to advance Finland and Sweden’s application to join the NATO Alliance.

Regional Security Cooperation

Türkiye is an important U.S. security partner and has been a valued NATO Ally since 1952. Türkiye serves as NATO’s vital eastern anchor on the straits of the Bosporus and the Dardanelles, which link the Black Sea with the Mediterranean. Türkiye contributes to international security alongside U.S. forces in Europe, Africa, and in the Mediterranean. Türkiye borders Greece, Bulgaria, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, and is a key partner in the surrounding region. The United States and Türkiye work closely to reduce tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean in accordance with international law, pursue peace in the Balkans and the South Caucasus.

The United States and Türkiye stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine as they defend their sovereignty and territorial integrity against Russia’s brutal war. The United States welcomes Türkiye’s consistent and clear support for Ukraine and its diplomatic leadership in working with the UN to broker the Black Sea Grain initiative and support global food security.

The United States and Türkiye maintain close coordination and collaboration in the efforts to fight terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. Secretary Blinken condemned the November 13, 2022, terrorist attack in Istanbul and affirmed the United States stands shoulder-to-shoulder with Türkiye in its fight against terrorism. Both nations maintain close coordination and collaboration in the efforts to fight against terrorist organizations, notably ISIS/Daesh and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

People to People Ties

The American and Turkish people enjoy broad and deep ties, built through tens of thousands of academic exchanges; commercial, cultural, and scientific collaboration; and civil society cooperation. Through various U.S. government academic and professional exchanges, over 150 Turks participate in programs in the United States every year, and around 115 American students and faculty participate in programs in Turkey. There are now approximately 31,000 Turkish alumni of U.S. government educational and professional exchange programs. The United States is the most popular international destination for Turkish students. During the 2021-2022 academic year, the number of Turkish students in the United States rose 4.4 percent over the previous year, the highest rate of increase in more than a decade. Since 2001, the Ambassadors Fund for Cultural Preservation and Embassy grants have provided nearly $4 million for projects to preserve Türkiye’s unique and diverse cultural heritage, including the Gordion Archeological Project. The U.S. – Türkiye Cultural Property Agreement, signed in 2021, helps preserve and protect Türkiye’s unique and diverse cultural heritage and is an example of the United States’ enduring commitment to work together with our Turkish partners.

Bilateral Economic Ties

Türkiye and the United States share a robust and growing economic relationship. Over 1,700 U.S. firms, including many of the largest and most recognized brands, are active in Türkiye and have been for decades. Given its proximity to markets in Europe, the Middle East, and Central Asia, Türkiye is an advantageous regional hub. Around 60 firms maintain regional headquarters in Türkiye, and according to AmCham Türkiye, U.S. firms have invested more than $60 billion and created more than 100,000 jobs. In 2022, total trade in goods reached $33.8 billion, an almost 22 percent annual increase and an all-time high; this follows a 32.5 percent increase in 2021. The U.S. remains Türkiye’s 4th largest overall trading partner, and the 2nd largest foreign investor, a position the United States has held since 2003. Türkiye’s total FDI stock in the United States increased by 16.6 percent over the 2017-2021 period to $2.7 billion. U.S. affiliates of majority Turkish-owned firms supported over 4,900 jobs and helped grow U.S. exports by $37 million in 2021.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks to the Press
02/19/2023



Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks to the Press
02/19/2023 12:36 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Türkiye

Incirlik Air Base

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Hello, everyone. Hope I’m not too hard to hear – lost my voice a little bit. But first and foremost, we are here to stand with the people of Türkiye and Syria in the wake of this devastating earthquake. I just had a chance to fly over (inaudible) to see some of the devastation, and it’s really hard to put into words. You see buildings still standing and then buildings collapsed – roofs destroyed, and right next to it something that’s still standing. But it gives you some sense of the scale of this. We’ve had tens of thousands of deaths, tens of millions of people affected by this earthquake. And of course, we still don’t know the full extent of it.

Immediately, when the – after the earthquake hit, the United States, other countries jumped in. We had search and rescue teams here within a day – about 200 people, canines, other experts in trying to do search and rescue. We’ve had about $85 million worth of assistance poured in immediately for housing and water and food and medicine and clothing, all that in the immediate days following the earthquake. Today, I can announce that we will be bringing another $100 million dollars to assist those who are so desperately in need. We’ve drawn that from the Emergency Refugee and Migration Fund, as well as from a humanitarian assistance fund that State Department and USAID have, and that will be moving soon.

At the same time, we are working in very close collaboration with our Turkish colleagues, both to understand all of the needs and to find ways to deliver on them. This could not be done without the extraordinary work and collaboration of so many parts of the U.S. Government, but starting with the United States military, which, as always, has jumped in a remarkable way. Our colleagues have flown something like 150 sorties. They’ve gotten helicopters out over hard-to-reach areas – 24 million pounds of assistance is coming through this place, and as you can see, it’s moving right on to the trucks behind me and it will move in to people who need it.

But also, USAID as always, responding so quickly and so effectively. The State Department, our mission here in Türkiye – all of them coming together in collaboration with our Turkish partners to try to help people. This is going to be a long-term effort. The search and rescue, unfortunately, is coming to an end. The recovery operation is on, and then there’ll be a massive rebuilding effort. When you see the extent of the damage that’s – the number of buildings, the number of apartments, the number of homes that have been destroyed, it’s going to take a massive effort to rebuild. But we’re committed to supporting Türkiye in that effort. Many countries around the world are doing the same. There’s tremendous solidarity and a tremendous determination to see this through.

The most important thing right now is to get assistance to people who need it, to get them through the winter, and to get them back on their feet. But simply put, the United States is here, we stand strongly with the people of Türkiye and the people of Syria through our NGO implementing partners, and we’ll stick with it until we all get the job done.

MR PATEL: Leon, go ahead.

QUESTION: Yeah, Mr. Secretary, you mentioned the long-term recovery, of course, because the search and rescue is coming to an end, sadly. The secretary-general of the UN requested $1 billion in funding for long-term assistance also. What will the United States do more – what more can you do on that front? And secondly, if I may, since you arrived today in Türkiye and tomorrow you have meetings with Turkish authorities, what are your expectations for those meetings and your meeting with the President Erdogan?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, Leon. Yeah, so the UN has put out a very important and urgent appeal, as you said, for a billion dollars. As of now the United States has contributed $185 million in assistance, but we will look to see what, if anything more, we can do. Other countries are stepping up and stepping in, but it is very urgent that this appeal get funded, and we’ll certainly encourage others to do that even as we look at what additional resources we may be able to provide. But as I said, just today we’re announcing an additional $100 million in this effort.

More broadly – and I’ll have an opportunity to speak to this tomorrow and the day after – I expect that the conversations here will focus a lot on the work that we’re doing together to recover from the earthquake. And I look forward to learning as much as I can from our Turkish partners about what the needs are going forward, how we can best help, how we can best rally resources in support of people here.

MR PATEL: Michel.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks to USAID Urban Search and Rescue Team
02/19/2023



Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks to USAID Urban Search and Rescue Team
02/19/2023 12:58 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Türkiye

Incirlik Air Base

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, listen, I really wanted to just come by to say thank you, thank you, thank you for your extraordinary efforts and everything you do to answer the call, almost on a moment’s notice. I think I recognize some of you, because there’s an amazing photograph of, I think, many of you on a C-17 on your way here. And the fact is you deployed almost immediately – we had almost 200 folks on the ground within a couple of days; the canines were here. And I know that you contributed directly to saving lives, and that’s the most powerful thing any of us can do. I so greatly admire the work that you do, the fact that, on a moment’s notice, you will answer the call. And I’m especially grateful to our colleagues at USAID for what they do every day, but also what they do in an emergency situation.

I know there are folks from Los Angeles here. Where’s the Los Angeles contingent? All right. And Fairfax County, Virginia? Yes. All right. Well, that’s my home base too, so it’s great to see you all here. And I know some of you are heading back out tonight or tomorrow – probably a couple of weeks of MREs maybe getting a little bit stale at this point. (Laughter.) So I know you’ll look forward to getting back home. But I just can’t thank you enough, because this is really our country at its best. This is our country standing with our friends here in Türkiye in their moment of need, and doing it so well, doing it so effectively. So really on behalf of everyone back home, thank you for what you’ve done. Thank you for your commitment that you have day-in, day-out. And I’m not sure how to translate this for the canines but thank you guys (inaudible). (Laughter.) I know you do incredible work. So thank you all, and I wish you a good trip back home.

The last thing I’ll say is I think you all know better than anyone this is going to be a massive, long-term effort. The immediate search and rescue effort was extraordinary. We’re now in the recovery phase. We’ll eventually get to the rebuilding phase. It’s going to take time; it’s going to take a huge amount of resources. We’re determined to do everything we can to help, to help the people of Türkiye, to help people in Syria as best we can who were so affected by this. And what I most want the people of Türkiye to know is that the United States stands with them and will be with them to get through this for as long as it takes.

Thanks, everyone. Appreciate (inaudible).

(Applause.)




Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Margaret Brennan of CBS Face the Nation
02/19/2023


Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Margaret Brennan of CBS Face the Nation
02/19/2023 02:23 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Munich, Germany

QUESTION: We go now to Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who is in Germany attending the Munich Security Conference. Mr. Secretary, I know you just met with your Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, who has publicly said the U.S. response to the spy balloon was absurd, hysterical, and an effort to divert attention away from domestic problems. Was he that dismissive to you in private?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: Margaret, I don’t want to characterize what he said; I can tell you what I said. I made very clear to him that China sending a surveillance balloon over the United States – in violation of our sovereignty, in violation of international law – was unacceptable and must never happen again. We also had an opportunity to talk about what’s happening here in Munich, the focus of the conversation – Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine – and concerns that we have that China’s considering providing lethal support to Russia in its efforts in Ukraine. And I was able to share with him, as President Biden had shared with President Xi, the serious consequences that would have for our relationship.



Finally, it was important for me to underscore that we believe having lines of communication, engaging in direct diplomacy is very important. We have a responsibility to manage our relationship in a responsible manner. That’s part of what this evening was about.



QUESTION: Does that mean their defense minister will pick up the next phone call from Secretary Austin instead of refusing it?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, it’s one of the things that we talked about, the importance of having lines of communication, including military-to-military lines of communication. It’s vital to making sure that there aren’t miscommunications, misunderstandings, especially if you’ve got a crisis or some other situation on your hands.



QUESTION: Yeah.



SECRETARY BLINKEN: And so I tried to impress upon my Chinese counterpart the importance of having those contacts, including military-to-military.



QUESTION: A senior Pentagon official said last week that President Xi Jinping was caught by surprise by the surveillance balloon and that he doesn’t trust his own military. Did the left and right hand of the Chinese government not know what was going on?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: I can’t speak to that, Margaret. But what I can – what I can tell you is this: It doesn’t matter in the sense that China is responsible for this action. And ultimately, as the leader of the country, President Xi is responsible. It’s one of the reasons it was important for me, on behalf of President Biden, to share directly with the most senior Chinese foreign policy official the very clear determination that this must not happen again.



QUESTION: Well, if Colin Kahl, this Pentagon official’s comments are accurate, that would raise the risk of miscalculation if China doesn’t have control over its own military. And so I wanted you to clarify that.



SECRETARY BLINKEN: So Margaret, I can’t – again, I can’t speak to the Chinese views on this. I can only imagine that China must be in the process of trying to draw its own lessons from this incident. And of course, we’re not the only ones concerned. China’s used these surveillance balloons over more than 40 countries across five continents. So one of the things I’m hearing here in Munich is real concern about the surveillance balloon program. I suspect the fact that it’s been exposed by us is going to have to cause China to take another look at this.



QUESTION: I’m going to come back to what you mentioned in terms of providing support to Russia. There is open-source reporting that Chinese companies are providing surveillance equipment to that mercenary group, the Wagner Group, fighting in Ukraine. Does the U.S. consider this to be providing military support to Russia?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: We’ve been concerned from day one about that possibility. In fact, if you go back to the very first conversations that President Biden and President Xi had about Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine – just a couple of weeks into the war – President Biden shared with President Xi our deep concern about the possibility China would provide lethal support to Russia in this effort, as well as engage in the systematic evasion of sanctions. And the reason for that concern was, just weeks before the aggression, you’ll remember that President Xi and President Putin had a meeting in which they talked about a partnership with no limits. And we were concerned that among those – among the lack of limits would be Chinese support for Russia in the war.



We’ve been watching this very closely. To date, we have seen Chinese companies – and of course, in China there’




Secretary Antony J. Blinken With Chuck Todd of NBC Meet the Press
02/19/2023BC Meet the Press
02/19/2023 03:02 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Munich, Germany

QUESTION: And joining me now from Munich is the Secretary of State Antony Blinken. Mr. Secretary, welcome back to Meet the Press.



SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, Chuck.



QUESTION: Well, look, let me start with the news of the moment, at least for you. I know you just got out of a meeting that in diplomatic terms is called “on the margins” with your counterpart, Wang Yi of China. I have read the readout we have stated about what you said to him. I guess what I’m more concerned about is: What did he say to you? Number one, did it begin with an apology for the balloon?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: Chuck, I don’t want to characterize what he said. I don’t think that would be appropriate, although I can tell you, no, there was no apology. But what I can also tell you is this was an opportunity to speak very clearly and very directly about the fact that China sent a surveillance balloon over our territory violating our sovereignty, violating international law. And I told him quite simply that that was unacceptable and can never happen again. We’re of course not the only ones on the receiving end of these surveillance balloons. More than 40 countries have had these balloons fly over them in recent years, and that’s been exposed to the world. I also had an opportunity – because we’re here in Munich, as you know, focused primarily on Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine —



QUESTION: Right.



SECRETARY BLINKEN: — to share our very real concerns about China’s support for Russia in that war. And what we’ve seen in – over the past years is, of course, some political and rhetorical support, even some non-lethal support, but we are very concerned that China’s considering providing lethal support to Russia in its aggression against Ukraine. And I made clear that that would have serious consequences in our relationship as well, something President Biden has shared directly with President Xi on several occasions. Finally, I underscored the importance of having direct lines of communication, the importance of continuing to engage in diplomacy between our countries. I think this is something that the world expects of us. They expect us to manage this relationship responsibly. And so it was important that we had that opportunity this evening here in Munich.



QUESTION: I want to start with what I think is the newer piece of information that you’re sharing and I know that we’ve been reporting separately, this concern that China is considering potential lethal aid in this war to Russia. What evidence can you share with us that indicates your concern that they’re going to escalate their help to Russia? As you said, they’ve been helping them rhetorically. They’ve been helping them maybe by buying cheap oil. But what is the other evidence that you have here that they’re thinking about doing more?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Chuck, China’s having – trying to have it both ways. Publicly they present themselves as a country striving for peace in Ukraine, but privately, as I said, we’ve seen already over these past months the provision of non-lethal assistance that does go directly to aiding and abetting Russia’s war effort. And some further information that we are sharing today and that I think will be out there soon that indicates that they are strongly considering providing lethal assistance to Russia. To the best of our knowledge, they haven’t crossed that line yet —



QUESTION: What form – in what form is that?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: — but as we’re sharing —



QUESTION: Yeah – in what form?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: Chuck, I don’t want to get into the details in this moment. But there are various kinds of lethal assistance that they are at least contemplating providing, to include weapons.



QUESTION: What else would you describe as lethal assistance that wasn’t weapons?



SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, again, I’ll let the information that we have and that we’re sharing speak for itself. But the main concern is material support to Russia’s war effort that would have a lethal effect.




Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Greek Prime Minister Mitsotakis
02/20/2023




Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Greek Prime Minister Mitsotakis
02/20/2023 03:55 PM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met with Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis today in Athens. The two underscored the strong U.S.-Greece relationship. The Secretary thanked the Prime Minister for Greece’s regional leadership, including its continued support to Ukraine and its role as a regional energy hub. They discussed the tragic earthquake in Türkiye and dedication to support those impacted. The two discussed their commitment as strong NATO Allies to democracy, peace, and prosperity.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken And Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias Before Their Meeting and the U.S.-Greece Strategic Dialogue Kick-Off
02/21/2023


Secretary Antony J. Blinken And Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias Before Their Meeting and the U.S.-Greece Strategic Dialogue Kick-Off
02/21/2023 05:19 AM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Athens, Greece

Ministry of Foreign Affairs

FOREIGN MINISTER DENDIAS: Dear Secretary of State, it is with great pleasure that I welcome you in Athens. It has been almost a year-and-a-half since our Third Strategic Dialogue in Washington. In the meantime, we have seen war returning to Europe with the Russian invasion of Ukraine. We have also witnessed a revisionist rhetoric in defense of international law emanating from a number of international actors.

The fact is that, in the middle of all this, the strong Greek-U.S. cooperation has been enhanced even further. That speaks volumes for our relation. The strengthening of this cooperation promotes our mutual interest, as well as regional peace, stability, and prosperity. It is also based on shared values and on our respect for international law.

The Fourth Strategic Dialogue is a culmination of a series of working group meetings and initiatives of our experts from various ministries. There has been progress in all the Strategic Dialogue subjects: defense and security; law enforcement and counterterrorism; humanitarian challenges; trade, investment; energy and environment; and last, but certainly not least, people-to-people contacts.

Moreover, we will be conducting open and in-depth discussions on regional political issues. This Strategic Dialogue is an excellent symbol of the strategic relationship between our two countries. It also shows the continuing interest of the United States in our wider region. Our cooperation on defense and security has been going back for decades, but there are plenty of things to show since the last Strategic Dialogue.

The planned inclusion of Alexandroupolis in the MDCA allowed it to play a crucial role when it was most needed. We are looking forward to speeding up our electric interconnections with the two neighboring continents, Asia to Israel, and Africa to Egypt. At the same time, tourist flows have regained their pre-pandemic levels. The Strategic Dialogue is an excellent demonstration of the strategic relationship between our two countries.

