U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE:Weekly Digest Bulletin

Secretary Blinken’s Call with Polish Foreign Minister Rau
01/17/2022
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Polish Foreign Minister Rau
01/17/2022 10:40 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke today with Polish Foreign Minister Zbigniew Rau. The Secretary reiterated the United States’ firm commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in the face of Russia’s unprovoked military buildup. They discussed continued cooperation to pursue diplomacy with Moscow while taking steps to deter further Russian aggression. The Secretary expressed appreciation for Poland’s leadership on NATO’s Eastern Flank and service as OSCE Chair this year. The Secretary emphasized our commitment to transatlantic security.


Secretary Blinken’s Call with Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov
01/18/2022


Secretary Blinken’s Call with Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov
01/18/2022 09:25 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke today with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. They discussed the January 10 Strategic Stability Dialogue, January 12 NATO-Russia Council, and January 13 OSCE Permanent Council meetings. The Secretary stressed the importance of continuing a diplomatic path to de-escalate tensions surrounding the deeply troubling Russian military build-up in and near Ukraine. The Secretary reiterated the unshakable U.S. commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and underscored that any discussion of European security must include NATO Allies and European partners, including Ukraine.




Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Spanish Foreign Minister Albares
01/18/2022


Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Spanish Foreign Minister Albares
01/18/2022 11:33 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken hosted Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares today in Washington, D.C. The Secretary and Foreign Minister discussed the importance of coordinating actions in support of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and reiterated that any further Russian aggression toward Ukraine would result in a severe response. The Secretary and the Minister reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening cooperation between the United States and Spain to address shared challenges, such as promoting democracy and human rights in Latin America, strengthening transatlantic security, and a broad range of other global issues.


Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares Before Their Meeting
01/18/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares Before Their Meeting
01/18/2022 12:19 PM EST

Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Washington, D.C.

Thomas Jefferson Room

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good – good morning, everyone. It’s a particular pleasure to welcome my friend, Foreign Minister Albares, to the State Department, to Washington. We’ve managed to spend a fair bit of time together these months in various places around the world, but it is especially good, José Manuel, to have you here in Washington. This meeting, all of our conversations and meetings, are I think evidence of the incredibly close partnership and relationship that the United States and Spain enjoy. Spain is a remarkably steadfast partner and ally to the United States, in NATO of course – and we look forward to you hosting a very (inaudible) summit in a few months’ time for the Alliance – but also beyond, besides issues of security in Europe, in particular the situation in and surrounding Ukraine right now. I know that we look forward to talking about the many different issues that we’ve focused on together, including in Africa, the Sahel, but also in Latin America.

There is a lot to talk about, but beyond that I just want to say that, especially in challenging times, as these are, it makes all the difference in the world to have close partners, close friends, and close allies like Spain. For the United States, nothing is more important. So it’s very good to have you here.

FOREIGN MINISTER ALBARES: Thank you very much, Tony. I really appreciate the effort you’ve done in the middle of this Omicron crisis in which contacts are very complicated on the eve of you leaving to Europe, and we wish you the best luck. And we will be behind you with all the allies.

The United States and Spain have historical, cultural, political, and economic ties. We have a good friendship and a good partnership. And this visit is proof of that and will reinforce even more that relationship.

We are going to discuss, as the Secretary of State has pointed out, the current situation in Ukraine. Our position is very clear: the respect of the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Ukraine, including Crimea. And we consider the United States as a very good partner, a good friend, and also the natural ally of Europe. And we are going also to talk about that and different scenarios – the Sahel, Latin America, and also joint initiative in multilateralism in which we both believe deeply.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Thanks, everyone.


U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Lenderking’s Travel to Gulf Capitals and London
01/19/2022
U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Lenderking’s Travel to Gulf Capitals and London
01/19/2022 07:58 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking will travel to Gulf capitals and London starting January 19 to reinvigorate peace efforts in coordination with the UN, senior regional government officials, and other international partners. The Special Envoy and his team will press the parties to de-escalate militarily and seize the new year to participate fully in an inclusive UN-led peace process.

Special Envoy Lenderking will also focus on the urgent need to mitigate the dire humanitarian and economic crises facing Yemenis. As the UN Acting Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator briefed the UN Security Council last week, 16 million people in Yemen desperately need aid totaling about $3.9 billion. It is imperative that donors, especially regional donors, provide additional funding and that all parties to the conflict take steps to improve humanitarian access and address Yemen’s fuel crisis.

For any questions, please contact Vanessa Vidal at NEA-Press@state.gov and follow us on Twitter @StateDept_NEA .

Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Ukrainian President Zelenskyy
01/19/2022
Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Ukrainian President Zelenskyy
01/19/2022 08:49 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met today with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Kyiv as part of our close and continued coordination with Ukraine following the U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogue in Geneva, the NATO-Russia Council meeting in Brussels, and the OSCE Permanent Council meeting in Vienna. In light of Russia’s ongoing and unprovoked military build-up in and around Ukraine, Secretary Blinken emphasized again that if Russia chooses the path of further aggression against Ukraine, the United States, together with our Allies and partners, will impose crippling costs on Russia’s economy, reinforce NATO’s presence in frontline Allied states, and increase defensive assistance to Ukraine above and beyond what we are already providing. They discussed U.S. and international security and economic assistance to Ukraine, and the Secretary expressed appreciation for Ukraine’s continued calls for a diplomatic solution, stressing the need for Ukrainian unity in the face of the Russian threat. He emphasized the United States’ unwavering commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and reiterated the principle of nothing about Ukraine, without Ukraine.


Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy Before Their Meeting
01/19/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy Before Their Meeting
01/19/2022 09:34 AM EST

Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Kyiv, Ukraine

Office of the President of Ukraine

PRESIDENT ZELENSKYY: (Via translator) I would like to first thank you and your colleagues for your visit. Your visit is very important to us, your visit personally. This underscores once again the strong support for Ukraine’s independence and sovereignty from the United States.

I want to say that we appreciate our ongoing contacts, including with you, telephone contacts, support contacts, contacts between you and the minister of foreign affairs, and in general high-level contacts – by the White House, by President Biden’s representatives, with the office of the president, and by Mr. Sullivan with Andriy Yermak, and between us at the level of presidents – constant contacts. And there are really a lot of them.

This indicates not just words, but concrete support. What is the result of such support? And this is something I would also like to thank you personally, President Biden and the United States administration for at the beginning of our conversation – for your support, military assistance to Ukraine, for increasing this assistance, for the assistance that is already being provided by the United States, and – I am confident – will continue in the future.

This support speaks not only about our strategic plans for Ukraine’s accession to the Alliance, but most importantly, I think, about the level of our army, the provisions for our army. Yes, the budget of Ukraine – we allocate the maximum funds in all the years of independence of our state – the maximum money to support our army. But at the same time we understand: to take very fast steps to modernize the army – we need help here, especially help in such times, difficult times – I think these times can be called difficult.

I think the agenda of our conversation is first and foremost about security matters. I would also like to raise some economic issues that depend on the security situation. And so I started, and I want to give the floor to you, and then let’s move on to the agenda. I think we generally have the same agenda, but we still want to discuss some things in detail, because your intelligence is excellent, but you are far overseas, and we are here, and I think we know some things a little bit deeper about our state.

Welcome again.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, Mr. President, thank you so much for receiving us and receiving me again today. It’s very good to see you again. I am tempted to say the last thing that you need is another visitor, because I think Kyiv may be the most popular destination in the world right now.

But I did want to return, and in fact President Biden asked me to do so. And he really asked me to do so for three reasons. First, to reaffirm to you, to your colleagues, and to all of our Ukrainian friends the support that the United States has for Ukraine, and to affirm that now as ever it is up to Ukrainians and no one else to decide their own future and the future of this country. The Ukrainian people chose a democratic and European path in 1991. They took to the Maidan to defend that choice in 2013. And unfortunately, ever since you’ve faced relentless aggression from Moscow. Russia invaded territory in the Crimea, ginned up a conflict in eastern Ukraine, and has systematically sought to undermine and divide Ukraine’s democracy.

Today there are some 100,000 Russian soldiers near Ukraine’s borders, and in that sense the threat to Ukraine is unprecedented. So the President asked me to underscore once again our commitment to Ukraine’s territorial integrity, to its sovereignty, to its independence. And I know that’s a message that you’ve heard not just from us, but from so many partners throughout Europe, including just in the last couple of days.

Second, the President wanted me to come and have the opportunity to speak directly with you, with all of our colleagues here about the week of intensive diplomacy that we just engaged in and completed with Russia, and to consult and coordinate on the next steps, including my meeting on Friday with Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov.

Across all of our engagements, we have made clear the clear preference for finding a diplomatic resolution to the conflict and to de-escalate the situation. That is the clear preference. It’s also the most responsible thing that any of us can do.

At the same time, we’ve made it very clear to Moscow that if it chooses to renew aggression against Ukraine, it will mean that it will face very severe consequences – and again, that’s coming not just from the United States but from countries across Europe and beyond.

Meetings like this one, Mr. President, and the consultations that I’ll have tomorrow in Berlin with some of our other European partners are aimed at assuring that we are speaking clearly and with one voice to Moscow. And that brings me to the third and final point that the President wants me to focus on and asked me to focus on, and that is: Our strength depends on preserving our unity, and that includes unity within Ukraine. I think one of Moscow’s longstanding goals has been to try to sow divisions between and within countries, and quite simply we cannot and will not let them do that.

So our message to all of our friends here and to all of Ukraine’s global leaders, to its citizens alike, is to stick together and to hold on to that unity, to strengthen it. It’s never been more important, particularly as the country faces the possibility of renewed Russian aggression. Together, as you’ve shown in recent years, there is no obstacle that Ukrainians together, with the support of so many friends around the world, including the United States – no obstacle that you cannot overcome, and I wanted to reaffirm that as well. So thank you again, Mr. President, for receiving us today.




Under Secretary Zeya’s Meeting with the Belarusian Sport Solidarity Foundation
01/19/2022
Under Secretary Zeya’s Meeting with the Belarusian Sport Solidarity Foundation
01/19/2022 02:38 PM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy and Human Rights Uzra Zeya met today with six Belarusian Olympians and National Athletes representing the Belarusian Sports Solidarity Foundation (BSSF). The group included Krystsina Tsimanouskaya, the Belarusian Olympian whom Belarusian authorities attempted to forcibly repatriate from the Olympic Games in Tokyo last summer after she criticized the Belarusian National Olympic Committee on social media.

During the meeting, Under Secretary Zeya conveyed her admiration for the courage of Belarusian athletes who have faced reprisals for exercising their right to freedom of expression. She reiterated strong U.S. support for the Belarusian people’s democratic aspirations and commitment to promoting accountability for perpetrators of abuses against Belarusians in the country and abroad.