I know that you have brought with you a group of remarkable high officials from Washington, who will shortly be meeting with our team. Being aware of the dedication that everybody involved has shown in preparing this Fourth Strategic Dialogue, I am certain that it will be a success. Thank you so much.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Nikos, my friend, thank you so much, and forgive me because my voice is struggling a little bit. But it is wonderful for me and for us to be back in Athens, and I am especially excited to be joining you, to be joining our teams, to kick off this Fourth U.S.-Greece Strategic Dialogue.

The dialogue is, in fact, a reflection of the partnership that our citizens have had for more than 200 years. And indeed, the delegation today that you referenced demonstrates the depth of our relationship. We have representatives here from the State Department, Defense, Justice, Homeland Security, Commerce, USAID.

Today’s discussion builds off of the last Strategic Dialogue that we held in 2021, which I remember very well. And among other important steps, as you noted, we amended the Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement between our countries, strengthening our preparedness and shared security by allowing our troops to train together in new ways and in more places. And as you mentioned, one of the new sites supports military transport around the Port of Alexandroupoli, which has become, indeed, a key strategic hub, including bringing in defensive weaponry, trucks, artillery for U.S. military units that are operating in Eastern and Northern Europe, as well as NATO Allies.

The United States worked to upgrade the port has created jobs in both of our countries. We’ve made similar investments in other parts of Greece, including $123 million in infrastructure improvements in the Souda Bay and Larissa.

This port has been vital to reinforcing NATO’s eastern flank since President Putin launched his brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. The United States is grateful for Greece’s unwavering support for Ukraine since the invasion, including by opening its doors to 20,000 displaced Ukrainians. Greece has also helped lead the humanitarian response to the recent tragic earthquake in Türkiye, from where I came. Greece rapidly deployed dozens of firefighters, doctors, search and rescue personnel, and provided crucial humanitarian support, including 80 tons of medicines, blankets, food, and other supplies.

Nikos, I think you were the first foreign minister from Europe to travel to Türkiye, visiting just six days after the disaster. And I took the same helicopter ride that you did with the Turkish foreign minister, our colleague Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu. We saw, as you did, the incredible devastation of this earthquake, and we had a chance – both of us – to be briefed on the rescue and relief efforts.

I recall you, Nikos, pledging Greece’s support. And importantly, both foreign ministers – both of you – pledged to increase bilateral cooperation, saying, and I quote, “We shouldn’t wait for another earthquake to improve our relations.” The United States, in turn, pledges to do whatever it can to seize this historic opportunity to strengthen relations between two critical allies in a pivotal region at a key moment for NATO and the world.

In the Strategic Dialogue that we’re about to embark on today, we’ll have an opportunity to talk about our shared work on other regional priorities, including promoting clean energy and strengthening energy security. Greece’s energy transition has been a model for the region. In 2012, coal-powered plants provided 50 percent of Greece’s electricity needs. Here we are a decade later, and renewable sources like wind, like solar, like hydro, are powering half of Greece’s electricity needs, eliminating 17.5 million metric tons of carbon dioxide every year. That’s the equivalent of taking 3 million cars off the roads. So that’s a powerful record of progress and success.

And of course, Greece is also helping NATO strengthen their energy security by helping diversity their sources and reducing dependence on Russian gas, also deepening their integration into Europe’s broader energy market. Bulgaria, for example, used to depend on Russia for up to 90 percent of its natural gas. The newly constructed Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, that gas pipeline is allowing Bulgaria to transition away from that source. In the next year, Bulgaria will import nearly 100 percent of its domestic gas needs from Azerbaijan and the United States as a result of this Interconnector.

We’ll also talk about ways to strengthen our people-to-people ties. Over 1 billion Americans live, visit Greece every single year. Millions more, of course, have Greek heritage, including our own president, or Joe Bidenopoulos, as he likes to call himself. (Laughter.) Every day our people study with, learn from, each other. They innovate. They run businesses together. They watch each other’s movies. They listen to each other’s music. They enjoy each other’s food.

Last November we took our educational cooperation to new heights by launching the Pharos Summit, an initiative dedicated to increasing collaboration between our universities and our exchange programs between our students. We had a record delegation of 30 U.S. universities come to Greece to build partnerships with their Greek public university counterparts, and our governments agreed to grow the number of Fulbright students from 70,000 in 2022 to 100,000 this year.

At the summit, Prime Minister Mitsotakis remarked that Greece is an appealing destination for cultural exchange because this vibrant, dynamic country is a workshop of constant change. It’s a wonderful way to describe Greece and, I think, our own country, because the same can be said for us, and the same can be said for our friendship.

Ours is a relationship that is always evolving, innovating, ultimately leading the way to a better future for us both. So I’m confident that today’s Strategic Dialogue will further all of these efforts and help us better deliver for the Greek and American people and for the world, because, after all, that’s our responsibility.

And with that, we’ve got lots to discuss, so let’s get started. Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER DENDIAS: Thank you.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks to the Press
02/21/2023


Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks to the Press
02/21/2023 08:51 AM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Athens, Greece

U.S. Embassy

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, Putin announced today he would suspend cooperation with New START. Do you have a reaction and do you see this as a sign he’s going to breach the limits of the treaty?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: The announcement by Russia that it’s suspending participation in New START is deeply unfortunate and irresponsible. We’ll be watching carefully to see what Russia actually does. We’ll, of course, make sure that in any event we are postured appropriately for the security of our own country and that of our allies.

When the administration started, we extended New START because it was clearly in the security interests of our country and actually in the security interests of Russia. And that only underscores what an irresponsible action this is.

But of course, we remain ready to talk about strategic arms limitations at any time with Russia irrespective of anything else going on in the world or in our relationship. I think it matters that we continue to act responsibly in this area. It’s also something the rest of the world expects of us. But this decision, as I said, is both really unfortunate and very irresponsible, but we’ll be watching it closely.

MR PATEL: Thank you for – thank you, everybody.


Secretary Blinken Participates in a Conversation on “Russia’s War on Ukraine: One Year Later” with The Atlantic
02/21/2023

Secretary Blinken Participates in a Conversation on “Russia’s War on Ukraine: One Year Later” with The Atlantic
02/21/2023 09:23 AM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken will participate in a virtual moderated conversation on “Russia’s War on Ukraine: One Year Later” with The Atlantic’s editor in chief Jeffrey Goldberg at 11:00 a.m. EST on Thursday, February 23, 2023.

The Atlantic’s event, taking place virtually, will be live streamed at theatlantic.com . The stream will be shared on state.gov and the Department of State YouTube channel.

For more information about the event, please visit: https://www.theatlantic.com/live/ .


Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Greek Opposition Leader Alexis Tsipras
02/21/2023


Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Greek Opposition Leader Alexis Tsipras
02/21/2023 09:54 AM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

The following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met today with Greek Opposition Leader Alexis Tsipras in Athens. The Secretary underscored that the strategic partnership between the United States and Greece rests on the mutual commitment to democracy and expressed his appreciation that the U.S. – Greek relationship benefits from strong bipartisan support in both countries. The Secretary and Mr. Tsipras also discussed Greece’s role in promoting stability in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Western Balkans, the Black Sea region, and beyond.


Joint Statement on the U.S.-Greece Strategic Dialogue
02/21/2023

Joint Statement on the U.S.-Greece Strategic Dialogue
02/21/2023 10:09 AM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

The text of the following statement was released by the Governments of the United States of America and Greece on the occasion of the fourth Strategic Dialogue.

Begin Text

The Governments of the United States and Greece held the fourth United States – Greece Strategic Dialogue in Athens, Greece on February 21, 2023. Greek Minister of Foreign Affairs Nikos Dendias and U.S. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken launched the Strategic Dialogue, which included high-level interagency representation from both countries.

The Strategic Dialogue underscores the deepening cooperation between the United States and Greece. The United States and Greece used this opportunity to highlight an ever-stronger bilateral and transatlantic relationship based on shared values and interests and reaffirmed their will to enhance cooperation in the areas described below.

Regional Issues

The United States and Greece renewed their commitment to promoting stability, peace, and prosperity in Europe, particularly in the wake of Russia’s war against Ukraine. Both governments expressed their unyielding support for Ukraine and defending the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. The United States applauded Greece’s humanitarian and defense assistance to Ukraine, including Greece’s efforts to support Ukraine’s EU aspirations, Greece’s assistance in safeguarding Ukraine’s cultural heritage, and host displaced persons from Ukraine in need of protection. The two sides also expressed their distress over the devastating earthquakes in Turkiye and Syria and shared views on their efforts to assist the impacted population. Greece and the United States also discussed developments in the Eastern Mediterranean, stressing the importance of respecting sovereignty, sovereign rights, and international law, including the law of the sea, and resolving maritime disputes and other disagreements peacefully through diplomatic channels. They also reiterated their dedication to enhance their close cooperation, using all appropriate means at their disposal to safeguard stability and security in the wider region. Both parties exchanged views on promoting regional integration and security in the Western Balkans region where Greece plays an important role. The United States and Greece lauded ongoing cooperation and working group meetings of the 3+1 format (Greece, Cyprus, Israel, plus the United States) and welcomed further engagement through parliamentary exchanges. Both governments affirmed the need to protect their borders and uphold international law with respect to the treatment of asylum seekers, migrants, and refugees. The United States expressed its appreciation for Greece hosting asylum seekers and refugees, including Afghans and Ukrainians receiving temporary protection, and highlighted the importance of facilitating integration and meeting basic needs.

Defense and Security

Both governments welcomed the 2022 ratification and entry into force of the second amendment to the Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement (MDCA), which bolstered the security of both nations and reflects a long-term, deepening and expanding strategic partnership at a critical time in Europe. Both sides reiterated their firm determination to mutually uphold regional security by safeguarding the principles of sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity. The United States underscored the geostrategic importance of the Port of Alexandroupoli, which has transformed into a vital logistical hub for NATO’s defensive posture on its eastern flank and will provide critical energy security to the region.  Greece and the United States noted the growing number of U.S. forces provisionally deployed in, exercising in, or transiting through Greece, working in solidarity with the Greek armed forces in support of the NATO Alliance. Both parties emphasized the importance of continued joint exercises and deepening interoperability to enhance regional cooperation in Europe, the Eastern Mediterranean, North Africa, and the Middle East. The United States also welcomed Greece’s commitment to exceeding the 2014 NATO Wales Summit Pledge. Both parties highlighted Greece’s military modernization efforts and looked forward to continued cooperation on the procurement of defense articles such as F-35s, which will strengthen bilateral cooperation and NATO capabilities. The two sides also welcomed the initial approval of a number of infrastructure improvement projects discussed during the 108th Joint Commission Meeting.

Humanitarian Challenges and Disaster Preparedness 

The United States commended Greece’s Ministry for Climate Crisis and Civil Protection for its emergency planning and for its preparation to address potentially dangerous wildfires. Greece noted its active participation in the recently upgraded EU Civil Protection Mechanism and the European reserve of resources known as “rescEU,” including efforts to stockpile emergency supplies and contribute to an EU reserve firefighting force. Greece expressed its goal to continue making progress in areas such as joint training, emergency equipment procurement, and the modernization of its civil protection protocols, and welcomed additional technical assistance from the United States. The United States welcomed members of the Hellenic Fire Corps to participate in a U.S. study tour organized by the U.S. Forest Service and USAID. Both parties expressed strong interest in updating the Protocol of Intention of Cooperation in Prevention and Response to Natural and Technological Disasters, as well as enhancing cooperation between Greek authorities and U.S. entities such as the Federal Emergency Management Agency and private companies with expertise in emergency preparedness.

Energy and Environment

Greece and the United States underscored the urgency of continued cooperation on energy security and diversification, magnified by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.  The United States welcomed Greece’s progress on projects that will enhance regional energy security such as the operationalization of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, the ongoing planning for the North Macedonia – Greece Interconnector, and Greece’s efforts to ensure the Floating Storage Regasification Unit in Alexandroupoli is operational by the end of the year. The United States also welcomed Greece’s commitment to explore opportunities to work in partnership with USAID to further integrate the electricity markets of Greece and its neighbors.  Greece pointed out the importance of natural gas discoveries by Israel, Cyprus, and Egypt as potentially valuable sources to diversify the region’s energy mix and emphasized its own gas exploration projects off the coast of Crete as important to unlocking the full potential of the Eastern Mediterranean. The United States and Greece further highlighted that advancing projects that could bridge Europe to Africa and Asia, such as several proposed electrical interconnectors, will further provide Europe with desired cleaner energy while supporting the economic growth of the entire region. Greece also reiterated its support for more traditional energy infrastructure projects in the Eastern Mediterranean. Both parties noted the need to continue developing renewable energy infrastructure, and Greece highlighted the inauguration of the country’s largest solar park in Kozani.  The United States encouraged Greece to continue making progress on its ambitious goal of phasing out coal by the end of 2028.

Greece outlined priority environmental initiatives announced during the COP 26 such as the GR-eco strategy designed to transform key islands into sustainable green destinations and its goal of designating ten percent of its seas as non-fishing zones. The United States welcomed Greece’s leadership on the environment and congratulated it on its selection to host the 9th Our Ocean Conference in 2024, which will guide international efforts to address ocean health and security, climate goals, and the blue economy, including efforts to scale up offshore renewable energy and to create a shipping sector that is aligned with the goal to limit global temperature rise to 1.5-degrees C.  Both parties underscored the importance of advancing the decarbonization of the shipping sector by 2050 at the latest. The United States welcomed Greece’s participation in the Green Shipping Challenge at COP 27. Both countries look forward to continuing to support the Green Shipping Challenge at COP 28.

Law Enforcement and Counterterrorism

The United States thanked Greece for being a strong and reliable partner in law enforcement cooperation, including extraditions. Both parties pledged to continue supporting mutual legal assistance requests and extraditions. Greece and the United States also underscored the continued importance of joint law enforcement training to combat increasingly complex challenges including cybercrime, complex financial crimes, organized crime, and terrorism. The United States lauded Greece’s recent decision to issue new biometric IDs, a requirement for Greece’s continued participation in the Visa Waiver Program. Both parties also pledged support to the long-term implementation of the Joint Security Program at the Athens International Airport to strengthen mutual aviation security and counterterrorism goals. Greece shared information on recent legislation passed in accordance with EU directives to combat money-laundering and prevent the early release of convicted terrorists. Both parties committed to redouble efforts to counter Trafficking in Persons. The United States and Greece expressed their commitment to working closely in bilateral and multilateral fora on countering terrorism, including through the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS.

Trade and Investment

Both parties welcomed another strong year of trade and investment between Greece and the United States and underscored the importance of taking stock of the progress achieved by the U.S. – EU Trade and Technology Council. Noting the need to foster trade and secure supply chains, Greece announced its support for the Joint Statement on Cooperation on Global Supply Chains. Both sides plan to convene a kick-off meeting of the U.S. – Greece Science and Technology Agreement. Greece highlighted the importance of bilateral cooperation on sanitary and phytosanitary control systems for the entry of Greek agricultural food products to the United States. The United States noted the progress achieved since the 83rd Thessaloniki International Fair, which has helped position Greece as a technological hub and has facilitated growing U.S. and international investment in the areas of technology and renewable energy. Both sides welcomed the 2022 Memorandum of Understanding between Greece and the United States on tourism, and recommitted themselves to promoting tourism, investment opportunities, tourism education, and information exchanges. The United States commended Greece for completing payments of its International Monetary Fund loans early and successfully exiting the EU’s enhanced economic surveillance framework, developments that demonstrate Greece’s credibility as a destination country for foreign investment. The United States and Greece took note of Greece’s ongoing efforts to develop a screening mechanism for foreign direct investment. The two parties plan to continue coordination on key infrastructure projects eligible for U.S. investments and DFC financial support due to their role in promoting energy security such as the revitalization of the ElefsinaShipyards. Both parties recognized the importance of promoting women’s economic competitiveness and dismantling systemic barriers to women’s economic participation. Greece announced its participation in the International Counter Ransomware Initiative.

People-to-People Ties

The United States and Greece reaffirmed the unshakeable bonds that exist between the people of both countries based on our shared and principled respect for democracy and its institutions, a commitment to innovation, and an appreciation of education and culture as drivers of economic growth, equality, peace, and security. The United States congratulated Greece on hosting the 2022 Pharos Summit, which brought a historic delegation of 30 U.S. university representatives to Greece to explore educational cooperation with their Greek counterparts.  Both countries welcomed new opportunities for facilitating exchanges, noting Greece’s ongoing efforts to internationalize its universities and increase opportunities for student mobility with the United States, Greece’s partner of choice in educational cooperation. The two countries affirmed their commitment to promoting Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility in educational and cultural collaboration. U.S. representatives commended Greece for increasing its annual Fulbright contribution and committed to a similar increase in the U.S. contribution, which will increase the number of students that benefit from exchange programs. The United States reaffirmed its commitment to exchanges such as the TechGirls program, which advances women’s and girls’ empowerment through STEM training, and the BridgeUSA program, which currently counts over 300 exchange visitors from Greece in STEM fields in the United States.  Both countries committed to continued implementation of the bilateral cultural property agreement and signed a pledge to cooperate on public outreach to prevent looting and trafficking and to expand opportunities for museum exchange. Greece praised the United States for facilitating the 2022 return of important Greek artifacts. Building on a successful 2022 workshop, both countries expressed interest in organizing a follow-on cultural heritage school in northern Greece, to support the protection of Greece’s rich cultural heritage sites from looting, trafficking, and climate change. The United States and Greece emphasized their shared commitment to promote democracy and fight disinformation, including through the Athens launch of a traveling “Democracy Collection” art exhibit in May 2023.

End Text




G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement on the Illegal Annexation of Sovereign Ukrainian Territory
02/21/2023


G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement on the Illegal Annexation of Sovereign Ukrainian Territory
02/21/2023 10:29 AM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

Begin Text:

We, the G7 Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and the High Representative of the European Union, are united in our condemnation in the strongest possible terms of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and its continued violations of Ukraine’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and Independence.

President Putin’s efforts to incorporate Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhya regions into the territory of the Russian Federation constitute a new low point in Russia’s blatant flouting of international law, and yet another example of Russia’s unacceptable violations of Ukraine’s sovereignty, the UN Charter, and the commonly agreed principles and commitments of the Helsinki Final Act and the Paris Charter.

We will never recognize these purported annexations, nor the sham “referenda” conducted at gunpoint.

We reiterate our call for all countries to condemn unequivocally Russia’s war of aggression and its attempt to acquire territory by force. We call on the broader international community to reject Russia’s brutal expansionism, its efforts to deny Ukraine’s existence as an independent state, and its blatant violation of the international norms that guarantee international peace, security, and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all states.

We will impose further economic costs on Russia, and on individuals and entities – inside and outside of Russia – that provide political or economic support to these violations of international law. We are unwavering in our support for Ukraine’s right to defend itself against Russia’s war of aggression and its unquestionable right to reclaim its territory from Russia.

We reiterate our condemnation of Russia’s irresponsible nuclear rhetoric. It will not distract or dissuade us from supporting Ukraine, for as long as necessary.

Russia must immediately stop its war of aggression, withdraw all of its troops and military equipment from Ukraine, and respect Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. We reaffirm that the regions of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhya as well as Crimea are integral parts of Ukraine.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias at a Joint Press Availability
02/21/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias at a Joint Press Availability
02/21/2023 10:45 AM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Athens, Greece

Ministry of Foreign Affairs

FOREIGN MINISTER DENDIAS: (Via interpreter) Dear Minister, for the second time today I’d like to welcome you to Athens.

Ladies and gentlemen, we have just inaugurated with the – my U.S. counterpart the Fourth Strategic Dialogue between Greece and the U.S. We also held a constructive discussion on the overall framework of our bilateral relations.

Strategic Dialogue concerns seven key areas. It is a tangible piece of evidence of the dynamics in – of our relations with the U.S., strategic relations. We have reached the highest point, and with certain prospects. A solid base of our – a solid foundation of our bilateral relations are our shared values and principles: freedom, democracy, human rights, our focus on the international law and the principles of the UN Charter, as well as the dynamic presence of the Greek diaspora in the U.S. Greece – the U.S. Ambassador to Athens Mr. Tsunis is such a bright example of the successes of the Greek diaspora.

Dear Tony, dear Secretary of State, today’s visit of yours comes after the visit of the Greek prime minister to Washington in May 2022. The rising dynamics of the – our strategic bilateral relations has been sealed by the two defense agreements between our countries, and I had the honor of signing both such agreements. The signing proves that in a constantly changing political environment, Greece is acknowledged as a pillar of stability and security.

Us and the U.S. have fought shoulder to shoulder in major historic challenges of the 20th century: the first world – World War I, World War II, and in Korea, when totalitarian regimes attempted to impose their will through threat of using force and through the use of force. Unfortunately, today, in the 21st century, we are witnessing similar behaviors. Such an example is the Russian invasion or aggression on Ukraine.

I repeat on every occasion that the Greek foreign policy is based on the full implementation of laws, international law, and the International Law of the Sea. It relies on respect for the principles of the UN Charter, protection of human rights, and a condemnation of threat or use of violence.

From the very first moment we offered our help to Ukraine, we aligned ourselves with the decisions and sanctions against Russia in the context of our memberships in the EU and the UN. The Greek Parliament ratified very quickly the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO, two countries which are also our partners in the European Union.

Today we had the opportunity to discuss developments in the broader area as well. We agreed on the need, the necessity, to keep the Euro-Atlantic course of Western Balkans alive. I informed my dear Tony about my visits to the Western Balkans, the efforts made by Greece to avoid a new crisis in our region. I also informed him about developments in the Aegean and Southeastern Mediterranean.

Our neighboring country, Türkiye and Syria, were mercilessly hit by the recent earthquakes. I had the chance to witness the magnitude of this unprecedented disaster during my visit to (inaudible) in last week, accompanied by my friend, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu. It was the first visit of a European minister of foreign affairs in the affected areas.

And yesterday I had the opportunity to inform the Foreign Affairs Council in the EU, in Brussels, requesting help for the earthquake victims. Greece was the first country to send special rescue sources – forces to Türkiye, and the Greek society has been assembling tons of humanitarian material to be offered to the Turkish and Syrian peoples.

We also agreed with the Turkish Foreign Minister that we don’t need to wait for disasters in order to – smoothing out our relations.

Today we’ve had the opportunity to discuss with Tony Blinken about our collaboration within the international organizations, and the multilateral programs such as the 3+1 co-partnership and the prospect of strengthening it further.

Another issue that we discussed was that of energy, specifically the steps that need to be taken in order to gain independence of the Russian fossil fuels. I stressed the role that Greece may play as an energy hub from south to north. The floating LNG storage facilities in Alexandroupolis and Revithoussa, the Greece-Bulgarian Pipeline are only a few of the schemes that are going to strengthen this role.

We also welcome the U.S. support of the electric Interconnection between Greece and Egypt. This Interconnection will allow the transportation, the transmission of clean energy to the EU.

We also discussed about collaborations in the areas of renewable energy sources and investments. The U.S. is our greatest partner outside the EU in trade, investment, and tourism.

Today – concluding, rather, I would like to say that today is yet another important day for Greek-American relations. Dear Tony, I’d like to thank you warmly and wish you a nice day in the birthplace of democracy. Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Nikos, my friend, thank you so very much.

As you can all hear, I left my voice in Washington. But I will probably leave my heart in Athens. It’s hard not to.

We do meet at a time when the partnership between our two countries has never been closer and never been more consequential. And that’s a reflection of the high priority that President Biden and Prime Minister Mitsotakis put on this relationship, this partnership.

Before coming here I was in Türkiye, as Nikos was recently. Everywhere I went, among all the people I met, to include some American first responders, search and rescue teams, Turkish military families, our locally employed Turkish staff at our embassies and consulates, I saw the immense, heartbreaking toll of this earthquake throughout Türkiye in the southeast and as well, of course, in Syria. I had a chance, like the foreign minister, to be with our colleague from Türkiye, Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, and fly over the affected area.

So I really want to thank you, Nikos, and the Greek people for the immediate and significant assistance that you’ve been providing to people in need in Türkiye in this moment of need.

Later today I’ll have an opportunity to express my appreciation to some of the Greek first responders who came to the aid of the Turkish people. Their contributions are a strong demonstration of who Greeks are: compassionate, effective, committed to helping others. And it’s resonating around the world. This is an ethos. This is their (inaudible).

Last spring we were together when we celebrated the historic visit of Prime Minister Mitsotakis to Washington. Standing before a joint session of our Congress in the United States Capitol, the heart of our democracy, Prime Minister Mitsotakis spoke about our countries’ shared history, how the ancient Greeks inspired America’s founders, who, in turn, were an example for Greeks when they fought for and won their own independence decades later. And he spoke about how our values resonate to this day between us, how we are two democracies that are dedicated to trying to be on the right side of history, standing with allies and partners, defending democracy in our countries and around the world.

One of the things that President Biden likes to constantly remind us of is that in the United States we were founded not on the basis of an ethnic group or religious group or racial group; we were founded on the basis of an idea. And as it happens, it’s a Greek idea. It’s hard to think of a more powerful bond between peoples than the bond that exists between us.

Over the past year, Greece has demonstrated its commitment to the principles at the heart of our relationship, including as Russia seeks to destroy Ukraine’s sovereignty, its independence, and democracy through its brutal war of aggression. Now, no one wanted this war, no one likes this war. Everyone wants it to end as quickly as possible. But so long as it isn’t, so long as Russia’s aggression continues, it’s vital that together we stand up for the basic principles that are the victims of this aggression, along with the Ukrainian people. Because if we don’t, if we allow this to go forward with impunity, then we will open a Pandora’s box around the world where might makes right and would-be aggressors say, “Well, if they can get away with it, we can get away with it, too.” And that is not a future that any of us want.

One year after President Putin attacked Ukraine, it’s clear that his war has been a strategic failure in every way. That’s because of the courage of the Ukrainian people, but it’s also because of the strength and unity of allies and partners around the world who have come to support Ukraine and help it in its defense.

Since President Putin’s invasion, Greece has been a strong, outspoken voice in supporting Ukraine. As a matter of fundamental principle, you’ve opened your doors to 20,000 Ukrainians who have been displaced from their homes. You were one of the first EU countries to send humanitarian support and vital security assistance. You’ve helped reinforce NATO and strengthen the Alliance’s eastern flank, including by facilitating shipments through the Port of Alexandroupolis, whose strategic importance has grown dramatically.

Earlier this morning, as Nikos said, we launched the Fourth Strategic Dialogue between our countries, during which we discussed the progress that’s been made under our Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement, the backbone of our security cooperation. Just over a year ago, the two of us signed an amendment to that pact. And since then, our troops have been training more closely in more places than ever. And that’s strengthening our joint preparedness, our – and security, and it offers to advance peace and stability across the continent.

We’re also working together, as you heard, on a clean energy transition, where there is enormous appetite among American companies to invest in Greece’s very significant move toward renewables. And Greece’s surging tech sector is also a major source of our investment and a key focus of our efforts to expand economic cooperation between our countries.

We’re also working together to strengthen energy security across the region, and you heard Nikos talk about that. We’re both taking steps to help Southeast Europe countries reduce their dependence on Russian gas, diversify energy sources, and deepen integration into the continent’s broader energy market. That’s both an economic and a security imperative. The United States welcomes the leadership role that Greece is playing, including through the newly constructed Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria, which is putting Bulgaria on a path to import nearly 100 percent of its domestic gas needs through Azerbaijan and through the United States.

We’re working together as well across an incredibly broad array of issues, as you heard Nikos say: security and defense, trade and investment, energy and the environment, education and culture, law enforcement and counterterrorism, humanitarian challenges, disaster relief, through the Strategic Dialogue – reflecting, again, the breadth of this relationship.

But I think, when it comes down to it, the heart of the relationship is what it has always been, and that is the ties between our people. Our people have been linked by a shared history, by common ideas, by common ideals, and the unique bond about being the world’s oldest and strongest democracies.

So Nikos, I am grateful to you and grateful to Prime Minister Mitsotakis, who was so generous in his hospitality and conversation last night, for the opportunity to be here to celebrate a friendship but especially to strengthen our partnership for years to come. We both believe that that is profoundly beneficial to our people. And ultimately, the challenge for both of our countries is, in this era, to continue to demonstrate that democracies can deliver for their people. That’s why we’re here. We’re here to try to help our fellow citizens in any way that we can. Governments are here to try to make a difference in helping meet their needs and aspirations. That’s also profoundly what unites us. Thank you.

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) We are going to take four questions in total, two from the U.S. journalist team and two from the Greek journalists. We will – are going to start – we will take the first one from a Greek journalist.

QUESTION: Good afternoon. A question for both ministers regarding Libya. The situation in the country remains unchanged. There are forces, military forces and diplomatic forces, that take action there to the detriment of any effort – of any stabilizing efforts in the country and is to the detriment of the elections there.

Greece (inaudible) the Turkish-Libyan agreement, which is illegal, according to the International Law of the Sea, because it divides the West and the East Mediterranean. So do you see any developments in the forthcoming period, and in what direction would such developments be? Thank you.

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Whom is this question for, Mr. Tzanetakos?

QUESTION: Both ministers. This is for both ministers.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: So let me take this off, thank you.

As I said earlier, first I just came from Türkiye before being in Greece, and I think we’re reminded in this moment of what brings us together as human beings, and that ultimately is much greater than any of our differences. And that is our common humanity and the desire that people have in both countries to help each other in a time of need. And that’s a very powerful thing that’s resonating very powerfully in Türkiye, and I heard that from Turkish officials as well as from the Turkish people that I met.

Look, that doesn’t resolve differences that are longstanding, but I think it’s a reminder of all the positive, that ultimately we’re human beings before we’re anything else. And my hope would be that at an appropriate time that would create an even stronger foundation for both countries moving forward to resolve the differences that exist between them.

Now, it’s not exactly a secret that both Greece and Türkiye are heading into an election period, and that’s usually a pretty complicated time to engage in these kinds of issues. But for the United States it’s really quite basic: Greece and Türkiye are partners, are Allies, are friends. And we continue to engage with them, to work together, including through NATO, to maintain peace and security in the region, to resolve any differences diplomatically, and of course to avoid any threats or provocative rhetoric that will only raise tensions. And that can be more difficult in an election period, but it’s certainly our hope and expectation of both.

And then I would just say this in conclusion. If you’re – if you look at the region as a whole and you look at what Greece is already doing – for example, to be becoming an energy hub for the region, to connect through the Eastern Mediterranean to connect Africa to Europe, to bring countries together through cooperation – that’s an incredibly powerful thing, as is the innovation Greece is doing, for example, on climate.

But at some point, were the differences to be resolved, I think that opens an era of incredible opportunity even greater than we’re seeing today for the people of Greece, also for the people of Türkiye. So that’s certainly our hope, but meanwhile it’s important that our friends, partners, and Allies manage their differences diplomatically, peacefully. And we’ll support those efforts in any way we can.

FOREIGN MINISTER DENDIAS: (Via interpreter) If understood well, you would like some comment on Libya. Well, listen, our position – I think the position of the U.S. as well, but Mr. Blinken is here to say otherwise – is that this Turkish-Libyan MOU adds no value. On the contrary, it’s totally illegal, therefore unsubstantiated, unfounded.

Now, as regards the efforts made on many sides, including the U.S., in order to find a mechanism to lead the country to elections, well, Greece in this respect is ready to offer in any way possible. This is our general position.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I apologize; I misunderstood your question, and I’m sorry about that. And let me just simply add that I agree with my friend Nikos on this. And when it comes to Libya and its trajectory forward, I think it’s important to get to elections as quickly as reasonably possible to have a government that has the legitimacy of having been selected by the people.

The UN special envoy is working in that direction, and building on the work that’s actually been done already to try to bring the parties together to decide on an appropriate path forward for elections. That’s something that we support, and we think offers the best prospects for moving Libya forward, and I think we’re in full agreement on that with our partners here in Greece.

MR PATEL: We’ll next go to the question from Courtney McBride of Bloomberg News.

QUESTION: Thank you both. A question for each of you.

Mr. Minister, Greece has provided military equipment to Ukraine while receiving some updated equipment to replenish its own stocks. What more does Greece envision providing, particularly in the areas of greatest need: artillery, ammunition, and air defense? And how can you seize this opportunity to improve relations with Türkiye? I know that you’ve provided and continue to provide assistance there. Are there concrete steps that each country could take to help pave the way to smoother relations?

And to Mr. Secretary, what plans are there to expand U.S. investment and presence in Greece? I know you’ve talked about the port that has helped to facilitate some assistance to Ukraine. Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER DENDIAS: (Via interpreter) If I understood fully, you asked me two things: first regarding weapon systems that Greece could offer to further help Ukraine; and the second question has to do with the improvement of the Greek-Turkish relations.

Well, regarding the strengthening of the Ukraine from Greece, I have to tell you the Greek foreign policy. This is an easy choice because our foreign policy is about supporting the rules of international law. In the case of Russian invasion to Ukraine there is – it’s a case of black and white. There is an aggressor and the victim. So the Greek foreign policy is on the side of victim, the one who is subject to this aggression, and banishment of all rule of – rules of law. So we will do everything in our power to help the country that suffered this attack.

As regards the Greek-Turkish relations, please allow me to tell you that we do not in any way combine the assistance that we’re delivering, we will be delivering to the Syrian and Turkish people, with an overall foreign policy. It is our obligation towards our fellow people who are suffering to help them, and I will – we will continue doing so.

Now, if through this contact between the two peoples the climate of our relations is improved, this we’ll happily to call ramifications. We all know that. But again, let me reiterate Greece is not looking for any – is not asking for anything, for anything in exchange for this assistance and help is delivering to the Turkish and Syrian peoples. It is our obligation to do so.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I had a chance a little bit earlier as we were starting the Strategic Dialogue to talk about some of the recent investments that we’ve already made here in Greece, including well over $100 million when it comes to ports. But I think what’s as compelling, at least to me, are the tremendous opportunities to work together, including through significant U.S. investment from the private sector in things like energy security, climate change technology.

Greece is a remarkable hub itself of innovation. I think, from our soundings and from talking to Ambassador Tsunis, there is tremendous interest on the part of American companies that’s already manifested itself in these kinds of partnerships here in Greece. And this is something that we talk about through the Strategic Dialogue. From the perspective of governments, the question for us is always: What, if anything, can we do to create the most favorable climate possible for those investments to go forward? How can we enhance bilateral investment and trade opportunities? And that’s part of the Strategic Dialogue work that’s going on today.

In addition – and I think it’s related, and we’ll talk about this a little bit later this afternoon – we continue to work to strengthen our cultural and educational ties. The more that we create these connections, the more we bring our people together around common interests, common pursuits, I think that also brings with it the kinds of connections that will lead as well to more trade, more investment between us.

So we see a tremendous amount of upside in Greece. You see here an economy that has grown at about six percent, which is quite remarkable; that has more than weathered the deep economic difficulties of years past and offers, I think, tremendous potential for greater investment, trade between our two countries. It’s something that’s very much a focus of our efforts here and through the Strategic Dialogue.

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Ms. Tasouli from OPEN Channel.

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, welcome to Athens. You mentioned before that you had the opportunity to talk to people of Greece and people of Türkiye. My question is: Do you believe that the earthquake diplomacy and that the claims of Türkiye that they are willing to start the dialogue again between the two countries, is that something that you ask for? And do you estimate that Türkiye sooner or later will embrace its old rhetoric by threatening Greece and by reminding that casus belli is still on the table from them? Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. And because I more or less inadvertently answered that question before, since I misunderstood the first question, I don’t want to repeat myself except to say, look, as a close friend, partner, ally to both countries, it’s profoundly in our interest and I believe in the interest of both Greece and Türkiye to find ways to resolve longstanding differences, to do it through dialogue, through diplomacy, to do it peacefully, and in the meantime, to not take any unilateral actions or use any charged rhetoric that would only make things more difficult and more challenging.