Secretary Blinken’s Call with NATO Secretary General Stoltenberg, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Borrell, and Polish Defense Minister Błaszczak
01/20/2022
Secretary Blinken’s Call with NATO Secretary General Stoltenberg, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Borrell, and Polish Defense Minister Błaszczak
01/20/2022 09:48 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke by phone yesterday with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell, and the OSCE Chair, represented by Polish Defense Minister Mariusz Błaszczak. Secretary Blinken and his counterparts discussed the unprovoked and destabilizing buildup of Russian forces near Ukraine’s border and the need to de-escalate tensions. The Secretary emphasized the importance of diplomatic engagement, including in the U.S.-Russia Strategic Security Dialogue, the NATO-Russia Council, and the OSCE. He welcomed Poland’s proposal as OSCE Chair for a revitalized security dialogue at OSCE, where 57 nations, including Russia and Ukraine, as well as the members of NATO and the EU and other nations, are represented. The Secretary said he would continue to urge Russia to choose the path of diplomacy and de-escalation and make clear that any further Russian attack on Ukraine would come at a high cost to Moscow.


Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Transatlantic Quad Foreign Ministers
01/20/2022
Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Transatlantic Quad Foreign Ministers
01/20/2022 10:13 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met today with French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, and UK Minister of State for Middle East, North Africa and North America James Cleverly. They discussed recent diplomatic engagements with Russia and joint efforts to deter further Russian aggression against Ukraine, including Allies’ and partners’ readiness to impose massive consequences and severe economic costs on Russia for such actions. Secretary Blinken affirmed our commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Secretary and his counterparts also reiterated the urgency of reaching an understanding on mutual return to full implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action before developments in Iran’s nuclear program foreclose the possibility.


Taking Action to Expose and Disrupt Russia’s Destabilization Campaign in Ukraine
01/20/2022
Taking Action to Expose and Disrupt Russia’s Destabilization Campaign in Ukraine
01/20/2022 10:43 AM EST


Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

In advance of a potential further invasion of Ukraine, Russian intelligence services, mainly the Federal Security Service (FSB), a U.S. sanctioned entity, have been recruiting Ukrainian nationals in key positions to gain access to sensitive information. The FSB leverages these officials in an attempt to create instability in Ukraine. In close coordination with the Government of Ukraine, the United States is working to identify, expose, and impose costs on these actors in order to foil these influence operations.

The United States today is imposing sanctions on four individuals connected to ongoing Russian intelligence service-directed influence activities designed to destabilize Ukraine.

This action is intended to target, highlight, and undercut Russia’s ongoing destabilization effort in Ukraine. It is separate and distinct from the broad range of high impact measures the United States and its allies and partners are prepared to impose in order to inflict significant costs on the Russian economy and financial system if it were to further invade Ukraine.

The individuals we are targeting, two of whom are members of Ukraine’s parliament, act at the direction of the FSB and support Russia’s destabilizing and dangerous influence operations, which undermine not just Ukraine but also the fundamental principles of democracy. The four individuals designated today include Taras Kozak, Oleh Voloshyn, Volodymyr Oliynyk, and Vladimir Sivkovich. This action is in line with other actions that we have taken to target Russian disinformation campaigns, including 32 election interference designations that we announced in April 2021.

Russia has used hybrid tactics, including disinformation and other influence campaigns, to destabilize Ukraine for years. In 2020, Kremlin officials launched a comprehensive information operation plan designed in part to degrade the ability of the Ukrainian state to independently function; the individuals designated today played key roles in that campaign.

Russia’s influence campaigns are not only focused on Ukraine. For over a decade, Russia has employed disinformation outlets and intelligence service affiliates globally to spread false narratives in support of its strategic goals. Since at least 2016, Russian intelligence services have sought to influence U.S. elections through a number of tactics. For example, Taras Kozak used the media platforms he owns both to denigrate senior members of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s inner circle and amplify false narratives around the 2020 U.S. elections.

The United States will continue to take steps, including through actions like this one, and in partnership with the Ukrainian government, to identify, expose, and undercut Russia’s destabilization efforts in Ukraine. The United States also will continue to expose and counter Russia’s global campaign of malign influence, in Ukraine and beyond.

For more information on today’s action, please see the Department of the Treasury’s press release .

Russia’s Top Five Persistent Disinformation Narratives
01/20/2022
Russia’s Top Five Persistent Disinformation Narratives
01/20/2022 11:55 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

Over many years, Russia has fabricated a set of false narratives that its disinformation and propaganda ecosystem persistently injects into the global information environment. These narratives act like a template, which enables the Kremlin to adjust these narratives, with one consistency – a complete disregard for truth as it shapes the information environment to support its policy goals.

Russian military and intelligence entities are engaging in this activity across Russia’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem, to include malign social media operations, the use of overt and covert online proxy media outlets, the injection of disinformation into television and radio programming, the hosting of conferences designed to influence attendees into falsely believing that Ukraine, not Russia, is at fault for heightened tensions in the region, and the leveraging of cyber operations to deface media outlets and conduct hack and release operations.

Here are five major reoccurring Russian disinformation themes that the Kremlin is currently readjusting in an attempt to fill the information environment with false narratives about its actions in Ukraine.

Theme #1: “Russia is an Innocent Victim”

Russian government officials falsely portray Russia as a perpetual victim and its aggressive actions as a forced response to the alleged actions of the United States and our democratic allies and partners. To further these claims, Russia turns to one of its favorite labels to attempt to hit back: “Russophobia.” After invading Ukraine in 2014, the Russian government and state-controlled disinformation outlets began to accuse anyone who questioned Russia’s actions of being xenophobic Russophobes.

For example, Russia claims that the international community’s negative reaction to its invasion of an independent country was simply because people feared and hated Russia. According to the chart below, Russophobia was not an issue of major concern to the Russian Foreign Ministry or state-funded disinformation outlets until the Russian military invaded Ukraine. Claims of “Russophobia” persist across a range of topics and are employed whenever the Russian government wants to play the victim, when it is actually the aggressor.

Graph showing mentions of the words “Russophobia” and “Russophobe” by the Russian Foreign Ministry, Sputnik and RT, 2001–17. (Source: DFRLab)

Theme #2: Historical Revisionism

When history does not align with the Kremlin’s political objectives, Russian government officials and their proxy voices deny historical events or distort historical narratives to try to cast Russia in a more favorable light and serve its domestic and geopolitical agenda. For example, the 1939 non-aggression pact between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, also known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which helped precipitate World War II, is politically inconvenient for the Putin regime. In 2020, in an attempt to minimize and rationalize Stalin’s decision to align himself with Hitler, Putin published a twisted version of the start of World War II, downplaying the Soviet role and shifting blame for the war to other countries. Russia often takes this a step further by labeling those who disagree with its twisted version of history as Nazis or Nazi sympathizers.

The Kremlin also applies this formula to the history of Ukraine’s statehood, NATO’s conduct during the collapse of the Soviet Union, its GULAG prison system, the famine in Ukraine known as Holodomor, and many other events where the Kremlin’s historical actions do not serve its current political goals.

Theme #3: “The Collapse of Western Civilization is Imminent”

Russia pushes the false claim that Western civilization is collapsing and has strayed from “traditional values” because it works to ensure the safety and equality of LGBTQI+ people and promotes concepts such as female equality and multiculturalism. The demise of Western civilization is one of Russia’s oldest disinformation tropes, with claims of “the decaying west” documented since the 19th century.

This “values”-based disinformation narrative evokes ill-defined concepts including “tradition,” “family values,” and “spirituality.” Russia argues it is the bastion of so-called “traditional values” and gender roles and serves as a moral counterweight to the “decadence” of the United States and Western countries. For example, President Putin has claimed the West has practically cancelled the concepts of “mother” and “father,” and instead has replaced them with “parent 1 and 2,” while Foreign Minister Lavrov wrote that Western students “learn at school that Jesus Christ was bisexual.”

Theme #4: “Popular Movements are U.S.-sponsored ‘Color Revolutions’”

The Kremlin has difficulty accepting that all individuals should have the human right to freedom of expression, and that the government should be accountable to its people. Russia has accused the United States of either instigating uprisings or plotting “color revolutions” in Georgia, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Moldova, Ukraine, and throughout the Middle East and Africa. If a popular movement is pro-democracy and pro-reform and not deemed to be in Russia’s geopolitical interests, the Kremlin will often attack its legitimacy and claim that the United States is secretly behind it. These baseless accusations often target local and international civil society organizations, as well as independent media that expose human rights abuses and corruption. The Kremlin seeks to deny that people in neighboring countries could have agency, dignity, and independent aspirations to advocate for themselves, just as it denies these qualities to the people of Russia.

Theme #5: Reality is Whatever the Kremlin Wants It to Be

The Kremlin frequently tries to create multiple false realities and insert confusions into the information environment when the truth is not in its interests. Often intentionally confusing, Russian officials make arguments designed to try to shift the blame away from the Russian government’s role, even if some of the narratives contradict one another. However, in time, presenting multiple conflicting narratives can itself become a technique intended to generate confusion and discourage response. Other elements in Russia’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem, such as the abuse of state-funded disinformation outlets and weaponized social media, help push multiple false narratives.

It was clear to the world, for example, that Russia attempted to assassinate former Russian military intelligence officer Sergei Skripal and his daughter Yulia with the nerve agent Novichok in Salisbury, England, on March 4, 2018. In the four weeks following that incident, Russian state-funded and directed outlets RT and Sputnik disseminated 138 separate and contradictory narratives via 735 articles, according to the Policy Institute at King’s College London.

Russia has used the same technique of flooding the information space with many false claims following other events, such as the downing of Malaysian Airlines Flight 17, and Russia’s 2008 invasion and ongoing occupation of Georgia, to distract conversations from their role in the events. Again, the purpose is to confuse and distract others and manipulate the truth to suit Kremlin interests.


Fact vs. Fiction: Russian Disinformation on Ukraine
01/20/2022
Fact vs. Fiction: Russian Disinformation on Ukraine
01/20/2022 11:47 AM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The Department of State, working with the U.S. interagency, is aware of several Russian military and intelligence entities that are engaged in information confrontation targeting Ukraine. These activities include the spread of disinformation and propaganda attempting to paint Ukraine and Ukrainian government officials as the aggressor in the Russia-Ukraine relationship. Such measures are intended to influence Western countries into believing Ukraine’s behavior could provoke a global conflict and convince Russian citizens of the need for Russian military action in Ukraine. Below are examples of Russian lies about the current crisis and its causes – and the truth.

FICTION: Ukraine and Ukrainian government officials are the aggressor in the Russia-Ukraine relationship.

FACT: False statements from the Putin regime blame the victim, Ukraine, for Russia’s aggression. Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014, occupies Crimea, controls armed forces in the Donbas, and has now amassed more than 100,000 troops on the border with Ukraine while President Putin threatens “retaliatory military-technical” measures if his demands are not met.