As I noted, both countries are heading to an election period. That certainly creates sometimes incentives to engage in rhetoric that can create more problems than it solves, but that’s also politics. We understand that.

I can’t really speak to what either of our partners will do going forward, but I do believe strongly that there is an interest and an intent in both countries to find ways to resolve longstanding differences, to find ways to make the – this part of the world that they share an area of cooperation, not of conflict. And I have no doubt in my own mind that that would be profoundly to the benefit of people in Greece and in Türkiye, but I say that recognizing the challenges of overcoming differences. They’re real. But as a friend, an allied partner to both, certainly we hope that that’s the path that our friends will pursue in the future.

MR PATEL: Final question. John Hudson of The Washington Post.

QUESTION: Thank you very much. Mr. Foreign Minister, thank you so much for hosting us in your beautiful and sunny capital.

Western unity has remained strong behind Ukraine, but what is the appetite in Europe and Greece for supporting a war that becomes protracted, extends for another year, and is measured in meters, not kilometers, on the battlefield? At what point will Greece and other parts of Southern Europe push hard for negotiations?

Mr. Secretary, U.S. Ambassador Nides said Israel can and should do whatever it needs to deal with Iran’s nuclear program and, quote, “We’ve got their back,” statements that appeared to many as giving Israel a public green light to attack Iran. Is this now U.S. policy? And given the likelihood that open hostilities with Iran would drag in the United States, can Washington afford to back another conflict in a separate theater?

And on Ukraine, can you say who in the U.S. Government or at what level communicated to Russia that President Biden was traveling to Kyiv? Was the President ever in harm’s way? Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER DENDIAS: Thank you. Thank you for your question.

(Via interpreter) Thank you for your question. When Russia attacked Ukraine, I believe one of the key working assumptions on the part of the – of Russia was that Europe would not remain united, that the European Union would be divided either because of the energy blackmail or due to the different approaches to the Ukrainian issue. And I think that this working assumption was proved to totally inaccurate. On the contrary, the European Union obtained a new uniting narrative, and the support – the EU support to the Ukraine has been ongoing and has been stepped up. And moreover, all sanctions have been unanimously voted by the EU against Russia.

So what I would like to say is that the European Union is an area that takes pride in its values, principles, beliefs in human rights, and will firmly continue to support Ukraine. I said earlier that for us in Greece, things are quite simple. It is a matter of international law. Our foreign policy is based on international law. If we took a different stance, in fact we would be shooting against the narrative that we are in support of.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: John, the second part of your question first with regard to notifying Russia of the President’s travels. Yes, we did in order, of course, to deconflict and to avoid any potential for accidents or danger. Beyond that I can’t comment.

With regard to Ambassador Nides, I haven’t seen the full comments that my friend Tom made. I’m sure they were notable, as they usually are. From what I’ve heard, because I just got a brief description before, he reiterated what we have consistently said. We’re committed to Israel’s security. We are committed together to the proposition that Iran never acquire a nuclear weapon. That’s not exactly news. The President’s been very clear that every option is on the table to do that. And we’re also working to deepen our cooperation and coordination with Israel, as well as with other countries to deal with the multiplicity of challenges that Iran poses, including advances in its nuclear program.

At the same time, we’ve also been clear that the Iran nuclear deal, the so-called JCPOA, is not now on the table. We spent many months to seeing if we could revive it and return to mutual compliance. There was a proposal put forward by the European Union some months ago that was endorsed by everyone – China, Russia, as well as the United States – and Iran would not go forward with that.

In the meantime, of course, we’ve seen the provision by Iran of drones to Russia to enable its aggression in Ukraine. We’ve seen the renewed repression throughout the streets of Iran against its own citizens simply for trying to speak their minds. And we see Iran also engaging, for example, in plots to assassinate those who oppose the regime in third countries, including in the United States.

We continue to believe that, with regard to the nuclear program, the most effective, sustainable way to deal with the challenges it poses is through diplomacy. But in the – in this moment, those efforts are on the back burner because Iran is simply not engaged in a meaningful way. But the door is always open to diplomacy going forward, but a lot depends on what Iran says and does, and whether or not it engages.

QUESTION: Does Israel have a green light to attack Iran?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Countries will make sovereign decisions for their own security. And of course, that’s no different when it comes to Israel or any country. We can’t make those decisions for them.

MR PATEL: Thank you, everyone. Thank you.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks at a Ribbon Cutting Ceremony
02/21/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken Remarks at a Ribbon Cutting Ceremony
02/21/2023 11:10 AM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Athens, Greece

U.S. Embassy Athens

AMBASSADOR TSUNIS: (In Greek.)

Welcome, everyone. It is truly an honor to have you here today. It is especially an honor to have someone that, in all fairness, I have to categorize as my friend but also my boss, the Secretary of State Antony Blinken, with us today.

It is well established that Greeks have a penchant for quoting their own philosophers when they want to make a point. And if there was ever the embodiment of the rule of law, the democratic ideals and values that were born right here in Athens, then I am certain Diogenes would put the lantern at Secretary Blinken’s feet.

This is truly a milestone, as we sit here at what is known throughout Greece as American democracy. If anyone – this is the most recognizable building, other than the Acropolis in the city, in my humble opinion. And our commitment to expanding it, our commitment to renovating it, also speaks to the ever-growing relationship that the United States and Greece has. It is something that speaks to our common values. It is a commitment to the rule of law; it is a commitment to regional peace and prosperity.

And I’m very grateful to be the United States ambassador here. It is an honor of a lifetime, and what I’m very grateful that President Biden and Secretary Blinken for. But I’m especially grateful for the opportunity to work with my colleagues in this building, who are amongst the most dedicated people I have ever met in my life. But I’m also grateful to serve in this country because of our shared values.

Now at this moment, I’d like to call upon my friend, his beatitude, the Archbishop of Greece Ieronymos.

(In Greek.)

ARCHBISHOP IERONYMOS II: (In Greek.)

AMBASSADOR TSUNIS: It’s my privilege to invite Secretary Blinken to the podium to give remarks, please.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Please, thank you, be seated, everyone. Thank you so much. As I said earlier today, I left my voice in Washington, but clearly I’m going to be leaving my heart in Athens. It’s hard not to. But good afternoon to everyone here today.

I’ll keep my remarks brief, because my voice may give out, but this is an important moment, a symbolic moment, but also a practical moment for our mission here. I want to thank all of our colleagues in the Greek Government who’ve made – help make this possible.

But I especially want to thank my friend and our remarkable ambassador to Greece George Tsunis. We could not have a better representative of the President of United States in Greece than George. He is a close partner in everything that we’re doing here, and I’m grateful for his leadership. Now, I understand, George, that you may be one of the more popular people in Greece as well, and that’s a good thing.

Let me just say to the archbishop, thank you for gracing us with your presence today. We’re grateful for that and grateful for your words as well. And to the mayor, thank you Mr. Mayor for being here, the governor. Mayor, members of the embassy family, the Athens community, thank you all for joining us today.

So we have come together to celebrate our relationship and mark our continued commitment to our ally and friend, Greece. And we do that here in a space that evokes the deeply rooted values that we share, the democratic values we share, what Prime Minister Mitsotakis has called a miracle that all free peoples cherish but that binds Greek and Americans in a special way.

I was thinking earlier to something that I’ve heard President Biden say on many, many occasions. He said that what makes America different and unique is that we’re not founded on any particular race, religion, ethnicity. We’re founded on an idea. And it so happens that idea is a Greek idea. That’s an incredibly powerful thing in binding our people together.

And over the decades here in Greece, the extraordinary people serving at this embassy have played a central role in strengthening the ties between our countries and advancing the many shared priorities that we have. This expanded and modernized U.S. presence is a concrete – or maybe I should say marble – investment in our bilateral relationship. And while the renovations will draw to a close, the work of strengthening the alliance between us will continue year after year.

Now, we’re about to cut the ribbon on the north wing. One of the great things about this job is something I’ve never gotten to do before, which is to get a large pair of scissors and cut a ribbon. So I will happily take part in that now. George, will you join us? And also can we have Deputy Director Dykhouse join us as well?

To everyone, thank you for being here today, but especially thank you for being here every day in your respective ways to make this partnership one for the ages, as it already is. Thank you.

(The ribbon was cut.)

(Applause.)




G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement at the Munich Security Conference
02/21/2023
G7 Foreign Ministers’ Statement at the Munich Security Conference
02/21/2023 01:09 PM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

Statement by Hayashi Yoshimasa, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan in his capacity as Chair of the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting at the Munich Security Conference.

Begin Text:

The G7 Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the High Representative of the European Union met for the first time under the Japanese presidency in 2023 and underlined their commitment to upholding the international order based on the rule of law.

The G7 members expressed their deepest condolences to the people of Türkiye and Syria as they contend with the effects of the February 6 earthquake. The G7 members are working together with partners to ensure needed humanitarian, crisis response, and technical assistance are made available unfettered. They therefore underscored the importance of full implementation of the decision to expand humanitarian access to Northwest Syria.

Nearly a year to the day after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the G7 members reaffirmed their unwavering solidarity with Ukraine for as long as it takes. They welcomed Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba’s participation in the meeting and Ukraine’s commitment to a just and lasting peace as demonstrated through President Zelenskyy’s remarks at the G20 Summit in November 2022. They committed to actively working with Ukraine to this end. They condemned in the strongest possible terms the Russian government’s unprovoked and brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. They urged Russia to immediately and unconditionally withdraw all forces and equipment from Ukraine and respect Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Members of the United Nations must refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state in accordance with the United Nations Charter. They committed to, above all, defending this core principle against Russia’s aggression, for the benefit of not only Ukraine, but the entire international community.

The G7 members condemned Russia’s continued attacks on Ukrainian civilians and critical infrastructure. They underscored that there must be no impunity for war crimes and other atrocities, including attacks on civilian populations and infrastructure as well as the filtration operations and forced deportations of Ukrainian civilians to Russia. They reemphasized their commitment to holding all those responsible to account, including President Putin and the Russian leadership, in accordance with international law.

The G7 members remained committed to maintaining and intensifying sanctions on Russia to constrain its war effort and on those states providing material support for Russia’s illegal war

against Ukraine. They expected third states not to evade and undermine these measures, and called on third parties to cease assistance to the Russian military and its affiliated forces, or face severe costs.

The G7 members are committed to alleviating the global suffering caused by Russia’s war and the Russian government’s weaponization of energy and food. They reaffirmed the critical importance of continuing and expanding the Black Sea Grain Initiative and stressed the need for Russian authorities to increase the pace of inspections and operations to meet global demand. They denounced Russia’s continuous use of information manipulation and disinformation campaigns unfolded globally that seek to shift blame to others.

The G7 members reaffirmed their resolve to continue supporting Ukraine in exercising its right to defend itself against Russia’s invasion, including by providing military and defense assistance. They highlighted concerted efforts by G7+ partners in providing energy assistance to mitigate the effects of Russia’s brutal attacks on civilians and critical infrastructure.

The G7 members reiterated, while recalling that no nuclear weapon has been used for 77 years, that Russia’s irresponsible nuclear rhetoric is unacceptable and that any use of chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons or related materials would be met with severe consequences. They condemned Russia’s continued seizure and militarization of the Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant and called for the immediate withdrawal of Russian forces and personnel. They underscored their full support for the International Atomic Energy Agency’s efforts to address nuclear safety, security and safeguards concern in Ukraine.

The G7 members condemned in the strongest terms the launch of yet another Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) conducted on February 18, 2023 by North Korea. This act is in blatant violation of UN Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs) and threatens regional and international peace and security. They strongly urged North Korea to fully comply with all obligations arising from the relevant UNSCRs. North Korea’s reckless behavior demands a unified response by the international community, including further significant measures taken by the UN Security Council. They called on all states to fully and effectively implement all UNSCRs.

The G7 members also reaffirmed their shared commitment to maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific, which is inclusive and based on the rule of law, shared principles, territorial integrity, transparency, the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the peaceful resolution of disputes. They strongly opposed any unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force or coercion. They remained steadfast in cooperating with partners to ensure peace, security and prosperity of the world.


Secretary Antony J. Blinken with Niki Lymperaki of Mega TV
02/21/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken with Niki Lymperaki of Mega TV
02/21/2023 01:59 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Athens, Greece

Hotel Grande Bretagne

QUESTION: Secretary Blinken, thank you so much for being with us today.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: It’s a pleasure.

QUESTION: I would like to start by asking you whether you’re here in Greece coming from Türkiye with a concrete initiative. We’ve seen, and you’ve said in an interview, that Türkiye has made some steps towards improving relations with Greece. So which are these steps, and are you here again with a concrete proposal, a new initiative perhaps?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I think, in the first instance, the focus really is on the earthquake, and the fact that Greece jumped in, stood up immediately to help those in need in Türkiye has played an important part in, I think, reaching Turkish hearts.

I was just there, as you said. I talked to many Turkish colleagues, and one of the first things that they said was how meaningful it was that so many Greek citizens, so much Greek assistance came in their hour of need. I think that creates a better atmosphere.

But, look, this is obviously, in both Greece and Türkiye, an election period. So that always makes things challenging. I think, in the first instance, my hope would be that both Greece and Türkiye keep the waters as calm as possible, and perhaps in the months ahead there will be some opportunity to strengthen even more of the dialogue, the diplomacy, and to look at resolving some of the longstanding issues between them.

For us, the United States, that’s very important because both Greece and Türkiye are close allies, close partners, close friends, and, of course, we want to see them come together. If they do, I think the opportunities are extraordinary for Greeks and Turks alike.

QUESTION: Do you have any indication that what we’re currently seeing – I mean, after the devastation of the earthquakes, is something more than imposed – which is more or less imposed by mourn and grief?

And of course, our hearts go out to the people who mourn, but are you optimistic that this could bring a change in Türkiye’s stance towards the West in general?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Okay, I think what’s powerful is it’s a reminder of our common humanity and that, ultimately, what brings us together is more powerful than what keeps us apart.

But, of course, there are longstanding issues, differences, disputes, and I don’t want to be one way or another suggesting that anything gets resolved overnight. But I hope that the spirit of cooperation, the spirit of coming to each other’s help may be – have some role in the future.

But first things first. Türkiye is, of course, absolutely focused on trying to recover from this earthquake. We just saw there was a significant aftershock just yesterday.

QUESTION: Last night.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: People are terrified. People who have survived are terrified. They’re scared about going home, if they even have a home to go back to.

QUESTION: Now, you said that you urge both countries – and you usually say that, I mean, the Department of State usually says that both countries must solve their differences through dialogue – but many say that this is, in a sense, an equal distance between a country that threatens and a country that is being threatened. How do you address that?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Of course, we are always mindful of Greece’s security concerns. It’s something we take very, very seriously. But we also believe that, with good will and good faith on both sides, there is always room to improve, to address the differences, and to make a meaningful difference in resolving them.

QUESTION: Did you have the chance to discuss it with your counterpart in Türkiye, perhaps?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I did, I did.

QUESTION: Did you get any commitment that this would change?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: My – look, I don’t want to – it’s not appropriate for me to speak for them.

QUESTION: I understand.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: But I can say that my sense is that there is certainly an interest and a willingness – and that’s certainly true here in Greece – to try to find ways to move forward productively together.

QUESTION: Secretary, there is a question that I am sure most Greeks would want me to ask you, so I will, even though it’s a difficult one. How far does our defense cooperation go? What are the Greeks to expect from the United States in case, God forbid, of an attack against Greece?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I think our defense cooperation has only deepened and strengthened, especially in the last few years. We have a Defense Cooperation Agreement that we just revised last year. That’s resulted, among other things, in more than $100 million invested in upgrading Greek ports. At the same time, Greece’s F-16 program is in the midst of a major modernization effort, more than 80 Greek F-16s, as we speak, are being brought up to the highest standard. I expect there will be more planes that go through that program.

And in addition, of course, Greece is looking to acquire the F-35, something that we support. So our cooperation has reached, I think, extraordinary levels. Of course, we have new places where we’re working together in terms of training and cooperation, so we have our forces working together, more of our forces in more places than at any time.

At the same time, we’re NATO Allies, and President Biden has been absolutely clear that we, the United States, are committed to Article V in the NATO Agreement, and we will defend every inch of NATO territory, were it to come under threat.

QUESTION: Yes, but interestingly enough, I had recently the chance to interview Senator Menendez, and he told me that he shared his concern with the Secretary General of NATO, Mr. Stoltenberg, of what would happen if a NATO country attacks, unprovoked, another NATO country. So this was my question.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yeah, and of course, I’m not going to engage in hypothetical discussions. But what I can say is that, as always, we urge all of our friends to engage diplomatically to resolve any differences peacefully, not to engage in provocative actions, not to engage in provocative rhetoric. That risks creating problems, even if unintended.

QUESTION: This rhetoric coming from the Turkish side, these threats of invasion, how do you listen to these in Washington? Do you think that it’s just rhetoric?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Again, we’ve said to all our friends that, from our perspective, engaging in rhetoric, and certainly engaging in actions that are in any way threatening is not something we support. On the contrary. And we continue to believe strongly that our partners can best succeed by engaging directly and working together diplomatically to resolve whatever separates them.

QUESTION: Senator, you mentioned the F-16, and I would like to ask you whether the Biden administration would consider taking into consideration the concerns expressed by the Congress, whether you would consider selling an F-16 to Türkiye, with the term that these jets will not be used for illegal overflights in Greece, something that, as you know, Senator Menendez had brought forward with —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: So, for us, the F-16s, the modernization package for Türkiye, is a critical piece of making sure that another ally, Türkiye, is fully interoperable with NATO, and that it can perform to the highest standards for the collective defense that benefits all of us.