FICTION: The West is pushing Ukraine toward a conflict.

FACT: Moscow instigated the current crisis by placing more than 100,000 troops on the border of Ukraine, with no similar military activity on the Ukrainian side of the border. Russian military and intelligence entities are targeting Ukraine with disinformation attempting to paint Ukraine and Ukrainian government officials as the aggressor in the Russia-Ukraine relationship. The Russian government is trying to trick the world into believing Ukraine’s behavior could provoke a global conflict and to convince Russian citizens of the need for Russian military action in Ukraine. Russia blames others for its own aggression, but it is Moscow’s responsibility to end this crisis peacefully through de-escalation and diplomacy. Moscow invaded Ukraine in 2014, occupies Crimea, and continues to fuel conflict in eastern Ukraine. This follows a pattern of Russian behavior of undermining the sovereignty and territorial integrity of countries in the region – invading and occupying parts of Georgia in 2008, and failing to honor its 1999 commitment to withdraw its troops and munitions from Moldova, where they remain without the government’s consent.

FICTION: Russia’s deployment of combat forces is a mere repositioning of troops on its own territory.

FACT: Deploying more than 100,000 Russian troops, including battle-hardened combat forces and offensive weaponry with no plausible innocuous explanation, to the borders of a country that Russia has previously invaded and still occupies in places is no mere troop rotation. It is a clear, renewed Russian threat to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The buildup is paired with active disinformation measures designed to undermine confidence in the Ukrainian government and create a pretext for further Russian incursion.

FICTION: The United States has planned chemical weapons attacks in the Donbas.

FACT: The United States and Russia are parties to the Chemical Weapons Convention. In accordance with its obligations under that international agreement, the United States does not use chemical weapons. However, the Russian government has twice used chemical weapons in recent years to attack and attempt to assassinate opponents, including on foreign soil. Rather than fuel conflict in eastern Ukraine as Russia has done, the United States has provided more than $351 million in humanitarian assistance to those affected by Moscow’s aggression there since 2014. Russia is using statements from high-level officials as well as disinformation and propaganda outlets to intentionally spread outright falsehoods to attempt to create a pretext for military action.

FICTION: Russia is defending ethnic Russians in Ukraine.

FACT: There are no credible reports of any ethnic Russians or Russian speakers being under threat from the Ukrainian government. There are, however, credible reports that in Russia-occupied Crimea and in the Donbas, Ukrainians face suppression of their culture and national identity and live in an environment of severe repression and fear. In Crimea, Russia forces Ukrainians to assume Russian citizenship or lose their property, their access to healthcare, and their jobs. Those who peacefully express opposition to Russia’s occupation or control face imprisonment on baseless grounds, police raids on their homes, officially sanctioned discrimination, and in some cases torture and other abuses. Religious and ethnic minorities are investigated and prosecuted as “extremists” and “terrorists.”

FICTION: NATO has plotted against Russia since the end of the Cold War, encircled Russia with forces, broken supposed promises not to enlarge, and threatened Russia’s security with the prospect of Ukrainian membership in the Alliance .

FACT: NATO is a defensive alliance, whose purpose is to protect its member states. All Allies reaffirmed at the June 2021 Brussels Summit that “the Alliance does not seek confrontation and poses no threat to Russia.” In fact, in 2002 President Putin himself stated “Every country has the right to choose the way it ensures its security. This holds for the Baltic states as well. Secondly, and more specifically, NATO is primarily a defensive bloc.”

NATO does not encircle Russia – Russia’s land border is just over 20,000 kilometers long. Of that, less than one-sixteenth (1,215 kilometers), is shared with NATO members. Russia has land borders with 14 countries. Only five of them are NATO members.

In response to Russia’s use of military force against its neighbors, NATO deployed four multinational battlegroups to the Baltic States and Poland in 2016. These forces are rotational, defensive, proportionate, and requested by the host nations. Before Russia’s illegal seizure of Crimea, there were no plans to deploy Allied troops to the eastern part of the Alliance.

NATO never promised not to admit new members. NATO enlargement is not directed against Russia. Every sovereign nation has the right to choose its own security arrangements and to enter into defensive regional alliances for purposes of self-defense. This is a fundamental principle of European security, reflected in the UN Charter, and is one that Russia has affirmed in myriad international and regional instruments such as the Helsinki Final Act.


Map depicting NATO borders with Russia. Boundary representation is not necessarily authoritative.

FICTION: The West shuns diplomacy and goes straight to measures like sanctions.

FACT: The United States and our partners are engaging in intensive diplomacy to resolve this crisis, including directly with the Russian government. President Biden has spoken with President Putin twice and U.S. officials have held dozens of high-level meetings and phone calls with Russian and European counterparts as part of a comprehensive diplomatic effort to resolve this situation peacefully. What remains to be seen is whether Russia is willing to meet its responsibilities as a member of the global community and take steps to de-escalate the crisis it has generated. But we have also made clear, publicly and privately, that we and our partners will impose swift and severe economic costs on the Russian economy should President Putin choose to further invade Ukraine.

“Now they tell us, war, war, war. It seems are preparing another operation and are warning us not to get in the way, or there’ll be sanctions.” – President Putin https://web.archive.org/web/20220110200851/https://www.msn.com/en-gb/news/world/russian-mercenaries-deploy-into-eastern-ukraine-sources-claim/ar-AAS5OBj?hss_channel=fbp-44821210086

“We have to be mindful of our own security, not just for today and not just for next week, but in the short term. How is Russia to live with all this? Do we always have to stay on guard, watching what happens there and when a strike might come? But what does it all mean if we end up in the conflict you are asking about? This is not our choice, and we do not want this” – President Putin https://web.archive.org/web/20211230075113/http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/67438

”We will decide for ourselves solely what to do on our territory.” – Deputy Russian Foreign Minister Ryabkov https://archive.is/8q8NK#selection-3851.30-3851.69

“We have identified the presence of over 120 members of U.S. mercenary groups in the cities of Avdiivka and Krasny Liman to commit provocations…Tanks filled with unidentified chemical components were delivered to the cities of Avdeevka and Krasny Liman to commit provocations.” – Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu https://web.archive.org/web/20211225083153/https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2021/12/21/us-mercenaries-preparing-donbass-provocation-russian-defense-chief-a75892

“We see and know what is happening in Donbas. It certainly looks like genocide” – President Putin https://web.archive.org/web/20220108143615/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-59599066

“… all this is happening against the background of active military ‘expansion’ on the territory of Ukraine by NATO countries creating a direct threat to the security of Russia.” – The Kremlin https://web.archive.org/web/20220110013538/https://www.jpost.com/international/putin-tells-uks-johnson-nato-members-are-threatening-russia-from-ukraine-688642

” would be a mistake that our ancestors would see as a grave error. A lot of mistakes have been made over the past 30 years, and we would better avoid more such mistakes in this situation.” – Presidential foreign affairs adviser Yuri Ushakov https://web.archive.org/web/20220108121328/https://www.voanews.com/a/biden-affirms-sanctions-threat-putin-says-that-would-be-colossal-mistake-/6376182.html




Secretary Antony J. Blinken and German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock at a Joint Press Availability
01/20/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken and German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock at a Joint Press Availability
01/20/2022 12:17 PM EST

Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Berlin, Germany

Ministry of Foreign Affairs

FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) Ladies and gentlemen, dear Tony, very warm welcome once again. And in an official manner, I warmly welcome you to Berlin.

Can you hear the interpreter? Can you hear the interpreter? Can anyone hear the interpreter?

(In English.) Now we know German and English.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. Please.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) So I repeat what I just said in German at the address of our American colleagues. A very warm welcome, ladies and gentlemen, dear Tony. I bid you a very cordial welcome to Berlin today in a week that has indeed been a very intensive one and eventful one for both of us, and will continue to be a very intensive and eventful week for you. Thank you for giving me the opportunity to have a direct meeting today.

You’ve just come from Kyiv, where I happen to be on Monday. Your talks with our Russian colleagues are scheduled for tomorrow in Geneva. I met him only two days ago in Moscow. Today, before we met bilaterally, we met in the so-called Quad, thus we met with the French and British colleagues.

So if this week illustrates anything, then it illustrates that the diplomatic efforts in various formats around the topic of Russia and Ukraine, and the coordination and consultation amongst us allies couldn’t be more intensive than it is. And that is exactly what we agreed when we met in person only recently in Washington, D.C. at the beginning of the month. We agreed then that we would continue to consult very closely and also consult and coordinate closely with our other partners.

So today we continue seamlessly where we left off at the time. And when we look back to what has been happening recently, the engagements and discussions in the framework of the NATO-Russia Council, in the OSCE, and in the European Union – but also the many bilateral meetings – it is fair to say that we’ve used the meetings today as partners and friends to take stock, and also to talk about the next steps and discuss the next steps and to define our position.

We both agree that the only way out of the crisis is a political path, and it is a path that means we engage in dialogue. Our readiness to do so has been amply given proof of, as we engaged in talks over the last few days and weeks at different levels and in different formats.

Unfortunately, Russia’s behavior continues to speak a different language. The worrisome activities on the part of Russia continue. Recently, for example, Russia deployed troops to Belarus and recently engaged in joint military exercises in along the border with Ukraine.

Against this background, I want to unequivocally repeat the position that both of us – that the Europeans too share and that we have impressed upon people time and time again over the last few days and weeks – and that is that we urgently call upon Russia to take steps to de-escalate. Any further aggression on the part of Russia, any further aggressive attitude on the part of Russia would have grave consequences.

This is about no less but the preservation of Europe’s peaceful order. It is of existential importance for us that we have no choice but to consistently stand up for it and to protect it with a protective shield. And this is expressly true in cases where this might have economic consequences for ourselves.

Very often you have been asking us – as we are engaging in these formats – you have asked us if these engagements have only meant a minimal advance for all of us. We’re taking one step, millimeter by millimeter. We will continue to do so because each and every millimeter is worthwhile our effort. Every millimeter means a little bit of greater security for the peoples in Europe, and that I believe is the most important task of politicians: to provide for that security.

NATO Secretary General Stoltenberg yesterday invited Allies and Russia to attend further meetings of the NATO-Russia Council. Yes, let me underline that all of that is hard work. It is a tedious work, but nevertheless, it – in times where silence ruled over so many weeks and over the last two years, this is a good and important signal. It also shows that after the meetings of the past week, where we used this format with Russia, to engage with Russia, that there is potential in that format as we engage with Russia in the OSCE but also in the many bilateral exchanges that we’ve had with Russia recently.

And I would expressly like to mention in this context the Normandy Format. It is one of the four very important strands for dialogue that we’ve been using these days and that are available to us these days. Together with France, I personally and Jean-Yves Le Drian will personally do what we can in order to breathe fresh life into that format. The leeway that this format opens up will be explored by Jean-Yves and myself as we plan to visit Ukraine together soon.