And again, we have – we’re always mindful of Greece’s security concerns. And as I said a moment ago, we’re in the midst of a major modernization program for Greece’s F-16s, as well as looking to the F-35.

QUESTION: So you wouldn’t be open to such a term?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes, I don’t want to speculate on any details of any agreements, but we’re always mindful of security concerns.

QUESTION: ExxonMobil has been conducting surveys of Crete. That’s a region that, in some cases, has brought some objections on the part of Libya, objections that are backed by Türkiye, and I was – I would like to ask you whether you are in a position to protect the U.S. interests in the area, if needed.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, look. What I can say generally is there are some extraordinary opportunities when it comes to energy, renewable energy, but also in connecting North Africa to Europe. And Greece is at the heart of that, Greece is the hub of that. There are a number of potential projects that look very viable and very strong, and I think the – already, Greece is playing a major role in regional energy diversification.

I think what the future offers is an even greater role, and Greece, as I said, is the hub of these efforts. And that’s clearly in the interest of many countries, and something that we want to find ways to support.

QUESTION: And lastly, a question, if I may, for Ukraine, because Thursday marks the first anniversary of this —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes.

QUESTION: — brutal invasion by Russia.

First of all, are you asking Greece, or would you urge Greece, or would you like to see Greece sending more help to Ukraine? We’ve seen over the last month speculation about the S-300 or Leopard tanks. How do you see that?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I see two things. First, what Greece has already done is remarkable, being among the first to stand up in defense of Ukraine against this Russian aggression, in defense of the basic principles that are so important to trying to maintain peace and security around the world embedded in the United Nations charter, the idea that one nation can’t simply erase the borders of another, seize its land, try to erase its identity.

And actually, Vladimir Putin spoke again today, and made clear yet again that’s – this is what this is all about. It’s not about some threat to Russia posed by NATO or by Ukraine; it’s all about his fixation on bringing Ukraine back into the Russian empire, into Russia itself, and eliminating its identity as an independent nation. So Greece stood up strongly and has throughout.

I think it’s in the interest of all of us to continue to do what we can to maximize support for Ukraine, to strengthen their position on the ground, and hopefully, when eventually a negotiation emerges, puts them in the strongest possible position to negotiate.

Look, no one, except for Vladimir Putin, wanted this war. We tried to prevent it. We saw it coming. We engaged for months with Russia to see if they had any genuine security concerns that in any way explained what they were starting to do. And unfortunately, they made very clear that, as I said, what this was about was Putin’s obsession with eliminating Ukraine. It was never about any security concerns that they —

QUESTION: So more help there, you say, from allies like Greece, and —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think it’s incumbent upon all of us to continue to do that.

QUESTION: Lastly, two days ago you said that there are evidence that China might be considering supporting, with lethal aid, Russia against Ukraine.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: That’s right.

QUESTION: Beijing has responded saying – and I quote – that this is fake news. So I would like to ask you whether you insist on what you said, and if you share Zelenskyy’s opinion that, if China gets implicated in this, then we might be talking about World War III eventually.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, we are certainly not talking about World War III. And what we want to do is not to broaden this war in any way, but hopefully bring it to an end, but an end that is both just and durable. Because, otherwise, it makes no sense, just in the sense that we don’t ratify the seizure by force of all of this land by Russia, durable in the sense that we leave things in a way that it’s not likely that Russia repeats the exercise a year later or five years later.

China – so that’s important.

QUESTION: And how about China, sir?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: So as to China, we stand by what I said and others have said the other day. We’ve been watching this from day one.

You’ll remember that just a few weeks before Russia launched its aggression against Ukraine, President Xi and President Putin met and talked about a partnership with no limits. Very early on President Biden said to President Xi that we would look very carefully at whether China was providing any material military lethal support to Ukraine, as well as whether it engaged in systematic sanctions evasion, and that, if it did, that would be a serious problem in our relationship. So we’ve been watching very carefully.

And I raised the concerns that I did the other day because we have seen signs and we have information that China is considering moving to lethal assistance for Ukraine. That would be a terrible step, but not only from our perspective, from the perspective of many other countries in Europe and beyond. And so I hope China does not take that step.

QUESTION: Secretary Blinken, thank you so much.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. It’s good to be with you.


Overseas Buildings Operations Dedicates New U.S. Embassy in Ankara, Türkiye
02/21/2023


Overseas Buildings Operations Dedicates New U.S. Embassy in Ankara, Türkiye
02/21/2023 01:57 PM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

Underscoring the strong commitment to the U.S. – Türkiye alliance and Türkiye’s role as a NATO Ally, critical regional partner, and important U.S. security partner, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken joined U.S. Ambassador Jeffrey Flake to dedicate the new U.S. Embassy Ankara.

Situated on nine acres in Ankara, the new design draws upon Türkiye’s material palette and vernacular design, incorporating a series of courtyards. The project employs rigorous energy-saving and sustainability features, aiming to reduce environmental impact, optimize building performance, and enhance the self-sufficiency of the campus.

Ennead Architects of New York is the design architect for the project, and B.L. Harbert International of Montgomery, Alabama, constructed the complex, investing roughly $175 million into the local economy.

Since the start of the Department’s Capital Security Construction Program in 1999, OBO has completed 175 new diplomatic facilities and has more than 50 active projects in design or construction worldwide.

The Bureau of Overseas Buildings Operations (OBO) provides safe, secure, functional, and resilient facilities that represent the U.S. Government to the host nation and that support U.S. diplomats in advancing U.S. foreign policy objectives abroad.

For further information, please contact Neda Brown at obo-external-affairs@state.gov or visit www.state.gov/obo.




Secretary Blinken Travels to New York City
02/22/2023

Secretary Blinken Travels to New York City
02/22/2023 09:48 AM EST



Ned Price, Department Spokesperson

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken will travel to New York City February 23-24 to attend the United Nations Security Council ministerial meeting on Ukraine, marking one year of Russia’s brutal, full-scale invasion of Ukraine.  Secretary Blinken will also meet with UN Secretary-General Guterres to discuss the broad range of economic, security, and humanitarian support the United States and other UN Member States are continuing to provide to Ukraine, and in particular the imperative to sustain and expand the Black Sea Grain Initiative as a vital means of addressing the global food security crisis. During the Security Council meeting, the Secretary will underscore U.S. commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and call upon the international community to endorse UN actions that will help secure a just and durable peace in Ukraine. The Secretary will also discuss the need for enhanced humanitarian assistance and humanitarian access to the people of Türkiye and Syria following the recent earthquakes.




Special Envoy and Coordinator for the Global Engagement Center Rubin’s Travel to London and Brussels
02/22/2023

Special Envoy and Coordinator for the Global Engagement Center Rubin’s Travel to London and Brussels
02/22/2023 04:14 PM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

Special Envoy and Coordinator for the Global Engagement Center James P. Rubin will travel to London, United Kingdom, from February 23 to 28 and to Brussels, Belgium on March 1.

In London, Special Envoy Rubin will meet with UK officials to solidify support for counter disinformation efforts. In meetings with UK counterparts, he will discuss efforts by Russia, the People’s Republic of China, and other actors who deploy disinformation to undermine democracy and national security around the globe, and how our nations can collectively counter threats in the information space.

While in London, Special Envoy Rubin also will participate in the Phoenix Challenge Conference, a joint U.S. Department of Defense and UK Ministry of Defence event to strengthen cross-government collaboration to address challenges in information operations.

In Brussels, Special Envoy Rubin will meet with EU officials to further our joint efforts to counter foreign disinformation.




Joint Statement on the Strategic Dialogue between Slovenia and the United States
02/23/2023


Joint Statement on the Strategic Dialogue between Slovenia and the United States
02/23/2023 09:09 AM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

The following is the text of a joint statement by the Governments of Slovenia and the United States of America after the third U.S.-Slovenia Strategic Dialogue held in Washington D.C.

Begin text:

The Governments of Slovenia and the United States held the third U.S.-Slovenia Strategic Dialogue February 22 in Washington. The annual strategic dialogue series demonstrates the strength and importance of our bilateral relationship and cooperation on a broad range of topics. We remain committed to the shared values that have underpinned our partnership over the past three decades.

State Secretary Samuel Žbogar and Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman led the discussion. Representatives from the Slovenian Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs and Government Information Security Office and the U.S. Departments of State and Treasury participated. The strategic dialogue focused on global and regional security issues; multilateral cooperation and strengthening partnerships; economic, energy, and climate cooperation; strengthening resilience and fighting disinformation; and cyber security.

On global and regional security issues, Slovenia and the United States stand resolutely with Ukraine and its people. In concert with our European and global allies, the United States and Slovenia are supporting the people of Ukraine’s efforts to defend their country and democracy against Russia’s brutal war of aggression. Together, we emphasized NATO’s unity and solidarity and the importance of NATO’s strong deterrence and defense posture. We intend to work together to ensure merited advancement of the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of Western Balkans nations that have done the hard work to qualify. We also exchanged views on the Indo-Pacific region.

On multilateral cooperation and strengthening partnerships, both sides discussed our close and continuing coordination on a number of regional and global issues in a variety of multilateral fora. The United States welcomes Slovenia’s candidacy for the UN Security Council for the 2024-2025 term and believes Slovenia to be a very well qualified candidate, which, if elected, would be a credible voice in contributing to the maintenance of international peace and security.

On economic, clean energy, and climate cooperation, both sides discussed the importance of and opportunities for increasing trade and investment ties, advancing energy security, and collaborating on addressing global climate challenges. The United States continues to support European countries’ efforts to diversify their energy sources away from Russia. Both the United States and Slovenia intend to continue to enhance our civil nuclear cooperation under the auspices of the Nuclear Cooperation Memorandum of Understanding that was signed at the inaugural strategic dialogue in 2020, including through study visits, information sharing, and exchanges of experts. The United States is tailoring an International Visitor Leadership Program on Smart and Integrated Ports specifically for Slovenia in order to broaden cooperation between our two countries’ ports and maritime agencies. Slovenia also informed that the proposal to sign the Artemis Accords, a non-binding set of principles to guide the responsible exploration of outer space, is under consideration.

On strengthening resilience and fighting disinformation, Slovenia and the United States condemned Russia’s use of disinformation and other forms of malign influence. We reaffirmed our growing partnership in countering disinformation and discussed concrete ways to address this issue through a whole-of-government, whole-of-society approach.

And on cyber security, both sides recognized the value of greater cooperation to respond to the proliferation of cyber threats and to promote shared values and responsible state behavior in cyberspace. The United States welcomed a delegation of Slovenian cyber experts to Washington to deepen understanding of our respective national systems and exchange best practices.

Slovenia and the United States expressed a strong interest in continuing to deepen our strategic partnership going forward. The next strategic dialogue will be hosted in Slovenia in 2024.

End text.




U.S. Department of State Announces $7 Million for Ukraine Cultural Heritage Response Initiative
02/23/2023

U.S. Department of State Announces $7 Million for Ukraine Cultural Heritage Response Initiative
02/23/2023 01:57 PM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

With Ukraine’s cultural identity and heritage under continuous threat and attack by Russian forces, the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA) announced today that its Ukraine Cultural Heritage Response Initiative will invest $7 million to support Ukrainian efforts to protect its cultural heritage.

The Initiative was developed to support Ukraine’s efforts to protect and repair damage to Ukrainian cultural heritage sites and collections, as well as expand and strengthen public-private partnerships with civil society in Ukraine. It is part of the United States’ broader global efforts to preserve and protect cultural heritage.

In cooperation with Ukraine’s Ministry of Culture and Information Policy, Ukrainian NGOs, and international partners, the Initiative will give priority to cultural heritage sites and collections directly impacted by Russia’s brutal war in Ukraine. It will support activities such as the documentation of damaged sites and collections for accountability, protection from damage and theft, emergency stabilization of damaged sites, the development and implementation of conservation and restoration plans, cultural heritage response coordination, and specialized training.

The Initiative complements broader efforts coordinated by ECA’s Cultural Heritage Center to support emergency preparedness and response, monitor Russia’s destruction of cultural heritage in Ukraine through the Conflict Observatory, and foster public-private partnerships to preserve and protect cultural heritage.

The $7 million in additional funding builds on more than 20 years of U.S. engagement on cultural heritage protection and preservation work with the Government of Ukraine through the U.S. Ambassadors Fund for Cultural Preservation (AFCP). To learn more about U.S. efforts to preserve and protect Ukraine’s cultural heritage, click here.




Secretary Antony J. Blinken Virtual Conversation on “Russia’s War on Ukraine: One Year Later” With Jeffrey Goldberg of The Atlantic
02/23/2023
Secretary Antony J. Blinken Virtual Conversation on “Russia’s War on Ukraine: One Year Later” With Jeffrey Goldberg of The Atlantic
02/23/2023 03:52 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Washington, D.C.

MR GOLDBERG: Good morning to all of you in the United States. Good afternoon or good evening to those of you who are joining us from Ukraine and elsewhere in Europe and other places. Very, very happy to have all of you here.

I’m Jeff Goldberg. I’m the editor in chief of The Atlantic. And joining me today for the big story is the Secretary of State of the United States, Tony Blinken. Tony, thank you very much for coming. Mr. Secretary, thank you very much for coming.

And we’re going to jump right in. We’re talking on or about the first anniversary of the full-scale invasion – I want to get to this, but it’s an interesting point – but this is the second tier, the second level of the invasion that began actually in 2014. But the full-scale invasion began a year ago. And obviously you’ve been spending an extraordinary amount of time managing this global crisis, and so I have a bunch of questions for you.

The first question I have is actually a very simple one, which is: What is the most surprising event of the past year, excluding the fact that Russia invaded – launched a full-scale invasion, thinking that it could take Kyiv in a matter of days? What is the most surprising development to you over the past year, rather, in the Ukraine theater or globally?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Jeff, first, let me just say it’s great to be with you. It’s great to be with the entire Atlantic community. As you’ll notice, my voice is a little bit hoarse. I think I left it somewhere along the way in Munich last week or maybe Türkiye. I’m debating whether it’s God’s way of telling me that I need to be listening even more and talking a little bit less. But we’ll leave that. But I think – I hope that’s right.

Listen, I think what has – first of all, we were, of course, not surprised, unfortunately, by the reinvasion of Ukraine – the second shot, as you put it – because, as everyone knows, we had extraordinary information for many months leading up to it. And while part of you wanted to believe that Putin would simply not pull the trigger at the end, unfortunately all the information was tracking that way. But once he did, while many months of work that we put into this through diplomacy to build a strong coalition, to build strong partnerships in advance – which, by the way, was the big difference from 2014; we had a run-up, and we were able to use diplomacy to bring countries together, both in terms of the support they provide to Ukraine, the pressure they put on Russia, and the strengthening of our NATO Alliance in a defensive way.

And having done all that work, nonetheless we weren’t 100 percent certain that the center would not only come together, but would hold, and it has. What we’ve seen a year in is not just an alliance, but a broader partnership that is strong, that is solid, that is standing up, providing the support to Ukraine, keeping the pressure on Russia, taking steps to strengthen our alliance. And you see that reflected all the way from the UN to the NATO theater itself, and around the world.

And finally, Jeff, this resilience has been all the more remarkable because, from energy prices to food scarcity and prices to inflation more generally, all exacerbated by Putin’s war of aggression – despite that, there’s been incredible resilience. And we’ve seen countries coming together and working together to deal effectively with those challenges that were, as I say, put in overdrive by the aggression.

MR GOLDBERG: Right. How surprised were you that Ukraine was able to withstand, and then even go on the offensive in certain cases, against the invasion of a seemingly overpowering force?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I think we’ve had a couple of signs of this in the lead-up. First of all, if you go back before the reinvasion, the re-aggression, for many months we had been working quietly to make sure that Ukrainians had in their hands what they would need to repel the initial assault, which we did see coming right at Kyiv. And if you go back to Labor Day before the aggression, we did an initial – President Biden did an initial drawdown of military support for Ukraine, things like Stingers and Javelins. And second, an even bigger one in December, again, before the March invasion, so that in that sense they were prepared.

Second, we had been working very closely with them to, again, help them see what was coming and encourage them to make the necessary preparations, beyond having some of this weaponry at hand – just getting organized. And they did that, and they did that a little bit quietly, because one of the concerns that President Zelenskyy had was the more that we talked up the possibility of aggression before the aggression, the more we all risked talking down his economy and foreign investment. People might be scared off. So he was trying to walk a careful line between being prepared and not raising too many concerns, publicly at least. So it may be that in part because of that, people were a little surprised at how well the Ukrainians did initially.

Having said all that, I’ve got to say we have been in awe of their courage, their resilience, their strength, and their effectiveness. I think it has, in some ways, gone beyond what we might have anticipated.

MR GOLDBERG: Right. Go to this – before I get to some even bigger questions, go to this question of President Zelenskyy and his leadership. We had in our minds a model from Afghanistan of a president fleeing in the face of an onslaught, an aggression – a civil war in this case – but President Zelenskyy stayed. And I’m wondering if you could encapsulate your feelings about him, your analysis of his leadership, and obviously fold into that your understanding of how President Biden understands the performance of President Zelenskyy over the past year.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Right man, right place, right time – someone who stood up to this moment in history.

I had the almost surreal experience of being asked to tell him, on the margins of a summit meeting in Europe back in October, that we believed it was likely that his country was going to be invaded in the months ahead. I had the intelligence information that I shared with him. And we were sitting alone in a small room, off of this summit meeting, and almost maybe two, three feet apart. And I shared this with him, and he took it very stoically, very seriously, brought in then some of his advisors so that we could discuss it with them, and I think from that moment on, certainly, was seized with the very real prospect that this was coming, and as I said, did a lot of work, some of it very quietly, to get ready.