Tony, we also talked about Iran and the JCPOA today, and here again we are pulling in the same direction together. Unfortunately, here too we have come to state that in the ongoing negotiations in Vienna – core issues regarding the nuclear topics, but also with an eye to lifting sanctions – are still waiting for a solution. And in parallel, Iran continues to expand its nuclear program. That’s the window for solution increasingly moves towards being shut. Negotiations have entered a decisive phase and we need to urgently make concrete progress, because otherwise we will not succeed in reaching an agreement which would be sufficient in providing additional value added on the central issue of non-proliferation.

We also talked about a few other topics today, but time was really of the essence and very short. So I beg your understanding for the fact – and possible questions you might ask – that the time plan, the schedule of my American counterpart is very, very tight. China also figured in our talks today. This morning I myself, for the very first time, had the opportunity to talk to my Chinese counterpart in a VTC, my virtual first visit, so to speak, since I took office. And again, there are many important topics where we could engage in an excellent cooperation, be that with respect to climate protection or in fighting the COVID pandemic. But in our cooperation with China too, it has to be clear that this can only happen on the basis of international law and fairness applying here. And part and parcel of this is respect for human rights.

Tony, I would like to thank you once again for giving me this opportunity to meet with you so quickly after our last meeting, and I thank you for this friendly exchange, which was marked by trust. Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Foreign Minister Baerbock, Annalena, thank you. Thank you for the incredibly warm hospitality today, but even more than that, thank you for the partnership that we’ve already built in the relatively short time that you’ve been on the job and the relatively short time I’ve been on the job.

This is the third time that the two of us have had a chance to actually meet in the weeks since you’ve become foreign minister. And I think our ability to dive right into working together on some of the most complex challenges that our nations face is a testament to my colleague and friend and also to the strength of the German-U.S. bilateral relationship.

That relationship runs much deeper than any single issue or set of interests and commitments. Above all, we are bound together by what we care about and how we engage in the world. You see that in our enduring efforts to improve democracy and human rights, including in our own countries; in our willingness to defend a set of rules and institutions that have underwritten peace and security far beyond our borders; in the way that we’re stepping up to global challenges like climate, like COVID. And we’re off to a running start in our collaboration with the new German Government, and we could not be more pleased by that fact.

As you know, yesterday – and as Annalena mentioned – I was in Kyiv to meet with President Zelenskyy, Foreign Minister Kuleba. And from here, Berlin, we head on to Geneva, where I’ll see our Russian counterpart, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov.

And this trip comes on the heels, as Annalena says, of a week of very intense diplomacy when it comes to Russia.

Across all the engagements with Moscow last week, our collective aim, the goal that we share, was to seek a diplomatic path to de-escalate tensions caused by Russia’s massing of troops along Ukraine’s borders, to deter and prevent a further Russian invasion or destabilization of Ukraine, and to address legitimate security concerns put forward by Russia, by the United States, by Europe through dialogue – not through aggression.

This is, of course, part of a larger and enduring goal of the United States and Germany and our allies: upholding the international rules that have provided the foundation for decades for peace, for security, for prosperity in Europe and beyond.

In last week’s meetings, we were firm in our principles and clear about the areas where we can make progress with Russia if it chooses to engage.

Our discussions with Russia were frank and direct, and they gave us, our allies and partners, things to consider. They gave Russia things to consider, too.

So we’re here now to consult and coordinate with allies and partners about how to proceed. That’s what we did yesterday in Kyiv with our Ukrainian partners, and it’s what Annalena and I did today with our counterparts from the United Kingdom and France. And it will be central to my meeting that I’m honored to have with Chancellor Scholz this evening.

All of these engagements are part of wide-ranging, ongoing consultations with our European allies and partners – more than a hundred in recent weeks alone, including with Ukraine, NATO, the European Union, the OSCE, the Bucharest Nine, as well as many bilateral conversations with individual countries – to ensure that we are speaking and acting together with one voice when it comes to Russia.

That unity gives us strength – a strength I might add that Russia does not and cannot match. It’s why we build voluntary alliances and partnerships in the first place. It’s also why Russia recklessly seeks to divide us.

And it’s why, in my meeting tomorrow with Foreign Minister Lavrov, I’ll be able to represent a shared view, a shared preference, on the part of the United States and our European allies and partners for finding a diplomatic path forward to de-escalate this conflict.

Even as we’re relentless in pursuing this diplomatic path, we’ll continue to make very clear that if Moscow chooses the path of further aggression, we will impose swift and massive costs.

On this, too, we’re united. Chancellor Scholz made that clear a few days ago, when he said that Russia would bear high costs for such an escalation. So did our British and French counterparts earlier today. And it’s the same message we’ve heard from the G7, from NATO, from the European Union, among others. The United States will continue to take the interests of all of our partners – Germany, other European allies – into account as we proceed, and not only take them into account, but working actively together to make sure that our common interests are represented and accounted for.

Annalena and I also reaffirmed the commitment that Germany and the United States made in July to work together to support Ukraine’s energy security and prevent Russia from using energy as a weapon.

And we talked about the status of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, which the United States has long opposed.

It’s also worth noting that gas is not flowing through Nord Stream 2 yet, which means that the pipeline is leverage for Germany, the United States, and our allies – not Russia. That’s undoubtedly something that Moscow is weighing as it considers its next move, particularly given the strong statements countries have made about the serious consequences Russia will face if it commits further aggression against Ukraine.

So we’re at a decisive juncture. We cannot choose the path for Moscow. But we can make crystal clear the stark consequences of that choice – positive on the one hand if we pursue dialogue and diplomacy, but very negative on the other hand if Russia chooses the path of aggression.

No matter which path Russia chooses, it will find the United States, Germany, and our allies united. We know that Germany has significant connections to Russia and that Germany, like the United States, seeks a stable, predictable relationship with Russia. That’s in all of our interests.

Finally, in our meeting earlier today with the Quad, with Germany, the UK, France, and the United States, and as well EU High Representative Josep Borrell, we focused – as Annalena said – on the ongoing talks with Iran about a mutual return to full implementation of the JCPOA, the Iran nuclear deal. And we are, indeed, at a decisive moment. We can bring these talks to a successful conclusion and address the core concerns of all sides, but time is running out.

If a deal is not reached in the coming weeks, Iran’s ongoing nuclear advances, which resumed after we withdrew from the agreement, will make it impossible for us to return to the JCPOA. So we discussed in detail how we can reach an understanding in Vienna, and what we’ll do if Iran rejects a mutual return compliance and full implementation. It was a very productive discussion.

And so we face a number of serious and pressing challenges. As Annalena said, we discussed other things. I should mention as well that we focused together on what our countries can do to help bring COVID to an end this year in 2022. But it’s precisely these times that remind us why we need steadfast allies and partners, and how much stronger we are when we confront the challenges we face together. Thank you.

MODERATOR: Thank you. We have time for a couple of – four questions now; two questions from each side, alternating between the sides. And we’ll start with Jorg Blank from DPA.

QUESTION: (Via interpreter) Madam Minister, Secretary, much talk has been of de-escalating the situation. Now, criticism has been expressed as delivery of weapons of the United States and the United Kingdom right before the engagement with the Russian president might lead to escalating the situation instead of de-escalating it. What do you have to say?

Madam Minister, the Berlin prosecutor has instituted criminal proceedings against the Greens and members of this party. Is this a burden on you as the foreign minister?

FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) As far as the question regarding substance is concerned, I would like to say the following: The most important lever we have to exert influence on Russia regarding Ukraine is the unequivocal unanimous commitment of the EU, the G7, and of NATO that any further regressive action would have a high – would come at a high cost, and would have a high price – economic, politically, and also in strategic terms. And this is why both of us have been engaging so intensively in these talks these days. And this is why both of us will continue to engage, to consult. We are both engaging at different levels. And you may be aware of the fact that Germany has a special tradition of showing great restraint when it comes to exporting weapons and arms to crisis areas. But bearing that different position of countries at the back of one’s mind, we have tried to assume responsibility in different ways. We, for example, have helped expand the military hospital and providing support there.

(Inaudible) let perhaps the Secretary answer first, and then I’ll come to your second question.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Let me start by saying this: It is remarkable in some ways the extent to which over time President Putin’s actions have precipitated exactly what he says he wants to prevent. And so in 2014, when Russia invaded Ukraine, seized Crimea, sparked conflict in the Donbas that continues to this day, changed Ukraine’s borders by force, we – the Alliance, the United States, our European partners – we responded to those aggressive actions. Part of that response was to provide defensive military assistance to Ukraine, to do our best to help ensure that if Russia continued its aggression or renewed its aggression at some later date, that Ukraine would have the means to defend itself. And so the idea that the provision by the United States, by European countries, by NATO of defensive military equipment to Ukraine is somehow provocative or cause for Russia’s actions has the world upside down. All that we are trying to do is to make sure to the best of our ability that, as I said, Ukraine has the means to defend itself, and that might perhaps deter further aggression by Russia.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) As your second question, as far as that is concerned, I already commented in that regard in public. The funds have been repaid. Of course, we fully cooperate with the investigating authorities in order to clarify the matter under investigation and finally close that part. As for the rest, I refer to the statement published by my party.

MR PRICE: Our first question goes to Simon Lewis, of Reuters.

QUESTION: Thank you. Secretary Blinken, firstly, President Biden said yesterday that if Russia were to only make a minor incursion into Ukraine, there are some differences with allies on how you would respond. The Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba, who you met yesterday, has said this could serve as an invitation to Russia. So I wondered if you wanted to sort of clarify for Russia, for the benefit of President Putin, what actions by Russia exactly would trigger the sanctions response that you have threatened.

And just quickly, I would wonder if you could respond to French President Macron’s comment yesterday that the Europeans should have their own dialogue with Russia. Does that undermine the united approach you’re trying to build?

And to foreign minister, I wonder if you could respond on the issue of whether you’re in agreement with the U.S. on how you might respond to Russian actions that don’t constitute a full invasion of Ukraine. Are the German people willing to bear the costs of harsh sanctions on Russia if troops haven’t actually been sent into Ukraine? And in the event of a full invasion, the U.S. has implied that the German Government has agreed not to allow the Nord Stream 2 pipeline to operate. Could you clarify whether that is your position? Thanks.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Simon, thanks very much. First, we have been very clear throughout: If any Russian military forces move across the Ukrainian border and commit new acts of aggression against Ukraine, that will be met with a swift, severe, united response from the United States and our allies and partners. And again, I refer you to the many very clear and declarative statements made by the G7, the leading democratic economies in the world, by NATO, and by the European Union, among others.

We also know from long experience that Russia has a lot of tools in its playbook, some of them short of outright military action – destabilizing action, hybrid attacks, paramilitary tactics. And indeed, we’ve been talking about many of these with our allies and partners throughout, looking at every possible scenario that Russia could use and pursue in order to in some way or another commit renewed aggression against Ukraine, destabilize it, and take any number of actions. And in each of those scenarios, we’ve been working very closely together to make sure that we effectively define our coordinated response. And that’s exactly what we’ve been doing, and I think doing that very effectively.