But I think we’ve seen ever since that he’s become an extraordinary figure on the world stage as well, all to the benefit of his country. And of course, he cajoles, he encourages, he prods us to do even more. And if I were in his shoes, I’d be doing exactly the same thing. I think President Biden has a lot of admiration for him, a lot of respect for him, and I think that was on full evidence when the President was in Kyiv standing side by side with President Zelenskyy, in a Kyiv that remains free and part of a strong, independent Ukraine.

MR GOLDBERG: Take us back just for one minute. It’s a very interesting diplomatic craft question. How do you take a president of a sovereign nation aside at a meeting and say, “Hey, listen, by the way, you’re about to be invaded by a superpower” – I mean, what – how do you say that in a way that gets the message through without seeming panicky or without seeming sort of Chicken Little-ish? How did that go? How does it actually work?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Quite simply, in this case, what I shared with President Zelenskyy was that President Biden asked me, because we were going to be at the same meeting, to share with him the information that we had about Russia’s plans and intentions. Everyone saw the massing of Russian forces along Ukraine’s borders. That wasn’t a secret. The Ukrainians saw it; we saw it; the Europeans saw it. But what we had uniquely in addition to that was very exclusive information about what the Russians were actually thinking and what they were planning and what they were plotting to do with those forces, as well as other things that they were going to bring to this fight.

And so, in a very direct, deliberate way, I laid out the information that we had. And of course, President Zelenskyy asked me a number of questions about it, but, as I said, took it very seriously and very stoically. And that’s when he brought in some of his advisors. We walked them through it as well. And he said, in effect: Well, we need to work closely together to make sure that we’re prepared. And of course, at the same time, we were engaged in intense diplomacy with Russia to try to prevent this from happening, both directly, through NATO, and through the OSCE, because of course what we most wanted was to try to stop this. And unfortunately, when Russia’s objectives and Putin’s objectives became crystal clear – it was never about NATO enlargement; it was never about some threat to Russia’s security. It was all about Putin’s vision that Ukraine should not be an independent country and should be absorbed back into Russia.

MR GOLDBERG: Right. You alluded – diplomatically, I should say – you alluded to a certain level of tension that exists between the Zelenskyy administration and the Biden administration around the subject of the types of arms and the speed at which Ukraine is being armed. Do you think that the United States is going fast enough?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, I do. But again, if I were in President Zelenskyy’s shoes, I would probably be doing and have done exactly what he’s done, which is to continuously prod the international community – not just the United States – to do even more and do it even faster. And of course, this has been an evolutionary process in a few ways.

First, the battlefield itself has shifted dramatically, first from Kyiv, where, as I said, a lot of the work we did months before the aggression helped the Ukrainians repel that aggression with the Stingers, with the Javelins, with other systems. But then of course, everything moved east and south; the very nature of the conflict changed. What the Russians were doing it, where they were doing it, how they were doing it changed, and we had to make sure that we were changing with that. And we did.

Many months ago, the Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin set up a very effective process – we call it the Ramstein process, because the first meeting and subsequent meetings were held in Ramstein, Germany – to bring together all of the allies and partners in this effort so that we were coordinated and could make sure that we were delivering what was needed as quickly as needed. And that process has worked very well.

But this is what’s really important – and again, I’d refer you to the Secretary of Defense, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, who are the real experts in this. It’s not just the individual weapons systems that count. And of course, we tend to get focused on one at any given time, and it becomes a story in the media. What matters as much is: Can the Ukrainians effectively use that system? And as we’re providing more NATO-standard systems to them, it requires training, because these are not things that they’re used to using. Second: Can they maintain them? Because if you give them something that falls apart in a week because they can’t maintain it, it’s not going to do you a lot of good. And third, can it become part of a cohesive battleplan – maneuver, as our military experts call it – that bring to bear various elements all at the same time at maximum effect? And that, too, requires training and advice, and we’ve now been doing, with a number of other countries, unit-level training. So it’s just not as simple as some people portray as, oh, yes, we can get – let’s give them this, flip the switch, they’ll have it, and that’ll be that. That’s not how it works.

Finally, we’re very focused on what is it that they need in the months ahead to have the maximum affect possible. But even as we’re doing that, we’re thinking about their longer-term defense posture, because at some point when this is over, what’s going to be very important is to do everything we can to make sure that Russia can’t repeat the exercise a year later, two years later, five years later. And that means building up Ukraine’s longer-term deterrent and defense capacity. So all of those things are being worked at the same time. We’re running and chewing gum at the same time.

MR GOLDBERG: Right. All right, I want to come to this question of what over looks like in a moment, but let me just stay on this question of arming and, tacitly, escalation. The defense establishment, as you well know, has a certain level of anxiety – the American defense establishment has a certain level of anxiety around the danger of inadvertently entering into an escalatory cycle that could end conceivably – God forbid – in the use of at least battlefield nuclear weapons.

How worried are you that we will – the United States and its allies will cross a line that will provoke Putin to doing something – into doing something dire? This is obviously, as you know – and I’m sure you’ve been in a hundred meetings where this subject has come up. How worried are you that we may go inadvertently too far or provoke Putin in a way that is very hard to pull back?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Jeff, first of all, any administration has to factor in the possibility of escalation into what they’re doing, what they’re providing, how they’re helping. And of course, President Biden has been very clear from the start that our support for Ukraine is fundamental, and we’re with them for as long as it takes, but we also don’t want to broaden this war and certainly don’t want to do anything to create a lot of conflagration. So the President has had to factor both of those things in to the decisions he’s made. And by the way, he’s the one that makes the decisions. The rest of us, we can give him advice, recommendations. If you’re not in government, you can opine and criticize, which is always what’s needed to make sure we’re doing the best that we can, but ultimately as the saying goes, the buck stops with him. And that’s something that he takes very seriously.

Now, what we’ve seen, at least thus far, is that some steps that we’ve taken that some might have been concerned could be escalatory have not proven to be so. And I think there’s one powerful reason for that, and that is the last thing that Vladimir Putin needs is himself in a wider war and one that brings in NATO in order to defend itself, which is NATO’s purpose, not to attack Russia – that never has been, never will be – but to defend the countries of NATO who are very concerned about Russia’s aggressive postures.

If Putin did something that created escalation and that brought NATO in, that’s really the last thing he wants. Because as it is, we all know he is struggling mightily in Ukraine right now. He’s got about 80-plus precent of his land forces committed in Ukraine. And in fact, in an almost perverse logic, because he is falsely concerned that NATO poses a threat to Russia, he has to keep some things in reserve lest there be a conflict that he creates with NATO. So I think that’s been the biggest deterrent against escalation.

Now, there have been moments where the concern has been a little bit heightened – for example, when the Ukrainians went on the counter-offensive last Spring and had very significant success, there was some concern that Putin might react more – even more irrationally, and there was language coming out of Moscow that suggested that he would look to the use of tactical nuclear weapons. So that was a concern.

But what we did in that case was to not only message him very directly – I was engaged with my counterpart Mr. Lavrov; others were engaged with their theirs – but we urged, and I think successfully, other countries that might have a little bit more influence with Russia these days – like China, but also other countries like India – to engage him directly about their absolute opposition to any use of nuclear weapons. And we know that they conveyed those messages, and I think that had some effect. Something we always have to look at, but again the track record to date suggests that the escalation that some feared has, at least to now, not happened.

MR GOLDBERG: Mr. Secretary, you mentioned China. Let me pivot to Asia for a moment, if I may, and ask you this: Do you think that the U.S. and its allies will have more success convincing China to limit its involvement in this conflict, meaning not supply arms to —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yeah.

MR GOLDBERG: — to Russia than the West had in convincing – in trying to convince Russia not to invade or reinvade Ukraine in the first place? We’re at a very sensitive moment obviously in your campaign to keep the Chinese out.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, I certainly hope so and ultimately believe so, but the proof will be in the pudding. Look —

MR GOLDBERG: Why do you believe so?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, I’ll tell you why, but let me give you the background to this first, because it really goes back to the beginning of the aggression. You’ll remember that just weeks before the aggression took place, President Xi and Putin had a summit meeting in which they talked about a partnership with no limits. Well, a phrase like that is of concern. And a couple weeks into the aggression, President Biden was on a video conference with President Xi and said to him very directly, very clearly, that any material Russian military – any material – excuse me – Chinese military support for Russia in this conflict – or, for that matter, the systematic evasion of sanctions – would be a serious problem for the relationship between the United States and China. And on subsequent occasions over the months, the President has repeated that message, and others of us have done the same thing.

And what we’ve seen to date is China basically holding that line, which is to say there has been some nonlethal dual-use type support coming from quote/unquote “Chinese companies” that almost certainly was approved by the state, because there’s really no difference, but not lethal military support. And similarly, we haven’t seen to date systematic sanctions evasion.

But we also have picked up information over the last couple of months that strongly indicates that China is now considering doing that, and that was one of the reasons that in the meeting that I had with the senior Chinese foreign policy official, Wang Yi, in Munich, I again directly told him this concern, what we were seeing, and reminded him of the many conversations between President Biden and President Xi and reminded him that this would be a serious problem in the relationship.

But the reason I think also that – well, let me just say I’m hopeful but in a very clear-eyed way that China will get that message, because it’s not only coming from us, it’s coming from many other countries who do not want to see China aiding and abetting in a material way Russia’s war effort in Ukraine. And so to the extent China is trying to engage in a charm offensive these days, to re-engage with other countries as it comes out of COVID, I don’t think it wants to be in the business of further alienating them by providing lethal support to Russia. The jury’s out. We’re watching it very, very carefully. We’ll see how they react.

MR GOLDBERG: Does the Ukraine reinvasion over the last year make it more likely or less likely that China will do something precipitous against Taiwan in the near future?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: One of the reasons I think that other countries far beyond Europe have joined this effort is because they’ve understood the consequences, the repercussions, the implications for issues well beyond Europe. And so, for example, Japan has been one of our staunchest partners in this effort from day one, South Korea and others. And there’s, of course, the fundamental point of principle here that if aggression is allowed to go forward with impunity, it could open a Pandora’s box, where other would-be aggressors conclude that they can take matters into their own hands and get away with it.

So I think the fact that so many countries have come together in the way they’ve come together has to be something that China factors into its own thinking about Taiwan, including at some point in the future any potential use of force – and not just the support to Ukraine itself, but, of course, the sanctions, the export controls that have been imposed on Russia and that are doing serious damage – damage, by the way, that’s going to accumulate, not decrease, in ways that we can get into. So I think that that’s something that China has to factor into its thinking about the future. I think it has to factor into its thinking the huge reputational costs that Russia has incurred.

Now, how all of that nets out, I can’t tell you. But there’s something else that’s really important, and I know we may want to get onto this later if we have time, but one of the reasons that the world is so concerned about a crisis across the Taiwan Strait is because this is not an internal matter, as China would have it, based on its sovereignty. It’s a matter of concern to quite literally the entire world.

Fifty percent of the commercial container traffic goes through that strait every day. A big majority of the semiconductors that the world needs for everything from our smartphones, our dishwashers, to our automobiles are produced on Taiwan. If there were a crisis in Taiwan as a result of China’s aggression in some fashion, that would have I think disastrous consequences for the world economy and for countries around the world. And that’s a message too that Beijing is hearing increasingly.

MR GOLDBERG: All right. Do you – very large question for you – are we in a new Cold War?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I really resist labeling things, including using labels like “cold war” that are in some ways easy to pull out and it gives people a frame of reference, but I don’t think it reflects the current reality in a few ways.

First, when it comes to China, of course, we are in so many ways so much more integrated than we were with the Soviet Union, and not just us, countries around the world. And we also continue to have some fundamental interests in common, although eliciting Chinese cooperation on them is challenging – everything from climate to global health to counternarcotics to macroeconomy. But of course, we are in a fundamental competition, and it’s a competition really to shape what comes next, what comes after the post-Cold War era, which is over. And China’s vision for a world order is fundamentally different from ours. Ours is based on the ideal of having a liberal world order; China’s is an illiberal one. They need an order, they want an order, but it’s profoundly illiberal, not liberal.

But at the same time, the complexity of the world is such that we’re not dividing it into ideological blocs. There are many countries in the world that have different systems than ours, different ideologies, different approaches, that nonetheless want what we’ve infamously called a rules-based order, an order that functions on the premise of international law. And there’s a good reason for that.

These very same countries came together after two world wars to try to put in place understandings, rules, norms, standards, common understandings to try to make sure that another or a third world war wouldn’t emerge. And the countries that came together in the UN Charter – or for that matter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights – weren’t just the Western countries. It was countries from all sorts of different ideologies, backgrounds, and perspectives – including, by the way, China; including countries that, again, are not democracies as we would call them.

So I think our challenge now is to make sure that all countries that believe that we have to have an international system that functions on some basic rules and understandings – and hopefully themselves will make the full transition to democracy, but nonetheless already believe in the need for rules – stand together and help put those rules in place, update them as necessary, update the international organizations where many of those rules are decided and applied, and come together in that way. That’s fundamentally what this is about.

MR GOLDBERG: I want to just one minute push back a little bit on this Cold War answer, at least in the Russian context, because it seems to me at least as if the United States and Russia are not merely in a cold war reminiscent of the old Cold War, but it’s – this period seems to be reminiscent of the most tense periods of the Cold War of the late ‘40s to the 1990 or so. I mean, talk about the state of Russian-U.S. relations – put this in context historically for us.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yeah. Well, Jeff, in a funny way you’re right. And it may even be in one sense worse. For example, take the news this week that Russia is suspending participation in the New START agreement. It’s the one remaining arms control agreement that’s clearly to the benefit of both countries, but also to the world. It’s a profoundly irresponsible action, and one that I think the world sees as yet another negative – deeply negative step. And even during the Cold War, by the time we got around to forging these arms control agreements with the Soviet Union, we both abided by them even at some of the worst moments.

But having said that, this conflict with – between many countries and Russia over Ukraine – it’s not about ideology, as the Cold War was. It wasn’t communism versus the free world. It is about an imperialist power that is seeking to aggress another country, and to aggress the principles at the heart of the UN Charter that are there to try to keep the peace around the world, and many countries standing up against that.

So in that sense, I don’t see it as a cold war; I see it as a large part of the world united in standing up against aggression; and standing up aggression because it not only poses a threat to Ukraine and its people, but to peace and security around the world to the extent that other would-be aggressors get the wrong message from what Russia’s doing.

MR GOLDBERG: Let me – let’s stay on the subject of the alliance. There are obviously many, many countries in the alliance that you’ve helped to construct. And quite obviously, NATO is reinvigorated by what is happening. However, you see a lot of countries – many, many countries, including U.S. allies – United Arab Emirates, Türkiye, even Israel – staying on the sidelines, or not engaging to the level that certainly Ukraine would love them to engage in. And then you have a whole basket of countries, including some surprising ones – South Africa, for instance, but India and so on – that are behaving in ways reminiscent of the old non-aligned bloc during the actual Cold War. And I’m wondering how much – whether you’re surprised by the extent to which many countries are staying on the sidelines and kind of seeing which way the wind blows, and what you’re doing about it.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I think you have to disaggregate this, pull some of these threads apart. Because first, what are we seeing? In the body that brings together the entire world, the United Nations General Assembly, on two occasions 141 and then 143 members voted, stood up, spoke out against the Russian aggression. And that’s two thirds of the world’s countries or more. So I think that speaks very powerfully to public square opinion around the world on what Russia is doing in Ukraine.

Second, if you look at it, there are different baskets of support for Ukraine: military support to help them defend themselves and take back their territory, but also economic support, humanitarian support, support for their electricity grid that’s being systematically targeted by Russia, support for the refugees who have fled out of Ukraine in the face of the onslaught. And what you see is different countries participating in different ways: some in all of those baskets, some in one or two, but all of that is good.

And then finally, there are countries that have longstanding, decades-long relationships with Russia – with the Soviet Union before – that are challenging to break off in one fell swoop. It’s not flipping a light switch; it’s moving an aircraft carrier. India for decades had Russia at the core providing military equipment to it and its defenses, but what we’ve seen over the last few years is a trajectory away from relying on Russia and moving into partnership with us and with other countries – France and so forth. But you can’t do that, again, by flipping a light switch. South Africa has, again, a longstanding relationship going back to the Apartheid years where the Soviet Union was supportive of the freedom forces in South Africa, and of course – unfortunately – more than unfortunately, the United States was much too sympathetic to the Apartheid regime.

So that history also doesn’t get erased overnight. It’s a process. But I think you see that process moving with those kinds of countries as well, again, as with the support that many are providing in different baskets. And one last thing: Some countries are doing this quietly, not advertising. That’s okay as long as it gets there.

MR GOLDBERG: Let me ask you one question about domestic politics. Obviously, you’re well aware that it’s much harder to build a coherent foreign policy when American politics is incoherent, and we’re in a moment now when parts of the Republican Party at least are more isolationist in orientation than they certainly were during the Cold War. I’m wondering how that affects your ability to sustain what could be a very, very long and costly campaign to keep Ukraine fighting effectively and then to protect Ukraine or help Ukraine protect itself for years to come. Talk about that.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Jeff, I just came back from Munich, the security conference there, which is a big gathering moment for many of us involved in these issues. But I was not the only American there. Obviously, the Vice President was there, leading our delegation, but so too was what I believe was the largest bipartisan, bicameral congressional delegation that Munich has ever hosted. And before we went to Munich, I sat down with Leader Mitch McConnell and other leading Republicans who were off to Munich. I talked to Mike McCaul, the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, who also brought a number of members with him. And in my conversations with leading Republicans who are leading the committees and leading their parties in both the Senate and the House, I find the support to be very strong and ongoing for Ukraine. And the fact that this strong, bipartisan congressional delegation was in Munich spoke very powerfully to the Europeans who were there and to the Ukrainians who were there because it is indicative of the ongoing support – the fact that the center is holding.

Now, of course, you hear voices that are questioning the support for Ukraine, and they’re there, and – but I think that the best way to answer them is continue to show success, continue to help the Ukrainians show success, and also there is an important issue that we’re very focused on and which I respect from some who are – who raise questions or are critical, and that is the need to make sure that the incredible generosity of American taxpayers is being used the way it’s intended; that the money, the funds, the weapons that are being provided are not in any way misused or diverted. And we are very focused on that. I think steps that President Zelenskyy has taken in recent weeks to crack down on corruption in some of his ministries, including by firing people, is very welcome because it demonstrates Ukraine is committed to that too.

MR GOLDBERG: Let me ask you one last question. I would do this all day, but I’m afraid for your vocal cords. The – and the last question is the biggest of all. What does victory look like to you?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, on one level, there’s already been a victory in the sense that Putin’s first objective, his primary objective was to erase Ukraine from the map, to end its identity as an independent country, to absorb it into Russia. That has not happened. That clearly will not happen. So in that sense in terms of Putin’s fundamental objective, he’s already failed. But, of course, it’s also important that there be an end to the fighting but in ways that are both just and durable. And by just, I mean an outcome that reflects the basic principles of the UN Charter when it comes to things like territorial integrity and sovereignty; durable in the sense that when this ends in the way it ends, it needs to end in a way that makes it much less likely, if not impossible, that Russia will simply repeat the exercise a year or five years later.

So the actual contours of that – exactly where lines are drawn, when they’re drawn – that really is fundamentally up to the Ukrainians.

MR GOLDBERG: But —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: We have a shared interest in making sure that we can confidently say that the result is a just and durable one.

MR GOLDBERG: Is it victory, though, if Russia remains in any part of Ukraine, including those parts it seized in 2014?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Look, I think, again, fundamentally the success that’s already been achieved in ensuring that Ukraine remains an independent, sovereign country, that’s fundamental and that is already – that’s already there. But it’s really, I think, vitally important that exactly where this settles, as I said, is basically just and durable. That’s up to Ukrainians to decide. They may decide that they will – look, they rightly believe that one way or another every part of Ukraine needs to be made whole, but any way or the other could be by continuing the fight on the ground, one way or another could include negotiations at some point over what remains.

All of that is basically up to them. And our job is to make sure that, for example, if it does come to a negotiation, they’re in the strongest possible positioning from which to negotiate, which is why we are maximizing the efforts that we’re making now to help them regain territory that has been taken from them, whether it’s since February or since 2014.

MR GOLDBERG: Let me try one more bonus question on you. I promise the last question. This is the last, last question. The bonus question is – because it is a – it’s a very important anniversary. What – this is not a question about what surprises you, but what have you learned as an American about the nature of history? I don’t want to misinterpret Frank Fukuyama, who didn’t actually say what people think he said, but there is this idea that – and when you were involved in diplomacy in the 1990s, big issues were Middle East peace, or Bosnia, the Balkans. But now we’re talking the U.S., Russia, China. We’re talking about enormous systems colliding with each other in ways that are at least reminiscent of a bipolar or tripolar world of the second half of the 20th century. What is the biggest – what is the biggest lesson for you about history and authoritarianism today? And then I will leave you to go, I promise.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: The first thing that comes to mind, Jeff, is that those who forget history are condemned to retweet it, so I think we do have to be guided by history but not imprisoned by it. And I mean this – this by that.

First, history suggests, if you look at modern Russian history, that unfortunately there is a thread that runs throughout it. Go back to Kennan’s long cable. It’s all there. In fact, if you read Kennan today, if you read that – the passages from that cable today from 1947, that you could literally insert Russia and Putin for what he says about the then Soviet Union.

So I think it’s wise not to forget that even though, of course, we went through a very hopeful period where our entire focus was on trying to integrate Russia into the world community, into the international community. And I think that was a well-placed hope but obviously did not factor in in some ways some of these enduring threads in Russian history that now have come back to the fore.

Second, history also suggests that when a power is rising, as China is, that can produce significant friction in the international system, and we’ve seen that particularly in recent years as China has become both more repressive at home and more aggressive in its region and around the world in a variety of ways – not just militarily, but economically, diplomatically, et cetera. So that’s an important lesson in history, and in part it explains the moment we’re in of renewed superpower competition.

But we also can’t be imprisoned by it because we have in other ways a vastly different and vastly more complicated world where the challenges that people are facing in their daily lives – that come in part from big transnational challenges like climate change, like global health, like food insecurity – we cannot and we are not ignoring those, because these are things that actually have a direct impact in people’s lives all over the world, including, of course, our own citizens. And they are interconnected with the superpower competition because that competition in one way or another can actually exacerbate those problems by the actions, in this case, of Russia or China, or hopefully can help address them, including, one would hope, if China sees its self-interest in doing that.

There’s only so much that we can control. We can’t fundamentally control the decisions that a Putin makes or that China makes. But we can shape the environment in which those decisions are being made. One of the ways we’re doing that is by making historic investments in ourselves. If you’d look at the trifecta of the Infrastructure Act, the CHIPS and Science Act, and the Inflation Reduction Act with its focus on climate, you put these things together and that is showing to the world that the United States is dead serious about its competitors, it’s dead serious about making ourselves as strong as possible to deal with the issues that our people need us to deal with and that the world needs us to deal with. And as a result, we are getting the second side of the coin that’s so important in being successful in the world, which is greater alignment with allies and partners in dealing with global challenges, whether it’s competition from Russia or China, or whether it’s these transnational issues. There is more convergence now over the last couple of years with our partners in Europe and also in Asia than I’ve seen at any time in the last 30 years. And for me, that tells us that America’s place in the world and ability to confront these challenges is much stronger than it’s been, and you see that coming together both in dealing with Russia and in dealing with China.

MR GOLDBERG: Secretary Blinken, thank you very much for joining us today. Thank you very much for powering through this, and we appreciate your time and your insights. And to everyone who is watching, thank you very much for joining, joining us, and please read The Atlantic. We have —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: I do.

MR GOLDBERG: I think you’re a paying subscriber and we appreciate that. And subscribe – we have wonderful coverage and comprehensive coverage of Ukraine and this set of issues. And I want to say thank you particularly to those of you in Ukraine who are watching us today. Thank you very, very much. And I hope to see you at the next Atlantic Big Story. Thanks again.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, Jeff.

MR GOLDBERG: Thank you.


Acting Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Barclay’s Travel to Geneva
02/23/2023

Acting Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Barclay’s Travel to Geneva
02/23/2023 07:51 PM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

Acting Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Erin Barclay will travel to Geneva, Switzerland February 24 to March 1 for meetings around the 52nd session of the Human Rights Council (HRC).

In Geneva, she will meet with senior officials from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the International Committee of the Red Cross, UN member states, Syrian human rights defenders, and civil society organizations ahead of and during the 52nd session of the UN Human Rights Council.

For media inquiries, please contact DRL-Press@state.gov.




Estonia National Day
02/24/2023


Estonia National Day
02/24/2023 12:01 AM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

On behalf of the United States of America, I congratulate the people of Estonia as you celebrate your independence on February 24.

For more than 100 years, the close partnership and alliance between the United States and Estonia has been grounded in our commitment to democratic values, determination to uphold the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, and resolve to expand economic opportunity. I look forward to a shared future that will benefit our citizens and further expand our vibrant people-to-people ties.

Over the past year, Estonia has shown unwavering support for Ukraine, as its people defend their country and their freedom against Russia’s brutal aggression. The United States will continue to work in unbreakable solidarity with Estonia to defend NATO territory, support Ukraine, counter Russia’s aggression and malign influence, and advance democracy.

Together the United States and Estonia champion the strong transatlantic ties that allow us together to deter and defend against threats to our security, our economies, and our democracies, as we work to advance the human rights of all.

I wish all people in Estonia a joyous celebration, prosperity, and health in this coming year.


Russia’s War Against Ukraine – One Year Later
02/24/2023

Russia’s War Against Ukraine – One Year Later
02/24/2023 06:10 AM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

One year ago today, President Putin ordered a full-scale invasion of Ukraine following months of deceit about why Russia had amassed huge numbers of soldiers on Ukraine’s border. It was then that Russia’s forces illegally crossed into Ukraine’s sovereign territory to wage a war that has needlessly killed tens of thousands of people and harmed millions more.



President Putin’s decision has ripped apart families, forced millions from their communities, destroyed homes, schools, hospitals, and other civilian infrastructure, exacerbated a global food crisis, destabilized energy markets, and undermined international peace and security. This war has shredded Russia’s international reputation, left Russia weakened and isolated, and decimated its economy. This war is an attempt to seize territory from Ukraine and thwart its independent, democratic trajectory.



As, the President said in Kyiv this week, “One year later, Kyiv stands and Ukraine stands.” Ukraine’s fight and its people’s resolve and resilience have emerged as an inspiration to the world, showing they will not be cowed. Ukraine’s indomitable will has rallied the world to its cause, with people of conscience around the globe united behind Ukraine, and with repeated calls from the halls of the UN for Russia to end its war of choice.



President Putin started this illegal war, and he has the power to end it. The United States stands strongly with Ukraine as it defends itself, and we will continue to do so until Ukraine’s sovereignty is respected and the people of Ukraine can shape their chosen, democratic future in freedom and peace.


The United States Imposes Additional Sweeping Costs on Russia
02/24/2023

The United States Imposes Additional Sweeping Costs on Russia
02/24/2023 09:43 AM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

One year ago today, Russia launched its brutal and unprovoked full-scale war against Ukraine. We remain committed to supporting the people of Ukraine and are redoubling our efforts to promote accountability for the Kremlin’s war.

Our economic sanctions, export controls, and tariffs announced this week, in coordination with the G7, demonstrate that we will continue to work with our allies and partners to increase the pressure on President Putin, make it harder for him to wage his brutal war, and continue degrading the Russian economy’s ability to fuel continued aggression.

As a part of today’s actions, the Department of State is designating over 60 individuals and entities complicit in the administration of Russia’s government-wide operations and policies of aggression toward Ukraine and in the illegitimate administration of occupied Ukrainian territories for the benefit of the Russian Federation. These targets include government ministers, governors, and high-level officials in Russia, as well as six individuals and three entities operating in parts of Ukraine occupied by Russia, facilitating grain theft, and governing on behalf of Russia.

Additionally, the Department is designating three entities involved in expanding Russia’s future energy production and export capacity. These designations include entities involved in the design and construction of the Sever Bay Terminal as part of the Vostok oil projects. These actions are tailored in a way to avoid restricting current production to minimize market disruption.

Today’s sanctions also include four individuals and 22 entities in Russia’s advanced technology sector. In particular, the Department is targeting manufacturers and developers of hardware and software for Russia’s intelligence collection capabilities through its System for Operational-Search Measures as part of our efforts to degrade Russia’s capacity to violently expand its imperial project around the globe.

Further, the Department is designating three key enterprises that develop and operate Russia’s nuclear weapons as well as three Russian civil nuclear entities under the Rosatom organizational structure. In taking these actions, we highlight that Russia uses energy resources, including in the nuclear sector, to exert political and economic pressure on its customers globally. We are also designating those engaged in Russia’s illegitimate control of Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP). Russia’s military attacks on, and subsequent seizure of the ZNPP, have only underscored the global concerns related to nuclear energy security and undermine the Kremlin’s efforts to portray itself as a responsible supplier of nuclear energy products.

To further degrade Putin’s ability to wage war, the Department of the Treasury is imposing sanctions on financial institutions—including additional banks—propping up Russia’s economy, dozens of Russian defense entities, and dozens of third-country actors connected to sanctions evasion activities. Furthermore, to increase pressure on Russia’s war machine, Treasury is also identifying the metals and mining sector of Russia’s economy as exposed to sanctions and designating four entities for operating or having operated in the metals and mining sector.

As part of today’s efforts to increase costs on President Putin, President Biden announced additional tariff increases on a variety of goods from Russia. The President raised tariffs on most metal, and metal products, to 70 percent, further targeting this crucial sector of Russia’s economy. The President also increased tariffs on additional Russian products to 35 percent. These measures are designed to target key Russian commodities generating revenue for the Kremlin while reducing U.S. reliance on Russia.

The Department of Commerce has issued four rules today imposing additional export restrictions on Russia, Belarus, and Iran, as well as entities in third countries, in response to Russia’s ongoing assault on Ukraine. The first rule aims to enhance the effectiveness of the multilateral sanctions on Russia by further limiting access to items that enable Russia’s military capabilities and sources of revenue that could support those capabilities. The second rule imposes new export control measures on Iran, Russia, and Belarus to address Russia’s use of Iranian UAVs in its ongoing war against Ukraine. The third and fourth rules add to the Entity List entities in Russia supporting Russia’s military or Russia’s filtration operations in occupied areas of Ukraine, as well as entities in third countries, including China, for contributing to Russia’s military or defense industrial base.

Finally, the Department of State is announcing steps to impose visa restrictions on 1,219 members of the Russian military, including officers, for actions that threaten or violate the sovereignty, territorial integrity, or political independence of Ukraine. This effort is pursuant to a policy under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which restricts visa issuance to those who are believed to have supported, been actively complicit in, or been responsible for ordering or otherwise directing or authorizing these actions.

Russian military officials Artyom Igorevich Gorodilov, Aleksey Sergeyevich Bulgakov, and Aleksandr Aleksandrovich Vasilyev are being designated under Section 7031(c) for their involvement in gross violations of human rights perpetrated against Ukrainian civilians and prisoners of wars. Under this authority, Gorodilov, Bulgakov, and Vasilyev, and their immediate family members, are ineligible for entry into the United States.

The United States continues to rally the world to support Ukraine. Our actions today are made even more powerful because we are taking them in coordination with G7 partners, demonstrating our ongoing unity in working to ensure Russia bears costs for its brutal war. Ukraine is a symbol of freedom for us all. The United States will continue to stand with Ukraine for as long as takes.

For more information on today’s action, please see:The White House’s Fact Sheet
The Department of State’s Fact Sheet
The Department of the Treasury’s press release
The Department of Commerce’s press release
The United States Trade Representative’s press release




Continued Support for Ukraine to Withstand Russia’s Assaults
02/24/2023


Continued Support for Ukraine to Withstand Russia’s Assaults
02/24/2023 12:12 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

The United States continues to support Ukraine amid Russia’s brutal, unprovoked war. Today, in coordination with the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Department of the Treasury, we are announcing over $10 billion in assistance, including budgetary support to the Government of Ukraine and additional energy assistance to support Ukrainians suffering from Russia’s attacks.

This week, as a result of the bipartisan support of Congress, the United States began disbursing $9.9 billion in additional budgetary support to the Government of Ukraine. This grant financing is being disbursed via the World Bank’s Public Expenditures for Administrative Capacity Endurance (PEACE) mechanism on a reimbursement basis once expenses have been verified. These funds are crucial to Ukraine as it defends itself against Russia and ensures the Ukrainian government can continue to meet the critical needs of its citizens, including healthcare, education, and emergency services. Continued U.S. economic assistance has helped rally other international donors, including 2023 commitments from the European Commission, Japan, Canada, and the United Kingdom, to provide Ukraine with needed economic assistance.

As Russia continues its relentless attacks on Ukrainian civilian and critical energy infrastructure, we are also working with Congress to provide additional energy assistance to Ukraine, a $250 million contribution that will enable us to address immediate needs, including critical power grid equipment. These funds will help keep schools open, power generators for hospitals running, and keep homes and shelters across Ukraine warm. This assistance builds on the $270 million the United States has already committed to bolster Ukraine’s energy security over the last year. This support will help Ukraine meet its immediate energy security needs and transform its energy sector to be more secure, resilient, sustainable, and decentralized.

The United States remains committed to working with our Allies and partners to support the people of Ukraine, and their efforts to build a thriving, safe, democratic, and free future.


Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Italian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Tajani
02/24/2023

Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Italian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Tajani
02/24/2023 12:42 PM EST



Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met today with Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Italy Antonio Tajani in New York. They discussed shared efforts to aid Ukraine’s self-defense and support the Ukrainian people amid Russia’s aggression. The Secretary thanked Italy for its leadership on providing a range of assistance to Ukraine, including hosting more than 173,000 Ukrainian refugees. They discussed challenges posed by the PRC, and the Secretary thanked the Foreign Minister for Italy’s contributions to peace and security in Africa and the Mediterranean.


Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Virtual OSCE Permanent Council Meeting
02/24/2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Virtual OSCE Permanent Council Meeting
02/24/2023 12:52 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

New York City, New York

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. Nearly 50 years ago, this body was created to foster security and a true and lasting peace across Europe. Thirty-five nations – including the United States and the Soviet Union – came together to affirm a set of bedrock principles designed to secure that peace, including sovereignty, territorial integrity, respect for human rights. One year ago today, President Putin assaulted those principles when he launched his full‑scale invasion of Ukraine. And Russia has brazenly violated them every day since, seeking to topple Ukraine’s democratically elected government, hold a sham referendum, illegally attempting to seize swaths of Ukrainian territory after its efforts to erase Ukraine’s identity and absorb the nation into Russia failed.

Russia’s forces have committed widespread and systematic attacks against Ukraine’s people, many of which have been documented by the experts at this very organization. Innocent civilians murdered, raped, tortured; hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians forcibly deported to Russia, including children separated from their parents. These are crimes against humanity. Russia’s forces have also repeatedly attacked Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure, bombing hospitals and schools, reducing cities to rubble.

The OSCE has done vital work to investigate these atrocities and deploy experts to impartially report on the impact of Russia’s war on the Ukrainian people. And in return, Russia has sought to block the OSCE. Russia’s abused rules to sabotage the OSCE’s budget, forcing this body to operate month‑to‑month, undercutting its ability to undertake long‑term planning. Russia has arbitrarily detained OSCE staff, including several who are still being held 10 months later. There is no justification for these detentions. Moscow should release them immediately.

Despite Moscow’s obstruction, the OSCE continues to do essential work. The OSCE Support Programme for Ukraine, the institution’s first ever veto-proof field mission, will soon be well poised to provide technical assistance to strengthen Ukraine’s cybersecurity as well as the resilience of its energy grids, communication systems, other critical infrastructure, as well as offer support for victims of President Putin’s war. We encourage all states to join in building up this program, which is funded by voluntary contributions.