When it comes to sanctions, again, all of our countries have been clear about the massive consequences that Russia would face for renewed aggression. We have different authorities in our different countries that we have to look at. There will no doubt be, if these sanctions prove necessary, a division of labor. But everything will be complementary and mutually reinforcing, and closely coordinated.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) As far as the question is concerned that you put to me, I can only underline what Tony Blinken already said: that we are closely coordinating with our counterparts on possible sanctions with an eye to the security of Ukraine. We want to have a shared assessment of the situation, and we do have that shared assessment of the situation in our response, and this is equally true for sanctions.

I’d like to use this opportunity to highlight once again that sanctions only serve their purpose if they are effective. Thus, with an eye to what one might consider as possible sanctions, we will have to take a close look at possible options in the financial area, perhaps not. That is the most effective sanction that might appear to a first glance to be most powerful, but those who show in effect – which show in effect over time with regard to Russia should there be a further escalation in the situation.

As I said, we’re consulting with our partners in the G7, as Tony highlighted, but we’re also consulting and coordinating with the other members of the European Union and we’re also consulting at a bilateral level between Europe and the United States of America. And we – both of us in Washington when we met earlier, but other on other occasions – underlined that as far as sanctions are concerned and as far as the issue of serious and grave consequences of economic measures are concerned, the subject of energy was to be counted amongst the possible approaches.

Tony Blinken pointed to the close exchanges of both of our governments, not only between the foreign ministers – the foreign minister and the Secretary, but the general – the governments and the administrations in general. The German chancellor too has expressed his position recently in that regard and said that should there be a further escalation, all the measures would be laid on the table, and nothing, of course, logically has changed with regard to that statement.

MODERATOR: Mr. Kruger of Süddeutsche Zeitung will have the next question.

QUESTION: Danke. For Secretary Blinken, over here – sorry – the State Department characterized the fact that you’re going to meet Sergey Lavrov tomorrow as an indication that the Russians could be willing to take the diplomatic ramp off that you were talking about. The President in the night has said that he’s under the – assuming that President Putin will invade Ukraine. I would like to know if you share the President’s assessment.

And if I may, regarding the Normandy Format, are you going to recommend to your colleague Sergey Lavrov to engage in that format? And is the U.S. willing to join that format?

(Via interpreter) And a question for the foreign minister: Have you talked today about new impulses in the framework of the Normandy Format? Have you been able to talk to your French counterpart? Are there further concrete plans with regard to continuing the talks in that format?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much. Let me take the second part of your question first, with regard to the Normandy Format. The United States fully supports it and we have made that clear to Russia, and I’ll reiterate that tomorrow when I see Foreign Minister Lavrov, as well as to Ukraine. And we’ve simply said that if there is anything that we can do to support that effort, to further facilitate it, we’re ready at any time to do that – not by joining the Normandy Format, but again, supporting, facilitating, communicating if that’s helpful.

And our hope is that the different parties will engage meaningfully and productively, because that is the single best way to implement the Minsk agreements, which really are the solution, the agreed solution by both Russia and Ukraine to the situation in the Donbas, and ultimately the best way for Ukraine to get its eastern border back.

Second, with regard to President Putin and his intentions, what I heard President Biden say yesterday is that he doesn’t believe that President Putin has yet made up his mind. And our task is together, through all of the work that we’ve been doing, to make clear the different options that President Putin actually has before him – dialogue and diplomacy on the one hand, conflict and consequences on the other hand – to hopefully deter and dissuade him from renewing his aggression against Ukraine.

Tomorrow, when I have a chance to see my Russian counterpart, I think it’s a good opportunity, because since this last week of very intensive discussions with Russia in the Strategic Stability Dialogue between the United States and Russia, the NATO-Russia Council, the OSCE, we’ve all had an opportunity to think about what we heard from each other. The Russians have had a chance, I assume, to go back and consult with President Putin. We’ve had a chance to consult closely among ourselves. And now I think we’ll be able to see further, perhaps as a result of tomorrow’s meetings, whether there is still a clear diplomatic path forward, one that Germany and the United States together are determined to pursue.

But ultimately, that’s up to President Putin. He has to decide which course to take. We’ve made very clear which course we prefer. We’ve also made very clear what we’re prepared to do if he takes the other path.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) As concerns the second part of your question, we met in the format of the Quad to coordinate our actions as the full and intensive coordination and cooperation between Germany and France takes place in different places, in a different place, but we had the opportunity to meet recently and we will continue to meet in the foreseeable future.

But it is obvious that we plan to visit Ukraine together in the very near future as far as Minsk is concerned with an eye to the Minsk Agreement, because the situation in Donbas is especially, under pandemic circumstances, very – making life very difficult for the people there, in humanitarian terms, amongst others, and thus, the two of us will make the point of visiting exactly that part of the country. And then we’ll be using different formats to prepare the resumption of the Normandy Format discussions.

MR PRICE: Our final question goes to Shaun Tandon of the AFP.

QUESTION: Hi, thank you. If I could ask a question on a slightly different topic but also touches on Russia – Iran. Both of you mentioned that time is running out on Iran for the negotiations.

Mr. Secretary, you said that you discussed next steps if there’s not mutual compliance. Could you outline what those next steps would be on the part of the United States and Germany and allies? And how are the negotiations going on in Vienna right now? Are you optimistic about getting there?

If I could add on that, President Raisi of Iran was in Moscow this week. Do you think the Russians are playing a constructive role in Iran? How do you assess that?

And Mr. Secretary, if I could ask you something somewhat different, so-called Havana syndrome. I’m sure you’ve seen that there was intelligence report, intelligence conclusion, interim conclusion that this was not an orchestrated campaign. You yourself have said that you’ve raised this with Russia in the past. Does the United States plan to keep raising this with Russia, and do you agree with this assessment? Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: Go ahead.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Shaun, thanks very much. First, with regard to Iran and the status of the talks. We’re now in the midst of the eighth round of talks in Vienna, and as both of us have said, we have reached what is an urgent point. The longer this goes on – which is why it can’t go on much longer – the more Iran will continue to advance its nuclear program, a program that was stopped by the JCPOA, by the nuclear deal, but that was resumed by Iran when we pulled out of it, and the shorter and shorter the so-called breakout time will become that is the time it would take Iran to produce enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon.

So there is real urgency, and this is really now a matter of weeks where we determine whether or not we can return to mutual compliance with the agreement. My own assessment, talking to all of our colleagues, is that returning to mutual compliance remains possible. We’ve seen, I would say, some modest progress in the last couple of weeks in the talks, but we are not where we need to be. And if we don’t get there very soon, we will have to take a different course. And yes, indeed, we discussed exactly that today with our allies and partners. We did that in the Quad with Germany, with France, with the United Kingdom, and we discussed together the steps that we would take together if Iran refuses to return to compliance with the agreement on terms that are acceptable to all of us.

Second, with regard to the anomalous health incidents that you refer to, look, I have no higher priority as Secretary than the health and safety of all of our colleagues and their families. That’s something that I take as my highest responsibility. It’s also a responsibility that is felt across the entire United States Government, starting with the President, all of my colleagues in the cabinet across multiple agencies. And we had been working overtime to try to understand what happened, who might be responsible, and at the same time, to do everything we can to care for our colleagues who’ve been affected and to protect people.

I’ve talked directly face to face, on the phone, by video with colleagues from the State Department around the world who have been affected, who have reported real experiences, real suffering, real symptoms. And when you talk to people, when you hear them, when you hear what they’ve been through, there is no doubt in my mind but that they have had real experiences, real symptoms, and real suffering. And we are going to continue to do everything we can with all the resources we can bring to bear to understand, again, what happened, why, and who might be responsible. And we are leaving no stone unturned.

Meanwhile, as I said, we are also very focused on caring for anyone who has experienced a health incident. And one of the things I had a chance to do just a couple of weeks ago was to visit the extraordinary facility at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, where those who’ve been affected have the opportunity to benefit from the best medical care in the world. So we will continue to do everything possible for our people. We’ll continue to try to understand what’s happened, what the causes are for what people have experienced, and we will leave no stone unturned to get to the bottom of it.

FOREIGN MINISTER BAERBOCK: (Via interpreter) If I may also comment, as far as Iran is concerned, the negotiations in Vienna have not entered a decisive phase, but the decisive phase, because we are in the truest sense of the expression running out of time, because parallel to the ongoing negotiations, Iran is increasing the nuclear spiral of escalation. Uranium enrichment up to the level of 60 percent has been achieved by Iran is unparalleled for a country that has no nuclear weapons. And there’s no plausible explanation for that, nor has Iran tried to provide such a plausible explanation. We talked about this today, and in our talks today we highlighted what Tony Blinken just said: these weeks are the decisive weeks. Our objective is to maintain and to preserve the agreement and, above all, to make Iran see sense and to ensure that Iran can no further increase its enrichment capacity.

We, as I said, engage as the members of the Quad. The members of the E3 sent out a letter right before Christmas to Iran. We – I took it all to up with the Russian foreign minister who I met the day before yesterday. Direct talks have taken place, directly engaging with Iran. I talked about this today when I talked to my Chinese counterpart, and undoubtedly my colleague will take it up tomorrow. So that, I think, is an indication of the fact that it is not only the Quad that plays a part here, but that we are all working the same direction. Also there’s been change with – exchange with China and Russia.

Thank you for the press conference, and I wish you continuing good talks, Tony.


Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with German Chancellor Scholz
01/20/2022
Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with German Chancellor Scholz
01/20/2022 01:41 PM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz met in Berlin today. Chancellor Scholz and Secretary Blinken reaffirmed our shared commitment to further strengthen the U.S. – Germany partnership and emphasized the importance of the transatlantic bond to global security and prosperity. The Chancellor and the Secretary reiterated our steadfast support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and joint commitment to impose massive consequences and severe costs should Russia escalate its aggression against Ukraine. They also discussed the challenges posed by the People’s Republic of China and our shared determination to uphold universal values. The two further noted the urgency of reaching an understanding on a mutual return to full implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action before the window to do so closes.


Secretary Antony J. Blinken And Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov Before Their Meeting
01/21/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken And Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov Before Their Meeting
01/21/2022 07:31 AM EST

Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Geneva, Switzerland

Hotel Wilson

FOREIGN MINISTER LAVROV: (Via interpreter) State Secretary, colleagues, we’re very grateful to you for this proposal to hold talks in Geneva in the context of the work that was started on the security guarantees. When you made the phone call to me and proposed that we meet to achieve greater clarity with regard to our concerns, we believed that to be a very good idea, because we believe that it would help you come up with concrete answers to our concerns, to our proposals, and, if need be, to come up with counter proposals.

Yesterday we spent a great deal of time to familiarize ourselves with the large body of information prepared by State Department about Russia’s alleged misinformation. It is with great interest that I read them, but I do hope that not everyone in the State Department was working on those materials and there were some who worked on the essence of our proposals, on their substance.

So I heard one of your last statements during your European tour when you said that you did not expect a breakthrough from these negotiations. We do not expect a breakthrough at these negotiations either. What we expect is concrete answers to our concrete proposals in the vein and in compliance with the obligations that were adopted at the highest level within the OSCE. I’m referring particularly to the principle of indivisibility of security, as well as the obligation of countries not to strengthen their own security at the expense of security of others. We would very much be interested to listen to how the U.S. interprets these obligations and these principles.

Thank you, and once again, I’m very glad to see you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Sergey, thank you very much. It’s good to see you as well, and I appreciate this opportunity for all of us to get together. This is part of an ongoing effort to de-escalate tensions and to prevent further Russian aggression against Ukraine. I come from consulting with allies and partners, as well as from Ukraine itself. That too is part of an ongoing effort to work closely, coordinate with, consult with all of our allies and partners who share our deep concerns about the moment we’re in. We are – all of us – equally committed to the path of diplomacy and dialogue to try to resolve our differences.

But we’re also committed, if that proves impossible and Russia decides to pursue aggression against Ukraine, to a united, swift, and severe response. I do want to take this opportunity to share directly with you the common view of allies and partners, as well as concrete ideas to address some of the concerns that you’ve raised, as well as the deep concerns that many of us have about Russia’s actions. I’ll also make clear the fundamental principles that we are committed to defend.

I also want to say, Sergey, that we need to talk about two U.S. citizens, Paul Whelan and Trevor Reed, who were tourists in Russia, were arrested, convicted without credible evidence, and we again ask Russia to do the right thing and let them come home.

But the bottom line is this: This is a critical moment. You’re right, we don’t expect to resolve our differences here today. But I do hope and expect that we can test whether the path of diplomacy, of dialogue, remains open. We’re committed to walking that path, to resolving our differences peacefully, and I hope we can test that proposition today and see where we go from here. Thanks for being here.

Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Press Availability
01/21/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Press Availability
01/21/2022 10:20 AM EST

Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Geneva, Switzerland

Intercontinental Hotel

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good afternoon. Foreign Minister Lavrov and I finished our meeting a short while ago, and I first want to begin by thanking Switzerland for hosting us, for its traditional hospitality, which is very much appreciated.

I came to Geneva following up on last week’s discussions at the U.S.-Russia Strategic Stability Dialogue, the NATO-Russia Council, and the OSCE on the crisis in Ukraine and broader European security issues. Our objective was to determine whether Russia is prepared to take the diplomatic path and other necessary steps to de-escalate the situation in Ukraine and, ultimately, to resolve our differences through diplomacy and through dialogue.

The discussion today with Minister Lavrov was frank and substantive. I conveyed the position of the United States and our European allies and partners that we stand firmly with Ukraine in support of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We’ve been clear: If any Russian military forces move across Ukraine’s border, that’s a renewed invasion. It will be met with swift, severe, and a united response from the United States and our partners and allies.

We also know from experience that Russia has an extensive playbook of aggression short of military action, including cyber attacks, paramilitary tactics, and other means of advancing their interests aggressively without overtly using military action. Those types of Russian aggression will also be met with a decisive, calibrated, and again, united response.

That’s the clear message coming out of my meetings on Wednesday in Ukraine with President Zelenskyy, Foreign Minister Kuleba; yesterday in Germany with my counterparts from Germany, the UK, France, and the European Union; and with German Chancellor Scholz. We’re united in our commitment to finding a way forward through diplomacy and dialogue, but equally in our resolve to impose massive consequences should Russia choose the path of confrontation and conflict.

I expressed again to Minister Lavrov that on the security concerns that Russia has raised in recent weeks, the United States and our European allies and partners are prepared to pursue possible means of addressing them in a spirit of reciprocity, which means, simply put, that Russia must also address our concerns. There are several steps that we can take – all of us, Russia included – to increase transparency, to reduce risks, to advance arms control, to build trust.

I conveyed directly to Minister Lavrov our specific concerns for Russia’s actions that challenge or undermine peace and security not only in Ukraine but throughout Europe and, indeed, in the world. I also laid out several ideas to reduce tensions and increase security which we’ve developed in consultation with our partners and allies and where we believe we can find common ground, again, based on the principle of reciprocity.

This was not a negotiation but a candid exchange of concerns and ideas. I made clear to Minister Lavrov that there are certain issues and fundamental principles that the United States and our partners and allies are committed to defend. That includes those that would impede the sovereign right of the Ukrainian people to write their own future. There is no trade space there – none.

Foreign Minister Lavrov and I also talked about the way forward. Let me say as well that he heard from us and from me that what is for us an inviolable rule: nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine, nothing about NATO without NATO, nothing about Europe without Europe. Based on our discussion, I believe we can carry forward this work of developing understanding agreements together that ensure our mutual security, but that’s contingent on Russia stopping its aggression toward Ukraine.

So that’s the choice that Russia faces now. It can choose the path of diplomacy that can lead to peace and security or the path that will lead only to conflict, severe consequences, and international condemnation. The United States and our allies and partners in Europe stand ready to meet Russia on either path, and we will continue to stand with Ukraine.

I believe that Foreign Minister Lavrov now has a better understanding of our position and vice versa. Today’s discussion was useful in that sense, and that’s precisely why we met.

So I’ll return to Washington this afternoon to consult with President Biden and our entire national security team, as well as members of Congress, and critically, allies and partners in the days ahead. Based on the discussions today, Foreign Minister Lavrov and I agreed that it’s important for the diplomatic process to continue. I told him that following the consultations that we’ll have in the coming days with allies and partners, we anticipate that we will be able to share with Russia our concerns and ideas in more detail and in writing next week. And we agreed to further discussions after that. We agreed as well that further diplomatic discussions would be the preferable way forward, but again, it is really up to Russia to decide which path it will pursue.

I should mention as well that the foreign minister and I had an opportunity to discuss Iran, an example of how the United States and Russia can work together on security issues of shared concern. The talks with Iran about a mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA have reached a decisive moment. If a deal is not reached in the next few weeks, Iran’s ongoing nuclear advances will make it impossible to return to the JCPOA.

But right now, there’s still a window, a brief one, to bring those talks to a successful conclusion and address the remaining concerns of all sides. We didn’t expect any major breakthroughs to happen today, but I believe we are now on a clearer path in terms of understanding each other’s concerns, each other’s positions. Let’s see what the next the next days bring.

And with that, I’m happy to take your questions.

MR PRICE: Andrea Mitchell.

QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Mr. Lavrov has spoken today about hysterical rhetoric, what he calls hysterical rhetoric from the West about an invasion, he claims, to provoke Ukraine. And President Biden said that with what has happened so far, that he believes that Putin will move in because he’s got to do something.

So do you think, as of today, that you have a better understanding from Mr. Lavrov, first of all, of what Putin’s intentions are? Do you have any commitment at all that they will stop the aggression that you say is standing in the way of any positive agreement?

He says that you are going to present written responses, which you’ve just confirmed, but he wants them to be to his original proposals, which you and everyone in the administration has said from the beginning are non-starters, proposals to limit NATO expansion. So will your written answers have any different response to him about NATO expansion, which you just said is nothing, is not negotiable? So where do you see a space for any kind of engagement to defuse this crisis?

And as you – since you brought up Iran, do you think there is the possibility, after talking to Mr. Lavrov, that you and Russia – the U.S. and Russia – and the other allies can get Iran – agree to come into compliance? And will the U.S. then agree to lift sanctions perhaps simultaneously? Thank you very much.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks very much, Andrea. First, we’re not proceeding on the basis of emotion. We’re proceeding on the basis of fact and history. The facts are that Russia has amassed very significant forces on Ukraine’s border and continues to do so – 100,000 troops most recently, including forces deployed to Belarus that would give Russia the capacity, if President Putin so chooses, to attack Ukraine from the south, from the east, from the north. And we’ve seen plans to undertake a variety of destabilizing actions, some of them short of the overuse of force, to destabilize Ukraine, to topple the government, a variety of things.

So, as I said, this is not on the basis of emotion. It’s on the basis of fact and also history. Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014, seizing Crimea, provoking an ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine, the Donbas, changing Ukraine’s borders by force. That’s what we’re looking at. We’ve heard Russian officials say that they have no intention of invading Ukraine. In fact, Minister Lavrov repeated that to me today. But again, we’re looking at what is visible to all, and it is deeds and actions, not words that make the difference. I suggested to Minister Lavrov, as we have repeatedly, that if Russia wants to begin to convince the world that it has no aggressive intent toward Ukraine, a very good place to start would be by de-escalating, by bringing back, removing its forces from Ukraine’s borders, as well as engaging in diplomacy and dialogue, which is what we did today and what we plan to continue doing in the days and weeks ahead.

We’ve said all along that we intended not only to respond to the concerns that Russia has raised, but to share our own concerns, which are many, about the actions that Russia takes that we see as a threat to security in Europe, and indeed, beyond. And so it was important in the course of the conversations that we’ve had today, Andrea, both last week at the Strategic Stability Dialogue between the United States and Russia, at the NATO-Russia Council, at the OSCE, to make sure that we fully understood each other’s positions, each other’s concerns.

After that and after consulting very intensely with allies and partners, President Biden wanted me to have this opportunity, having digested what we’ve heard over the last week and maybe – and presumably the Russians having had an opportunity to discuss what they had heard initially from us with President Putin – to really see where we are directly with Foreign Minister Lavrov, to determine whether there is a path forward for dialogue and for diplomacy, and then to look at how we would pursue that. And again, what was agreed today, which was that we will share with Russia a response to the concerns it’s raised, our own concerns, and put some ideas on the table for consideration. And then we plan to meet again after Russia’s had an opportunity to look at that paper and we’ll see where we go from there.

But let me also be clear about this: To the extent that Russia’s engaged for now in diplomacy, but at the same time continues to take escalatory actions, continues to build its forces on Ukraine’s borders, continues to plan for aggressive action against Ukraine, we and all of our allies and partners are equally committed to make sure we are doing everything possible to make clear to Russia that there will be, as I said, a swift, severe, and united response to any form of aggression by Russia directed toward Ukraine.

Finally, let me say this: Based on the conversation today, Andrea, look, I believe that there are areas where, on a reciprocal basis, we can address some of each other’s concerns. And they go to things like greater transparency in our military activities, various risk-reduction measures, pursuing arms control, and other ways to build trust that I think would address some of the concerns that Russia has expressed as well as the many concerns that we have.