Over the past year, the overwhelming majority of the OSCE’s 57 participating states have held firm in our shared values. As President Putin’s war enters its second year, we must stay united to keep exposing Russia’s crimes, to keep supporting Ukraine and its people, to keep advancing the international rules-based order that has made the world safer and more secure. The United States will stand with all participating states that remain committed to the principles we all agreed to uphold nearly five decades ago, and we’ll continue to stand with the brave defenders of Ukraine, the Ukrainian people, for as long as it takes. Thank you, Mr. Chair.




Secretary Blinken’s Remarks at the United Nations Security Council Ministerial Meeting on Ukraine
02/24/2023

Secretary Blinken’s Remarks at the United Nations Security Council Ministerial Meeting on Ukraine
02/24/2023 01:45 PM EST



Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

New York, N.Y.

United Nations

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, fellow council members:

One year and one week ago – on February 17th, 2022 – I warned this council that Russia was planning to invade Ukraine.

I said that Russia would manufacture a pretext, and then use missiles, tanks, soldiers, cyber attacks to strike pre-identified targets, including Kyiv, with the aim of toppling Ukraine’s democratically elected government.

Russia’s representative – the same representative who will speak today – called these, and I quote, “groundless accusations.”

Seven days later, on February 24th, 2022, Russia launched its full-scale invasion.

Due to fierce resistance by Ukraine’s defenders, President Putin failed in his primary objective to conquer Ukraine, end its existence as an independent country, and absorb it into Russia.

Then, he dusted off his Crimea playbook from 2014: He called snap referenda in four occupied parts of Ukraine, deported Ukrainians, bussed in Russians, held sham votes at gunpoint, and then manipulated the results to claim near unanimous support for joining the Russian Federation.

When President Putin couldn’t break the Ukrainian military, he intensified efforts to break Ukrainians’ spirit. Over the last year, Russia has killed tens of thousands of Ukrainian men, women, and children; uprooted more than 13 million people from their homes; destroyed more than half of the country’s energy grid; bombed more than 700 hospitals, 2,600 schools; and abducted at least 6,000 Ukrainian children – some as young as four months old – and relocated them to Russia.

And yet, the spirit of the Ukrainians remains unbroken; if anything, it’s stronger than ever.

When Ukraine launched a counteroffensive that retook large swaths of its territory, President Putin conscripted an additional 300,000 men – throwing more and more of Russia’s young people into a meat grinder of his own making. And he unleashed the Wagner Group – mercenaries who have committed atrocities from Africa to the Middle East, and now, in Ukraine.

Of course, that’s not the whole story of the last year.

There is also the story of Ukraine’s people. Vastly outnumbered, they have fought bravely to defend their nation, their freedom, the right to determine their own future. And they’ve demonstrated inspiring unity in helping one another endure Moscow’s relentless assault.

Teachers and community members give classes in bunkers to children. City workers improvise patches to restore heat and power and water to residents. Neighbors set up soup kitchens to feed the hungry.

There’s also the story of how the international community has come together.

The vast majority of member-states have voted multiple times to condemn Russia’s violations of the UN Charter and reject its illegal attempt to seize Ukrainian territory. Yesterday, 141 countries voted in the General Assembly for a resolution that reaffirms the core principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, denounces Russia’s atrocities, expresses support for a just and comprehensive peace, in accordance with the United Nations Charter.

When President Putin tried to weaponize hunger – exploiting the worst global food crisis since the creation of the UN – the international community responded swiftly.

Since the United States chaired a Food Security meeting last May, more than 100 countries have signed onto a set of concrete commitments to alleviate hunger. Thanks in large part to the Secretary-General Guterres and Türkiye, the Black Sea Grain Initiative loosened Russia’s stranglehold on Ukraine’s ports and brought down the cost of grain for the world. Now, as Moscow again tries to throttle its output, we have to ensure that that initiative is extended and expanded.

When President Putin tried to weaponize energy, we redirected natural gas supplies from across the world, so that countries Russia targeted could keep their people warm in the winter. And Europe took extraordinary steps to end its dependence on Russian energy.

No country has endured greater hardship from Russia’s war than Ukraine, but almost every country has felt the pain. And yet, nations around the world continue to stand with Ukraine. Because we all recognize that if we abandon Ukraine, we abandon the UN Charter itself, and the principles and rules that make all countries safer and more secure.

No seizing land by force.

No erasing another country’s borders.

No targeting civilians in war.

No wars of aggression.

If we do not defend these basic principles, we invite a world in which might makes right, the strong dominate the weak. That’s the world this body was created to end. And members of this council have a unique responsibility to make sure that we do not return to it. We can do that in three ways.

First, we must push for a just and durable peace.

Now I expect that many countries will call for peace today.

No one wants peace more than the Ukrainian people. And the United States has long made clear – even before this war – that we’re prepared to engage in any meaningful diplomatic effort to stop Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.

But history teaches us that it’s the nature of peace that matters.

For peace to be just, it must uphold the principles at the heart of the UN Charter: sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence.

For peace to be durable, it must ensure that Russia can’t simply rest, rearm, and relaunch the war in a few months or a few years.

Any peace that legitimizes Russia’s seizure of land by force will weaken the charter and send a message to would-be aggressors everywhere that they can invade countries and get away with it.

President Zelenskyy has put forward a ten-point plan for a just and durable peace. President Putin, by contrast, has made clear that there is nothing to talk about until Ukraine accepts, and I quote, “the new territorial realities,” while doubling down on his brutal tactics.

Members of this council have a fundamental responsibility to ensure that any peace is just and durable.

Council members should not be fooled by calls for a temporary or unconditional ceasefire. Russia will use any pause in fighting to consolidate control over the territory it’s illegally seized and replenish its forces for further attacks. That’s what happened when Russia’s first assault on Ukraine froze in 2015. Look at what followed.

And members of this council should not fall into the false equivalency of calling on both sides to stop fighting, or calling on other nations to stop supporting Ukraine in the name of peace.

No member of this council should call for peace while supporting Russia’s war on Ukraine and on the UN Charter.

In this war, there is an aggressor and there is a victim.

Russia fights for conquest. Ukraine fights for its freedom.

If Russia stops fighting and leaves Ukraine, the war ends. If Ukraine stops fighting, Ukraine ends.

The fact remains: One man – Vladimir Putin – started this war; one man can end it.

Second, even as we work to end Russia’s war against Ukraine, members of this council must continue to address other challenges to international peace and security.

We hear the concerns of countries who worry that standing with Ukraine and holding Russia accountable is diverting focus and resources from others in need.

To those countries, I would say, simply, look at our actions.

And when you hear Russia and its defenders accuse the countries who support Ukraine of ignoring the rest of the world – I say look at Moscow’s actions.

Compare the numbers. In addition to the $13.5 billion in food aid that the United States contributed to fight hunger over the last year, we also fund more than 40 percent of the World Food Program’s budget. Russia contributes less than 1 percent of that budget.

That’s not an outlier. Based on the latest UN figures, the United States donates over nine times as much as Russia to UN peacekeeping. We donate 390 times as much as Russia to UNICEF. We give nearly a thousand times as much as Russia to the UN Refugee Agency.

Third, we must reaffirm our commitment to upholding what the UN Charter calls, and I quote, “the dignity and worth of the human person.”

We must continue to compile evidence of Russia’s ongoing and widespread atrocities, including executions; torture; rape and sexual violence; the deportation of thousands of Ukrainian civilians to Russia.

We must continue to document Russia’s war crimes and crimes against humanity, and share this evidence with investigators and prosecutors, so that one day, the perpetrators can be held accountable.

Day after day of Russia’s atrocities, it’s easy to become numb to the horror, to lose our ability to feel shock and outrage. But we can never let the crimes Russia is committing become our new normal.

Bucha is not normal. Mariupol is not normal. Irpin is not normal. Bombing schools and hospitals and apartment buildings to rubble is not normal. Stealing Ukrainian children from their families and giving them to people in Russia is not normal.

We must not let President Putin’s callous indifference to human life become our own.

We must force ourselves to remember that behind every atrocity in this wretched war, in conflicts around the world, is a human being.

I recently visited an exhibit of artwork made by Ukrainian children affected by the war.

One painting I saw was made by a ten-year-old girl named Veronika. Last April, Russian forces shelled her home in Vuhledar, killing her whole family. When first responders dug her from the rubble, a piece of shrapnel was lodged in her skull. Her left thumb had been ripped off. Doctors saved her life, but the attack left her right hand mostly paralyzed, and she can’t see out of her left eye.

In her painting, Veronika drew herself in a bright pink and orange dress, holding a bouquet of flowers. A building stands next to her. When asked who lived there, she said it was a place where all the people she knew who had been killed in the war could be safe.

“We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war…” That’s how the UN Charter begins.

Fellow members of this council: Now is the time to meet that promise. There are so many people in Ukraine who want the same thing as that little girl, Veronika: a world where they can live in peace, in their own country, and keep the people they love safe.

We have the power, we have the responsibility to create that world, today and for generations to come. We cannot – we will not – let one country destroy it.

Thank you.


What I said to the United Nations Security Council on the one-year anniversary of Putin’s war in Ukraine
02/24/2023






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FROM THE DESK OF
Secretary Antony J. Blinken

U.S. DEPARTMENT of STATE





This week, I traveled to New York and told the United Nations Security Council’s session on Ukraine that Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine is a violation of the UN Charter and a betrayal of the Security Council's mandate to maintain international peace and security. Here’s what I said (you can also watch a video of my remarks):

One year and one week ago – on February 17th, 2022 – I warned this council that Russia was planning to invade Ukraine.

I said that Russia would manufacture a pretext, and then use missiles, tanks, soldiers, and cyber attacks to strike pre-identified targets, including Kyiv, with the aim of toppling Ukraine’s democratically elected government.

Russia’s representative – the same representative who will speak today – called these “groundless accusations.”

Seven days later, on February 24th, 2022, Russia launched its full-scale invasion.

Due to fierce resistance by Ukraine’s defenders, President Putin failed in his primary objective to conquer Ukraine, end its existence as an independent country, and absorb it into Russia.

Then, he dusted off his Crimea playbook from 2014: He called snap referenda in four occupied parts of Ukraine, deported Ukrainians, bussed in Russians, held sham votes at gunpoint, and then manipulated the results to claim near unanimous support for joining the Russian Federation.

When President Putin couldn’t break the Ukrainian military, he intensified efforts to break Ukrainians’ spirit. Over the last year, Russia has killed tens of thousands of Ukrainian men, women, and children; uprooted more than 13 million people from their homes; destroyed more than half of the country’s energy grid; bombed more than 700 hospitals and 2,600 schools; and abducted at least 6,000 Ukrainian children – some as young as four months old – and relocated them to Russia.

And yet, the spirit of the Ukrainians remains unbroken. If anything, it’s stronger than ever.

When Ukraine launched a counteroffensive that retook large swaths of its territory, President Putin conscripted an additional 300,000 men – throwing more and more of Russia’s young people into a meat grinder of his own making. And he unleashed the Wagner Group – mercenaries who have committed atrocities from Africa to the Middle East, and now, in Ukraine.

Of course, that’s not the whole story of the last year.

There is also the story of Ukraine’s people. Vastly outnumbered, they have fought bravely to defend their nation, their freedom, the right to determine their own future. And they’ve demonstrated inspiring unity in helping one another endure Moscow’s relentless assault.

Teachers and community members give classes in bunkers to children. City workers improvise patches to restore heat and power and water to residents. Neighbors set up soup kitchens to feed the hungry.

There’s also the story of how the international community has come together.

The vast majority of member-states have voted multiple times to condemn Russia’s violations of the UN Charter and reject its illegal attempt to seize Ukrainian territory. Yesterday, 141 countries voted in the General Assembly for a resolution that reaffirms the core principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, denounces Russia’s atrocities, and expresses support for a just and comprehensive peace, in accordance with the United Nations Charter.

When President Putin tried to weaponize hunger – exploiting the worst global food crisis since the creation of the UN – the international community responded swiftly.

Since the United States chaired a Food Security meeting last May, more than 100 countries have signed onto a set of concrete commitments to alleviate hunger. Thanks in large part to the Secretary-General Guterres and Türkiye, the Black Sea Grain Initiative loosened Russia’s stranglehold on Ukraine’s ports and brought down the cost of grain for the world. Now, as Moscow again tries to throttle its output, we have to ensure that that initiative is extended and expanded.

When President Putin tried to weaponize energy, we redirected natural gas supplies from across the world, so that countries Russia targeted could keep their people warm in the winter. And Europe took extraordinary steps to end its dependence on Russian energy.

No country has endured greater hardship from Russia’s war than Ukraine, but almost every country has felt the pain. And yet, nations around the world continue to stand with Ukraine. Because we all recognize that if we abandon Ukraine, we abandon the UN Charter itself, and the principles and rules that make all countries safer and more secure.

No seizing land by force.

No erasing another country’s borders.

No targeting civilians in war.

No wars of aggression.

If we do not defend these basic principles, we invite a world in which might makes right, and the strong dominate the weak. That’s the world this body was created to end. And members of this council have a unique responsibility to make sure that we do not return to it. We can do that in three ways.

First, we must push for a just and durable peace. Now I expect that many countries will call for peace today. No one wants peace more than the Ukrainian people. And the United States has long made clear – even before this war – that we’re prepared to engage in any meaningful diplomatic effort to stop Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.

But history teaches us that it’s the nature of peace that matters.

For peace to be just, it must uphold the principles at the heart of the UN Charter: sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence.

For peace to be durable, it must ensure that Russia can’t simply rest, rearm, and relaunch the war in a few months or a few years.

Any peace that legitimizes Russia’s seizure of land by force will weaken the charter and send a message to would-be aggressors everywhere that they can invade countries and get away with it.

President Zelenskyy has put forward a ten-point plan for a just and durable peace. President Putin, by contrast, has made clear that there is nothing to talk about until Ukraine accepts “the new territorial realities,” while doubling down on his brutal tactics.

Members of this council have a fundamental responsibility to ensure that any peace is just and durable.

Council members should not be fooled by calls for a temporary or unconditional ceasefire. Russia will use any pause in fighting to consolidate control over the territory it’s illegally seized and replenish its forces for further attacks. That’s what happened when Russia’s first assault on Ukraine froze in 2015. Look at what followed.

And members of this council should not fall into the false equivalency of calling on both sides to stop fighting, or calling on other nations to stop supporting Ukraine in the name of peace.

No member of this council should call for peace while supporting Russia’s war on Ukraine and on the UN Charter.

In this war, there is an aggressor and there is a victim.

Russia fights for conquest. Ukraine fights for its freedom.

If Russia stops fighting and leaves Ukraine, the war ends. If Ukraine stops fighting, Ukraine ends.

The fact remains: One man – Vladimir Putin – started this war; one man can end it.

Second, even as we work to end Russia’s war against Ukraine, members of this council must continue to address other challenges to international peace and security.

We hear the concerns of countries who worry that standing with Ukraine and holding Russia accountable is diverting focus and resources from others in need.

To those countries, I would say, simply, look at our actions.

And when you hear Russia and its defenders accuse the countries who support Ukraine of ignoring the rest of the world – I say look at Moscow’s actions.

Compare the numbers. In addition to the $13.5 billion in food aid that the United States contributed to fight hunger over the last year, we also fund more than 40 percent of the World Food Program’s budget. Russia contributes less than 1 percent of that budget.

That’s not an outlier. Based on the latest UN figures, the United States donates over nine times as much as Russia to UN peacekeeping. We donate 390 times as much as Russia to UNICEF. We give nearly a thousand times as much as Russia to the UN Refugee Agency.

Third, we must reaffirm our commitment to upholding what the UN Charter calls “the dignity and worth of the human person.”

We must continue to compile evidence of Russia’s ongoing and widespread atrocities, including executions, torture, rape and sexual violence, and the deportation of thousands of Ukrainian civilians to Russia.

We must continue to document Russia’s war crimes and crimes against humanity, and share this evidence with investigators and prosecutors, so that one day, the perpetrators can be held accountable.

Day after day of Russia’s atrocities, it’s easy to become numb to the horror, to lose our ability to feel shock and outrage. But we can never let the crimes Russia is committing become our new normal.

Bucha is not normal. Mariupol is not normal. Irpin is not normal. Bombing schools and hospitals and apartment buildings to rubble is not normal. Stealing Ukrainian children from their families and giving them to people in Russia is not normal.

We must not let President Putin’s callous indifference to human life become our own.

We must force ourselves to remember that behind every atrocity in this wretched war, in conflicts around the world, is a human being.

I recently visited an exhibit of artwork made by Ukrainian children affected by the war.

One painting I saw was made by a ten-year-old girl named Veronika. Last April, Russian forces shelled her home in Vuhledar, killing her whole family. When first responders dug her from the rubble, a piece of shrapnel was lodged in her skull. Her left thumb had been ripped off. Doctors saved her life, but the attack left her right hand mostly paralyzed, and she can’t see out of her left eye.


In her painting, Veronika drew herself in a bright pink and orange dress, holding a bouquet of flowers. A building stands next to her. When asked who lived there, she said it was a place where all the people she knew who had been killed in the war could be safe.

“We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war…” That’s how the UN Charter begins.

Fellow members of this council: Now is the time to meet that promise. There are so many people in Ukraine who want the same thing as that little girl, Veronika: a world where they can live in peace, in their own country, and keep the people they love safe.

We have the power, we have the responsibility to create that world, today and for generations to come. We cannot – we will not – let one country destroy it.

Thank you.


I appreciate those who have taken the time to write to me in the past several months. To share your thoughts, please write to me and my team at EmailTeam@State.gov.

Sincerely,

Secretary Antony J. Blinken



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This email was adapted from Secretary Blinken’s Remarks of February 24, 2023 at the United Nations Security Council Ministerial Meeting on Ukraine.

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