But it’s very important to be equally clear about things that we will not do, and one of those is we will not go back on the fundamental principles that we have and that we are committed to defend. And one of those is NATO’s open door and others include, as I’ve talked about in recent days and recent weeks, our commitment to the principle that one nation can’t simply violate and change the border of another country by force, that it can’t propose to dictate to another country its choices, its policies, with whom it will associate, and that it can’t exert a sphere of influence that would subjugate its neighbors to its will. We’re not going to put any of those principles in question, and I think Russia understands that very well.

So again, based on the conversations we’ve had over – the extensive conversations over the past week and today here in Geneva, I think there are grounds for and a means to address some of the mutual concerns that we have about security. We’ll see if that bears out. And meanwhile, we will continue to prepare resolutely to both paths that we’ve laid out for Russia: the path of diplomacy and dialogue or the path of renewed aggression, confrontation, and consequences.

MR PRICE: Michael Crowley.

QUESTION: And your —

MR PRICE: I’m sorry, Andrea. We have very limited time. Michael Crowley.

QUESTION: And your – the question about Iran, Mr. —

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Oh, I’m sorry, I – (inaudible) to address that. So on Iran, I have to say that Russia shares our sense of urgency, the need to see if we can come back into mutual compliance in the weeks ahead. And we hope that Russia will use the influence that it has and relationship that it has with Iran to impress upon Iran that sense of urgency, and equally, that if we’re unable to do that because Iran refuses to undertake the obligations that are necessary, that we will pursue a different path in dealing with the danger posed by Iran’s renewed nuclear program, a program that had been put in a box by the agreement that we had reached in the past, the JCPOA, and that unfortunately has now escaped from that box as a result of us pulling out of the agreement and Iran restarting its dangerous program.

MR PRICE: Michael.

QUESTION: Thank you, Secretary Blinken. After four fairly inconclusive meetings between U.S. diplomats and Russian ones, does this process need to move to the presidential level for a breakthrough? Does President Biden need to be speaking to President Putin for progress really to be made here?

And a second question if I may: In Berlin, you outlined the stakes of this crisis, including the security – the sanctity of borders and the governing principles of international peace and security. Yet President Biden several weeks ago said that the use of American military force is off the table in this situation. While I’m sure that makes intuitive sense to many Americans for all kinds of reasons, I wonder if you could just explicitly lay out the reasoning why that has been taken off the table. And do you believe the President’s statement would still apply even if Russia were to invade Ukraine? Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: First, on the second part of the question, we have made clear and done a number of things in support and defense of Ukraine that will continue. First and foremost, we have worked in very close coordination with allies and partners to develop and make clear to Russia the consequences from renewed aggression against Ukraine. And that is an important component of deterring and dissuading Russia from engaging in that course.

At the same time, we have proceeded with providing Ukraine with significant defensive military assistance – in fact, in this year alone, more than at any time since 2014. That continues. Allies and partners are doing the same. And finally, we’ve worked very closely with allies and partners to begin to plan for the reinforcement of NATO itself on its eastern flank in the event of further Russian aggression against Ukraine. All of these things to make clear to Russia the costs and consequences of its potential actions.

We think that’s the best and most effective way to convince Russia not to engage in further aggression against Ukraine. Ukraine is a very valued partner of the United States and other countries in Europe as well, but our Article 5 commitment extends to NATO Allies, something that we are deeply committed to. Ukraine is not a member of NATO and it’s not covered by the Article 5 commitment, but a determination to do everything we can to defend it and to prevent or deter aggression directed toward it. And as I said, we will continue all of those efforts in the coming days and coming weeks even as we test whether the path to a diplomatic resolution is possible.

And I’m sorry, the first part of the question?

QUESTION: Dialogue between the presidents to move the process more quickly than it has been (inaudible).

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Oh, yes, thank you. What we’ve agreed today is that we will share in writing next week our ideas, our response to concerns that Russia has raised, concerns that we have that we will share, again, in writing with Russia. We intend based on the conversation today, based on that paper, as well as the paper we received from Russia, to have follow-on conversations after that – initially, at least, at least at the level of foreign ministers. And if it proves useful and productive for the two presidents to meet, to talk, to engage to try to carry things forward, I think we’re fully prepared to do that. President Biden has met here in Geneva with President Putin. He’s spoken to him on the phone or via videoconference on a number of occasions. And if we conclude and the Russians conclude that the best way to resolve things is through a further conversation between them, we’re certainly prepared to do that.

MR PRICE: Ben Hall.

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, thank you. I was wondering if – as you keep coming back for more dialogue, more talks with the Russians, they continue to act. They continue to mass troops; they continue to destabilize Ukraine. Economically, it’s facing a number of hardships. Would you acknowledge the harm they have already done just through their aggressive actions, and in turn, why would you not consider sanctions at this point? There’s bipartisan support for them in the U.S.; Ukraine have called for them. Why not?

And then a second question: You said time and time again that the pretexts Russia gives for their aggression are false, there’s no basis in fact. I’m curious if Secretary – Foreign Minister Lavrov sits opposite you, looks you in the eye, and tell you effectively – tells you lies to your face. And if so, why humor with them with a response? Why humor them with written responses next week, if that’s the case?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thanks, Ben. First, again, we’re not waiting to take action to counter Russia. As I said a moment ago, we’ve committed more security assistance to Ukraine in the past year – I think something like $650 million – than at any previous time, going back to 2014 when Russia invaded Ukraine. We’re continuing to provide that assistance. We have additional deliveries that are scheduled in the coming weeks.

As I noted as well, we’ve been engaged in extensive diplomacy around the world, rallying allies and partners together in the face of Russian aggression against Ukraine. Yesterday, we announced actions against agents of Russian influence who are operating in Ukraine and who are seeking to destabilize the country. And again, as I’ve said, we’ve made it clear to Russia that they would face swift, severe costs to their economy if they move forward with further invasion of Ukraine, as well as the reinforcement of NATO along its eastern flank.

We engage in diplomacy and dialogue; that’s my job. But at the same time, we are embarked on a path of defense and deterrence. These things are not mutually inconsistent – in fact, they reinforce each other. So even as we’re talking, if the Russians are continuing to escalate and to build up, we are continuing to strengthen everything we’re doing in terms of the assistance we’re providing to Ukraine for its defense, in terms of the work we’re doing at NATO to prepare as necessary to further reinforce the Alliance, and continuing to define and refine massive consequences for Russia with our allies and partners when it comes to financial, economic and other sanctions.

So we’re doing both at the same time. Now, when it comes to the conversations we have, I think the charitable interpretation would be that sometimes we and Russia have different interpretations of history. And I have to say today we certainly heard things that we strongly disagree with in terms of in terms of that history, but by and large, the conversation was not polemical. It was direct, businesslike, and I think in that sense, useful. And it’s important to test whether we can, again, resolve these differences through diplomacy and dialogue. That’s clearly the preferable way to do it, it’s clearly the responsible way to do it, but it’s also up to Russia.

MR PRICE: We’ll take a final question from Laurent Burkhalter.

QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Laurent Burkhalter, Swiss Television RTS. I wanted to talk about the measures that can be taken to de-escalate the situation – you’ve mentioned them – from both sides. If you could specify them again and tell us an idea of the timeline, how soon it must happen, which comes first. And bigger picture, what do you think the Kremlin wants through this current situation?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, that last question is probably best addressed to President Putin because, in a sense, only he really knows. And I’ll come back to that in a minute. But again, as I was saying earlier, I think that as we’ve looked at what Russia has put forward, as we’ve listened to what they’ve said, as we’ve consulted intensely among allies and partners, as we’ve looked at our own deep security concerns about actions that Russia takes – not only with regard to Ukraine, but in other places and by other means in Europe and beyond – I think it is fair to say that there are areas where we believe we can pursue dialogue and diplomacy to see if we can find ways to address mutual security concerns on a reciprocal basis that would enhance security for everyone – for us, for our European allies and partners, and for Russia.

And again, as I suggested earlier, transparency, confidence-building measures, military exercises, arms control agreements – these are all things that we’ve actually done in the past and that, if addressed seriously, can I believe reduce tensions and address some of the some of the concerns. But again, that remains to be seen whether we can do that in a meaningful way. And there again it depends, I think, on what Russia actually wants. That is the right question.

And here’s what is striking to me, and I shared this with Foreign Minister Lavrov today. I asked him, from Russia’s perspective, to really try to explain to me, to us how it is they see the actions they’ve taken as advancing their stated security interests and their broader strategic interests. Because as I said to Minister Lavrov, so many of the things that you’ve done in recent years have precipitated virtually everything you say you want to prevent.

Before Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014, seizing Crimea, going into the Donbas, Russia’s favorability ratings in Ukraine were 70 percent. Now they’re 25 or 30 percent. Before 2014, before they went and seized Crimea and went into the Donbas, support in Ukraine for joining NATO was 25 or 30 percent. Now it’s 60 percent. Before 2014, we had been continuing on the path of continuing to reduce while at the same time strengthening our forces in Europe since the end of the Cold War. Well, what happened after 2014 is NATO felt the obligation, because of Russian aggression, to reinforce its eastern flank. And since 2014, our efforts over many years to convince allies and partners to increase defense spending, well, that succeeded, but I have to say, as much because of Russia and the actions it’s taken as because of anything we’ve done.

So based on Russia’s stated strategic interests and concerns, how has that – how have their actions advanced those concerns? On the contrary, it’s gone in the opposite direction from what Russia purports to want. And now, if Russia renews its aggression against Ukraine, the outcome will be to simply reinforce the very things, the very trends that Russia expresses concern about. So I hope that that’s something that Mr. Lavrov reflects on and that President Putin might reflect on as they think about the days and weeks ahead. Thank you.

MR PRICE: Thank you, Mr. Secretary.


Secretary Antony J. Blinken With George Stephanopoulos of ABC’s Good Morning America
01/21/2022
Secretary Antony J. Blinken With George Stephanopoulos of ABC’s Good Morning America
01/21/2022 10:51 AM EST

Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State

Geneva, Switzerland

QUESTION: Secretary of State Antony Blinken just met with the Russian foreign minister. He joins us live right now. Mr. Secretary, thank you for joining us this morning. I know you’ve said there were no breakthroughs.

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Good morning, George.

QUESTION: There were – you said there were no breakthroughs this morning, but what did you achieve specifically?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: George, we didn’t anticipate there’d be any breakthroughs, but what we were doing is testing whether there is still a path forward for diplomacy, for dialogue, to resolve a crisis that Russia has created by massing 100,000 forces on Ukraine’s border and threatening to renew its aggression against Ukraine.

And so in the last couple of weeks we’ve been engaged in intense diplomacy, including conversations with Russia directly, with the United States at NATO, at the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, among allies and partners. And based on that, President Biden asked me to meet today with my Russian counterpart, Foreign Minister Lavrov, to see if there is a path forward for diplomacy and dialogue to resolve this potential crisis and to see where we were. And that’s exactly what we did today.

We had an opportunity to look at where we can go next in this, and I think we at least have some opportunity to continue to work to resolve this diplomatically.

QUESTION: Bottom line, are we closer or further away from war?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: You’d really have to ask President Putin. It’s ultimately going to be President Putin who decides what Russia will do. But here’s where we are: Based on what we’ve heard in the last couple of weeks, we will put in writing both some deep concerns that we and other allies and partners have about Russia’s actions, not just with regard to Ukraine but more broadly when it comes to things that it does that threaten security. We’ll address some of the concerns that Russia has raised with us, and we’ll put some ideas on the table for how we might actually strengthen each other’s sense of security going forward. And then based on that and based on Russia’s response, we anticipate that we’ll get together again across the table and see if we continue to advance this through diplomacy.

But George, at the same time that we’re doing that we’re also very conscious that Russia continues to have these forces on Ukraine’s border, it continues to strengthen them, it continues to take steps that are escalatory not de-escalatory. And we will continue to do what we’ve been doing, which is building a very strong, united response from allies and partners to any renewed Russian aggression. It’s very clear, and I made that clear again today to Minister Lavrov, that any renewed aggression will face massive consequences, and coming from us, from Europe, and other allies and partners.

And so there are basically two paths ahead. One is through diplomacy and dialogue. The other is Russian aggression that will have serious consequences.

QUESTION: Even if it’s, to use President Biden’s words, a minor incursion into Ukraine?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: We’ve been very clear with Russia that any Russian forces going into Ukraine constitute an invasion that will be receiving a very swift, united, and severe response. At the same time, based on history, we’re acutely aware of other things that Russia does short of actually sending uniforms into another country to try to destabilize it, topple its government, hybrid actions, cyber attacks, et cetera. I made equally clear to Minister Lavrov that we will respond to those too in a swift, severe, and united way, but that is proportionate to what Russia does.

QUESTION: We only have about 15 seconds left. Is this going to take a summit between the President and President Putin to solve?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, they’ve – as you know right here in Geneva they met some months ago. They’ve talked on the phone since then; they’ve been on videoconferences. If it proves productive, useful to try to resolve things through direct conversation between presidents, that’s certainly something we’re prepared to do. Right now the plan is to take stock of where we are next week after we share some ideas with Russia, and then —

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, Secretary Blinken, thank you very much.


Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Swiss President and Foreign Minister Cassis
01/21/2022
Secretary Blinken’s Meeting with Swiss President and Foreign Minister Cassis
01/21/2022 01:05 PM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met with Swiss President and Foreign Minister Ignazio Cassis today in Geneva. Secretary Blinken and President Cassis discussed the strong bilateral relationship between the United States and Switzerland, as well as regional peace and security issues, including the need to prevent further escalation of the security situation near Ukraine’s borders. The Secretary expressed his appreciation to Switzerland for hosting the U.S.-Russia Summit and Strategic Stability Dialogue meetings and for serving as our protecting power in Iran for four decades.


Secretary Blinken’s Call with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba
01/21/2022
Secretary Blinken’s Call with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Kuleba
01/21/2022 01:39 PM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:

Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke by phone today with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba at the conclusion of his trip to Europe to address Russia’s unprovoked military buildup near Ukraine’s borders. The Secretary briefed Foreign Minister Kuleba on his meetings with Allied and Russian officials in Berlin and Geneva and underscored that any further Russian incursion will be met with a swift, severe, and united response from the United States and our Allies. The Secretary reaffirmed the United States’ unwavering support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and stressed there would be no decisions about Ukraine, without Ukraine.


Disarming Disinformation
01/21/2022
Disarming Disinformation
01/20/2022 11:25 AM EST


Disarming Disinformation: Our Shared Responsibility


“There is truth and there are lies. Lies told for power and for profit. And each of us has a duty and responsibility, as citizens, as Americans, and especially as leaders – leaders who have pledged to honor our Constitution and protect our nation — to defend the truth and to defeat the lies.”Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
President of the United States

Disinformation is one of the Kremlin’s most important and far-reaching weapons. Russia has operationalized the concept of perpetual adversarial competition in the information environment by encouraging the development of a disinformation and propaganda ecosystem. This ecosystem creates and spreads false narratives to strategically advance the Kremlin’s policy goals. There is no subject off-limits to this firehose of falsehoods. Everything from human rights and environmental policy to assassinations and civilian-killing bombing campaigns are fair targets in Russia’s malign playbook.

Truth disarms Russia’s disinformation weapons. The Kremlin creates and spreads disinformation in an attempt to confuse and overwhelm people about Russia’s real actions in Ukraine, Georgia, and elsewhere in Europe. Because the truth is not in the Kremlin’s favor, Russia’s intelligence services create, task, and influence websites that pretend to be news outlets to spread lies and sow discord. Disinformation is a quick and fairly cheap way to destabilize societies and set the stage for potential military action. Despite having been exposed for engaging in these malign activities countless times, Russia continues to work counter to international norms and global stability.


“We see a significant effort to push propaganda against Ukraine, NATO, and the United States. That includes malign social media operations, the use of overt and covert online proxy media outlets, the infection of disinformation into TV and radio programming, hosting conferences designed to influence attendees into falsely believing that Ukraine – not Russia – is at fault for heightened tensions in the region, and the leveraging of cyber operations to deface media outlets and conduct ‘hack and release’ operations – that is, hacking, and then releasing private data and communications.”Antony J. Blinken
Secretary of State
Fact Sheets
Fact vs. Fiction: Russian Disinformation on Ukraine

JANUARY 20, 2022

The Kremlin has launched widespread disinformation campaigns, imprisoned journalists, shut down independent media outlets, and attacked its opposition.
Russia’s Top Five Persistent Disinformation Narratives

JANUARY 20, 2022

Russia has long exploited the “Illusion of Truth” effect: When a lie is repeated so often that people begin to believe it. Understanding this effect can help you avoid falling for it.
Reports
Kremlin-Funded Media: RT and Sputnik’s Role in Russia’s Disinformation and Propaganda Ecosystem

JANUARY 20, 2022

Russian state-owned and state-directed media, such as RT and Sputnik play a crucial role in how Russia uses disinformation to advance its foreign policy. These state-funded, and state-directed outlets disseminate Russian narratives to foreign audiences, and regularly amplify content from the other pillars of Russia’s disinformation ecosystem, including websites associated with Russia’s intelligence services. The State Department’s Global Engagement Center’s “Kremlin-Funded Media: RT and Sputnik’s Role in Russia’s Disinformation and Propaganda Ecosystem” report exposes Kremlin-controlled organizations that masquerade as independent media.
Pillars of Russia’s Disinformation and Propaganda Ecosystem

AUGUST 2020

The State Department’s Global Engagement Center released the “Pillars of Russia’s Disinformation and Propaganda Ecosystem” report in August 2020. The report outlines the five pillars of Russia’s disinformation and propaganda ecosystem and how these pillars work together to create a media multiplier effect. In particular, it details how the tactics of one pillar, proxy sources, interact with one another to elevate malicious content and create an illusion of credibility. The report is also available in Spanish, Portuguese, Russian and Arabic.
Counter Disinformation Dispatches

The Global Engagement Center’s Counter Disinformation Dispatches summarize lessons learned about disinformation and how to counter it based on the experiences of frontline counter-disinformation practitioners, for the benefit of those newly engaged in this issue. Previous editions of the Dispatches are listed below and are also available in Spanish, Russian and French.
Exploiting Primal Fears

JANUARY 13, 2022

This Dispatch focuses on how and why fear is used in disinformation, while also showing that pointing out people’s irrational fears can help counter these false narratives.
Spinning Nemtsov’s Murder and Attempted Murders of Navalny and Skripal

OCTOBER  4, 2021

Documentary evidence on instructions given to the Internet Research Agency (IRA) troll factory following Nemtsov’s murder, and extensive propaganda/disinformation claims following the Skripal and Navalny poisonings.
The Goals and Main Tactics of Russia’s Disinformation

AUGUST 23, 2021

The overall goals are to manipulate and weaken adversaries. The main tactics for weakening adversaries are to discredit, divide, disarm, and demoralize them. Russian authorities value disinformation for its long-run, cumulative effects.
The Extraordinary Scope and Breadth of Russian Propaganda and Disinformation

JUNE 7, 2021

A comprehensive analysis of how Russia likely segments target audiences and devises themes for each of them, based on an in-depth analysis by the Lithuanian Armed Forces Strategic Communication Department and analyses by Lithuanian NGO Debunk EU, which can serve as a template for other governments or organizations interested in conducting similar analyses for their countries.
What Can We Learn from the Active Measures Working Group?

DECEMBER 1, 2020

The U.S. government’s interagency Active Measures Working Group is widely credited with causing the Soviets to stop crude, overt, anti-American disinformation in the late 1980s.  The Dispatch examines the factors for its success, with lessons that may be useful today.
Clandestine Disinformation and Agents of Influence

MARCH 23, 2021

Documentary evidence from KGB archives on how the KGB tried to influence the decisions of foreign governments in the early 1980s provides unimpeachable information on this little-known aspect of disinformation.  KGB-controlled messengers tried to convince foreign leaders that if they pursued policies opposed by the Soviet Union, this would create “nightmare scenarios” for them.  There is no reason to believe the same methods are not used today.
Building an International Disinformation Network

NOVEMBER 10, 2020

How the SVR-directed Strategic Culture Foundation partnered with Global Research (a far-left website in Canada) and The 4th Media (an obscure website in Beijing), to begin to build an international disinformation system in the early 2010s.
The Coronavirus and Disinformation: Russia Remains True to Form

MAY 27, 2020

False Russian and Chinese claims that the coronavirus is a U.S. biological weapon follow 70 years of false claims of U.S. biowarfare.
 Using Pseudo-Academic Online Journals to Amplify Fringe Voices

SEPTEMBER 28, 2020 

How the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) uses a pseudo-academic online journal, the Strategic Culture Foundation, to amplify the views of fringe voices in the West.
What Works in Debunking 

APRIL 14, 2020

Tips on debunking, the importance of discrediting, telling stories, recognizing the power of associations; how truth best competes with lies.
The Myth that Debunking Doesn’t Work

MARCH 25, 2020

The faulty social science finding that hampered counter-disinformation efforts starting in 2007.
Three Ways to Counter Disinformation

FEBRUARY 11, 2020

There are three basic ways to counter disinformation: 1) refuting disinformation claims before they can take hold, as is done in Lithuania; 2) a “counter-allegation” approach, in which one tries to correct misperceptions after they have become established; 3) a “counter-brand” approach, which emphasizes exposing the disinformer’s misdeeds as a way to discredit their false claims.
A Counter-Disinformation System That Works

JANUARY 8, 2020

How Lithuanian NGOs use algorithms, volunteer researchers, and strong media contacts to monitor, research, and debunk disinformation before it spreads widely.